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DURING    THE    YEARS    i873  -  i874. 



Membre  de  lliistitiif,  Professeur  an  College  de  France. 

Vol.    IL 

With  numerous  Illustrations  from  Drawings  made  on  the  spot  bv 
A.    LFXOMTE    DU     NOUY,    Architect. 

translated   by 

Assistant   in    the    British    Alusaun    Library. 

Published  for  the  Committee  of  the 


24,  Hanover  Square,  London. 



ST.  martin's  lane,  w.c. 


By  reason  of  certain  circumstances  which  it  would  take  too  long  to  explain, 
it  has  been  thought  advisable  to  publish  the  second  volume  of  this  work 
before  the  first.  The  Author  wishes  to  apologize  for  the  adoption  of  this 
unusual  order,  which  he  decided  upon  with  a  view  to  avoiding  further  delays. 
He  hopes  that  no  serious  inconvenience  will  be  caused,  as  the  present  volume 
forms  an  independent  whole,  devoted  to  Palestine,  but  excluding  Jerusalem 
and  its  environs,  which  will  form  the  subject  matter  of  Volume  I.  The  only 
difficulty  is  that  the  reader  will  have  to  refer  to  the  first  volume  for  the 
facsimiles  of  the  numerous  masons'  marks  mentioned  in  the  second  volume, 
as  well  as  for  those  in  the  first.  It  was  thouo-ht  that  it  would  be  best  to 
bring  together  the  main  types  of  these  marks,  classified  and  numbered,  into 
a  single  comprehensive  table,  followed  by  a  list  containing  all  the  necessary 
references,  and  the  scheme  of  the  work  made  the  first  volume  the  natural 
place  for  this  table. 

The  Author  thinks  it  incumbent  on  him  to  expressly  remind  the  reader 
that  in  this  work  he  in  no  sense  claims  to  treat  ex  professo  of  the  archaeology 
of  Palestine,  or  even  to  communicate  the  general  results  of  the  researches 
which  he  has  been  pursuing  in  that  field  for  more  than  seven  and  twenty 

He  has  endeavoured,  as  far  as  possible,  to  confine  his  remarks  to  the 
points  that  he  had  special  opportunity  of  studying  during  the  period  from 
1873  to  1874- — that  is  to  say,  in  the  course  of  the  researches  which 
the  Committee  kindly  entrusted  him  with — only  drawing  upon  the  data 
gathered  by  him  before  and  after  that  period  in  so  far  as  they  may  help 
to  throw  light  on  those  points. 

C.   C.-G. 

February,    i  S96. 


In  the  transcription  of  Arabic  words  and  names,  endeavours  have  been  made  to  conform 
as  far  as  possible  to  the  system  adopted  by  the  Survey  Party.  In  order,  however,  to 
represent  certain  shades  of  pronunciation  to  which  the  author  attaches  importance,  it  has 
been  found  necessary  to  introduce  certain  sHght  modifications.  The  chief  of  these  are 
as  follows  :  the  ain  is  represented  by  the  sign  '  instead  of ',  the  latter  being  kept  to  denote 
vowels  elided  in  the  popular  speech  ;  the  vowels  with  the  sign  w  over  them,  except  in 
Khurbet,  are  short,  furtive,  epenthetic  or  prostliciic  vowels,  which  find  their  way  in  either 
at  the  middle  or  beginning  of  words,  and  have  to  be  figured  in  order  to  give  the  latter 
their  proper  appearance  ;  the  combination  en  is  occasionally  employed  to  represent  a 
sound  analogous  to  that  which  it  has  in  French  (akin  to  o,  ii,  but  more  mute  and  very 
short).  The  diphthong  :_  has  been  rendered  sometimes  by  an  and  sometimes  by  o. 
In  several  cases  the  long  vowels  have  not  been  marked  as  such  in  certain  words 
currently  used  (thus  sheikh,  beit,  fellaliin,  etc.,  for  sheikh,  bcit,  felhiJiiii).  Occasionally 
discrepancies  will  be  noticed  in  the  transcriptions  of  the  same  words  and  names. 
These  mostly  correspond  to  local  and  individual  peculiarities  of  pronunciation,  which 
were  noted  for  what  they  were  worth,  and  which  it  was  thought  better  to  reproduce  in 
their  original  shape,  instead  of  arbitrarily  reducing  them  to  more  usual  forms. 


Prefatory  Note 

List  of  Illustrations  ............. 

CHAPTER  I. — From  Jaffa  to  Jerusalem 

II. — First  Excursion  to  Jericho 

III. — Second  Excursion  to  Jericho 

IV. — Tour  from  Jerusalem  to  Jaffa  and  the  Country  of  Samson     . 

V. — Gezer ... 

VI. — Excursion    from    Jerusalem    to    Sebaste   (Samaria),   and    from 
Sebaste  to  Gaza  . . 

APPENDIX  I. — In  search  of  Adullam,  Gezer,  Modin,  etc 

,,  II. — List  of  Antiquities  collected  in  Palestine  in  1873-4 

Addenda .  

General  Index      








A    2 


Abu  Ghosh,  Latin  inscription  in  the  Mediaeval  Church  at 

Crusaders'  Tool-Marks      .... 

Horeira,  The  wely  of        ...  . 

Shusheh,  Terra-Cotta  figure  found  at 

"Ain  Diik.  of  sarcophagus 

"Ain  Sinia,  Rock-cut  tomb  with  inscription  at    . 

"Akraba,  Greek  inscription  at    . 

"Amwas,  Sketch  plan  and  sections  of  rock-cut  tomb  with  stone 

Profile  of  cornice  of  mortar 

Greek  inscription  found  in  the  rock  tomb  at 

Ancient  sarcophagus  in  an  Arab  sebil 

Wine  or  oil  press,  views  and  sections  of 

"Asayet  Musa  ("  Moses' Rod  ") 

Ascalon.     Carved  doves  on  marble  slab    . 

"Awerta,  Cenotaph  at         ....  . 

Fragment  of  column  at        .  .         . 

el  'Azhek,  Position  of       ....         . 




67,  169 




9S>  96 







Balata,  Sarcophagus  lid  at         .....         . 

Beit  Jibrin,  Plan  and  section  of  rock-hewn  tomb  near 

Inscription  on  tomb        ...... 

View  of  Church  of  Sandahanna  at  ... 

Plan,  section,  and  details  of  Church  at  Sandahanna 

Imperial  statue  found  near      .         .         .         .         . 

Jewish  capital  ....... 

Beit  Nfiba,  Plan  of  Crusading  Church  at 

View  and  section  of  holy-water  stoup  found  at 



44B— 5' 





List  of  Ilhistratious. 


Beit  Thul,  Capital  at        .         .         . 
Bir  el  Ma'in,  Capital  in  the  VVely  at . 
Bethany,  Sculptured  stone  built  in  wall 
el  Burj,  Lintel  in  a  house  at 
B'weireh,  Lintels  at . 



74,   75 

Caesarea,  Ancient  mask  from 
Marble  statue  from 



Deir  el  Kelt,  Greek  and  Arabic  inscription  at 
Deir  Serur,  Rock-hewn  tomb  at 


E'rak  el  Kheil.     Transverse  section  of  the  gallery 

— ■ Patterns  of  the  friezes     .... 

Kriha  (Jericho),  Architectural  details  from  Tell  el  Matlab . 



17,    18,    19 

Gaza,  Courtyard  of  Greek  Convent  at 

Plan  and  sections  of  Mediaeval  Church    . 

General  plan  of  the  Great  Mosque  . 

View  of  the  fagade  of  the  Great  Mosque 

Elevation  of  the  facade  of  the  Great  Mosque 

Profile  of  the  rose  window  of  the  Great  Mosque 

Plan  and  elevation  of  the  entrance  door  of  the  Great  Mosque 

— —  Springing  point  of  the  archivolt  of  the  Great  Mosque 

Longitudinal  section  of  the  Great  Mosque 

Transverse  sections  of  the  Great  Mosque 

Details  of  string  course  of  the  Great  Mosque  . 

Elevation  of  pier  with  Hebrew  and  Greek  inscriptions 

The  bas-relief  on  pier 

• Inscriptions  discovered  at 

Sculptured  gryphon  in  white  marble 

Bas-relief  of  white  marble  (doe  or  stag) 

A  fish  carved  on  green  schist . 

A  small  figurine  of  massive  gold 

A  small  lion  of  massive  gold  . 

Sarcophagus  found  near. 

Bronze  figures  found  at 

Gezer,  Inscriptions  at 

225,  226,  228,  229,  232, 



432,  433 
233,  334 



List  of  I Ihtsf rations. 


Hajar  el  Asbah  (Stone  of  Bohan)      ..... 
Hamameh,  Sculptured  marble  head  from. 

Ivory  figure  and  scul[)tured  marble  fragment  from 

Hirsha,  Birkeh  at     .......         . 

lO 12 



Jaffa,  Rock-cut  tombs  in  the  Necropolis    . 
Inscriptions  from  the  Necropolis 

Stamped  amphora  handles  found  in  a  cave  south  of 

■  Various  inscriptions  found  at  . 

Slab  of  the  tomb  of  a  Bishop  of  the  Crusaders 

Crusading  inscriptions  from     .... 

■  Carved  stone  in  the  wall  of  a  house  at 

Jaliid,  Rock  tomb  at         .....         . 

Stone  door  in  situ  at       ....  • 

Jame'  el  Arba'in        ....... 

Carved  lintel  at        ...         . 

Jericho,  Plain  of,  showing  site  of  Hajar  el  Asbah 

Roman  inscription  found  near 

Sculptured  fragments  of  the  GrKco-Roman  period  found  near 

Jerusalem.      Base  of  column  at  the  Ecce  Homo  Arch 
Jorah,  Greek  inscriptions  from  .... 



Kaber  Bint  Nuh.     Plan  and  sections         ..... 
K'bur  Beni  Israin.     Section  and  doorway  .         ... 

el  Yahiid,  near  el  Midieh         .         .         . 

Rock-hewn  tombs  at         ....         . 

Khurbet  Dabbeh,  Greek  inscription  iiom  .... 

Deir  es  S'aideh,  Lintels  at 

el  Hahis,  Inscribed  rock  tomb  at         ...  . 

el  Kelkh,  Inscribed  baptismal  font  at  . 

Jeba",  Reservoir  at      ...••■  ■ 

Niateh,  Views  and  section  of  ancient  wine  or  oil  press  at 

Zakariyeh,  Rock-hewn  tomb  at 

el  Kok'a,  Mound  of         ...••••  ■ 

K'rein  Sartaba  ......... 

Kubib,  Plan,  sketch,  and  section  of  ancient  sepulchre  near 

Roman  inscriptions  found  at         ....         . 

Kumran,  Cemetery  of      ...-..■         • 


i37>   141— 7 

148,   149 




•        158 


■       304 

•       299 



28,   29 

38,  39 

•        336 

■       378 

•       455 

•        279 

•        374 

j75>  376 

.       163 


.      •       356 

•       357 

•         58 

•       453 




85,  86 



Lydda,  Details  and  bases  of  pillars  of  the  Medieval  Church      . 

Plan  of  the  Church      ........ 

Greek  inscription  on  one  of  the  twin  columns 

Fragments  of  Byzantine  carving  built  in  the  wall  of  the  Mosque 


to  face  104 



List  of  Ilhtstrations. 


I.ydda,  Iron  pick  found  in  a  sarcophagus  at       . 

Carved  stone,  base  of  pillar,  and  ornamentation  at 

Minaret  and  ancient  Church  at     . 

Front  and  side  view  of  the  minaret 

Bridge  of  Beibars  at     .....         . 

Arabic  inscription  on  the  bridge    .... 

Sculptured  lions  on  the  bridge      .... 

Cornice  over  the  inscription,  and  lions  on  the  bridge  at 

The  middle  arch,  masonry  of        ...  . 

■ Jewish  masonry  tomb  at        ....         . 

Inscribed  ossuary  at     . 





10,    III 




343-  344 


Mejdel  Yaba,  Lintel  with  Greek  inscription  at  . 

el  Midieh,  Plan,  views,  sections,  and  mosaic  of  el  Gherbawy  at 

Bronze  figure  from  ..... 

Sketch  of  the  N.W.  angle  of  el  Gherbawy 

Mount  Gerizim,  Double  peak  on  ....  . 
el  Mughar,  Greek  inscription  from  ..... 
Mukhmas,  Sculjnured  stone  from      ..... 








Nablus,  Capital  with  inscription  in  Mosque  at ' 

Plan  of  Jame'  en  Naser 

Section  of  Jame' en  Naser    . 

Plan  and  elevation  of  Habs  ed  Dam 

Plan  and  sections  of  the  l)uilding  over  'Ain  Kariun 

Sculptured  stones  at     . 

Greek  inscription  at      . 

Greek  inscription  at  (seen  in  the  i6th  century) 

Intaglio  from        .... 

Crusading  relic  from    . 

Limestone  vase  from    . 

Tessera  of  Egyptian  style  from 

Nahr  Riibin,  Plan  and  sketch  of  tombs  near 

View  near    .... 

Neby  Danian,  Tomb  cover  at  . 

■  Milsa,  Looking  towards  the  north-west 

Looking  towards  the  north-east 

— -   Sculptured  base  of  a  pilaster  in  the  north  wall  of 




•     315 

.    316 






•   33' 

61,  162 







Ramleh,  Details  of  the  Mosque  at    ......         . 

Sculptured  marble  Imtel  in  the  Mosque        .         .         .         . 

Carved  tessera  from    ........ 

Plan  showing  the  direction  of  places  and  roads  leading  from 


I  .o 

List  of  I!histration$. 

Sebaste  (Samaria),  Stone  door  at  Neby  Y 

Details  of  funerary  remains  at 

One  of  the  columns  at 


Seilfln,  Sarcophagus  lid  at 

Rock-cut  tombs  at 

lame'  el  Arba'in  . 

Carved  lintel  at    . 

Sijr'ah,  View  from  'ArtCif  looking  towards 


334,  335 


Taiyibeh,  Roman  milestones  near 296 

Tell  el  Kok'a 91 

el  Matlab,  Architectural  fragments  from 17,   18,   19 


Umni  el  'Eumdan,  Plan  of  Church  at 82 

Wine  or  oil  press  at     ..........         83 


Yalo.     Plan  and  sketch  of  spring  in  Wady  Kubbeh  at       .......         92 

Yebna,  View,  plans,  sections,  and  details  of  Mediseval  Church  at        .         .        169  —  172,  179,  180 
The  bridge  at 181 




Jnffii- — We  landed  at  Jaffa  on  Monday,  November  3rd,  1873,  after  a 
pretty  fair  passage  and  three  days'  quarantine  at  Alexandria.  There  we 
remained  from  the  3rd  to  the  6th,  when  we  left  for  Jerusalem.  I  took 
advantage  of  this  short  stay  to  gain  some  more  knowledge  of  the  city  and 
its  surroundings,  and  a  brief  account  of  my  observations  is  here  appended. 

Marble  Bas-relief. — Some  years  before,  on  my  first  visit  to  Palestine, 
I  had  noticed  a  large  piece  of  a  marble  bas-relief,  forming  part  of  the  flagstone 
pavement  in  a  house  belonging  to  M.  Damiany,  French  consular  agent  at 
Ramleh.  I  took  the  earliest  opportunity  after  my  arrival  of  going  to  look  at 
the  fragment  that  had  attracted  my  attention,  in  order  to  examine  it  more 
closely,  and  to  get  a  good  drawing  of  it  made  by  M.  Lecomte.  This 
bas-relief,  like  so  much  of  the  old  stone-work  used  in  the  construction  of  the 
houses  at  Jaffa,  came  from  Ca^sarea,  the  ruins  of  which  town  have  been,  and 
still  are,  worked  by  the  inhabitants  of  Jaffa  in  the  same  way  as  a  quarry. 

Of  this  bas-relief,  which  is  of  fine  white  marble,  there  only  remains  a 
fragment,  measuring  20  inches  by  15  inches.  It  represents  a  large  tragic 
mask,  much  mutilated  and  broken  from  the  nose  downwards.  The  head, 
viewed  from  the  front,  is  rather  finely  done,  and  may  belong  to  a  good  period 
of  Grseco-Roman  art.  To  judge  by  the  dressing  of  the  hair,  which  is  wavy, 
by  the  arrangement  of  the  fillet  which  encircles  it,  and  by  the  general 
appearance  of  the  physiognomy,  this  mask  probably  belonged  to  a  female 
head — perhaps  a  Gorgon's.  The  eyes  are  deeply  sunken,  and  the  mouth, 
_  which  is  to  a  great  extent  wanting,  was  doubtless  open,  with  the  conventional 
^  B 

Arch(?olos:icaI  Researches  in  Palestine. 

grin  of  the  classical  scenic  mask.  A  fragment  of  cable-moulding  on  the  left 
side  of  the  head,  and  the  top  of  a  wing  on  the  right,  seem  to  point  to  its 
having  formed  part  of  some  decorative  scheme. 

Other  details  again  would  lead  one  to  suppose  that  this  decoration 
was  arranged  with  a  view  to  being  looked  at  from  below,  so  that  it  is  more 
likely  to  have  belonged  to  the  upper  frieze  of  some  large  architectural 
monument  than  to  have  formed  part  of  the  ornamentation  of  a  sarcophagus. 
May  not  this  be  a  fragment  of  the  magnificent  theatre  or  of  the  amphi- 
theatre built  at  Csesarea  by  Herod  ? 



We  made  a  circuit  round  the  town,  carefully  examining  the  wall  of 
circumvallation  to  detect  traces  of  ancient  work  or  material.  I  noticed, 
especially  on  the  north  side,  towards  the  sea,  a  considerable  number  of  fine 
blocks  with  bossages ;  the  natives  assured  me  that  these  had  been  brought 
from  Caesarea  and  Acre. 

—  Here  and  there  along  the  wall  there  are  distinctly  traceable  old 
foundations,  now  partly  under  water.  I  went  in  a  boat  along  the  southern 
portion  of  the  wall  that  separates  the  town  from  the  sea.  On  the  further 
side  of  the  projecting  bastion,  on  which  stand  the  light-house  and  the 
legendary  House  of  St.  Peter,  there  stretches  a  regular  harbour  of  slight 
depth  where  the  boats  continually  touch  the  bottom.  This  harbour  is 
surrounded  by  a  belt  of  rocks,  and  goes  by  the  name  of  Birket  el  Kainar, 

From  Jaffa  to  Jcrusaleni.  3 

the  "  Pool  of  the  Moon."  All  this  part  of  the  place,  and  the  coast  that 
borders  it,  would  well  repay  minute  exploration— the  beach  is  covered  with 
ruins  apparently  ancient. 

• — ■  There  is  now  living  in  Jaffa  a  certain  Mussulman  named  'Aly  Sido, 
a  retired  master  mason.  This  man,  now  of  an  advanced  age,  directed  all 
the  works  that  were  set  on  foot  at  the  beginning  of  the  century  (?)  by  the 
legendary  Abu  Nabbut,  Governor  of  Jaffa,  the  same  that  gave  his  name  to 
the  pretty  fountain,  or  Sebil  Abu  Nabbut,  which  is  to  be  seen  near  his 
tomb,  some  ten  minutes'  journey  from  the  town  as  you  go  to  Jerusalem. 
It  would  be  most  interesting  to  gather  from  his  mouth,  on  the  spot,  precise 
information,  in  technical  terms,  of  the  extensive  alterations  that  Jaffa  under- 
went at  that  period. 

—  A  very  intelligent  young  Arab  living  in  Jaffa,  by  name  Jibrail  'Akkawy, 
told  me  of  a  handle  of  an  amphora  of  terra-cotta,  which  had  been  found  in  the 
gardens  surrounding  the  town,  "  in  a  cave,"  and  he  showed  me  a  rough  copy 
made  by  himself  of  the  inscriptions  on  it.  As  far  as  I  could  judge  from  this 
artless  but  well  meaning  reproduction,  the  inscription  is  in  Greek,  and  probably 
gives  the  name  of  the  potter  or  of  a  magistrate.  I  shall  endeavour  to  get  a 
look  at  the  original  or  to  purchase  it,  when  I  next  visit  Jaffa.* 

—  Two  items  of  information  from  native  sources  : — To  the  north  of  the 
town  near  the  sea-shore,  there  exist,  hidden  under  the  sand,  numbers  of 
"presses"  built  of  masonry.  Near  the  Nahr  el  'Auja,  to  the  north  of  Jaffa, 
there  is  a  Tell  belonging  to  Ismail  Agha,  where  numbers  of  "  bronze 
idols  "  were  found ;  one  of  them  was  bought  by  one  Dimo. 

The  Jewish  necropolis  of  Joppa.  —  On  our  departure  from  Jaffa  on 
November  6th,  I  desired  to  verify  an  important  point  which  had  long 
engaged  my  attention,  and  was  up  to  this  time  undetermined,  namely,  the 
position  of  the  burying-ground  of  ancient  Joppa.  I  have  now,  I  think, 
settled  it  for  certain. 

With  this  view,  instead  of  following  the  usual  route,  when  we  left  the 
city  gates,  our  small  caravan  kept  to  the  left,  that  is  to  say,  to  the  north, 
through  the  extensive  gardens  that  close  in  Jaffa  on  every  side.  We  soon 
reached  a  small  hamlet  called  Saknet  Abu  K'bir,  where  I  enquired  of  some 
fellahin.  One  of  them  took  us  a  few  yards  further  on  into  the  middle  of 
some  poorly  tilled  gardens,  where  I  noticed  that  numerous  excavations  had 
been   newly  made  for  building  stone.     The  digging  and   removals  had   laid 

See  further,  p.  148. 

4  Archaological  Researches  in  Palestine. 

bare  in  several  places  numbers  of  sepulchral  chambers  hollowed  out  in  the 
calcareous  tufa.  Similar  graves  have  been  discovered,  it  appears,  all  the 
way  from  the  hamlet  of  Abu  K'bir  to  the  Jewish  Agricultural  College, 
"  Mikveh  Israel,"  on  the  other  side  of  the  road,  and  as  far  as  the  present 
Catholic  cemetery.  Other  fellahin  said,  "  between  Saknet  Abu  ICbir  and 
Saknet  eTAbid"  on  the  road  from  Jaffa  to  Jerusalem. 

The  part  of  the  burying-ground  where  we  now  were  went  by  the  name, 
I  was  told,  of  Ardh  Dhabi ta,  or  Jebel  Dhabita,  "  the  ground  "  or  "  mountain  " 
of  Dhabita.  The  frequent  mention  of  this  name  Dhabita  struck  me,  for  it 
seems  identical  with  that  of  the  woman  of  Joppa,  Tabitha,  who  was  restored 
to  life  by  St.  Peter.  The  Semitic  meaning  of  this  name  is  given  in  the  actual 
text  of  St.  Luke  (Acts  ix,  36),  AopK-a?,  "  a  doe,"  and  some  commentators  have 
rightly  enough  seen  in  this  the  Aramaic  NfT'lIO  Tabitha,  "  female  gazelle."* 
The  Arabic  name  Dhabita  Ujudi ,  though  preserving  the  Aramaic  form,  shows 
the  accuracy  of  this  identification,  for  it  is  connected  with  the  word  ajoli 
dhabia,  which  has  exactly  the  same  meaning  in  Arabic.  Evidently  the 
memory  of  the  resurrection  of  Tabitha  helped  to  shape  the  name  given  by 
local  tradition  to  the  burying-ground  where  that  pious  woman,  though  her 
journey  thither  was  on  the  first  occasion  postponed,  must  finally  have  found  a 

This  is  doubtless  the  explanation  of  the  legend  whereby,  even  at  the 
beginning  of  the  seventeenth  century,  the  ruins  of  "  Tabitha's  house"  were 
pointed  out,  not  far  from  Jaffa,  on  the  way  to  Jerusalem.  It  was  probably 
some  misunderstanding  that  led  the  worthy  Ouaresmius  to  apply  the  traditional 
name  of  the  burying-ground  to  some  ruin  or  other  that  was  visible  there  at 
that  period,:!:  and  which  he  calls  "the  house"  of  Tabitha. 

*  In  this  connection  I  may  draw  attention  to  a  curious  legend  in  the  Talmud,  according  to 
which  all  the  male  slaves  of  the  household  of  Gamaliel  bore  the  name  of  Tabi,  UD,  and  all  the 
female  slaves  that  of  T;?/;/^,?,  snuu ,  (Levy,  Naihebr.  IVdrterb.,  II,  //.  134,  538).  It  would 
appear  to  follow  that  this  name  was  especially  given  to  slaves,  and  this  would  perhaps  imply 
servile  origin  in  the  Tabitha  of  the  Scriptures.  This  holds  good  at  any  rate  of  the  Greek 
equivalent  Boreas,  which  we  find  borne  by  a  female  slave  and  an  hetaera  (Pape,  IFdr/erb.  der 
Gr.  Eig.,  I,  p.  319). 

t  During  my  stay  at  Jaffa  in  t88i,  I  remarked  the  existence  of  a  great  yearly  festival  in 
honour  of  Dhabita  on  May  15th.  All  the  inhabitants  go  in  procession  to  the  Sebil  of  Abu  Nabbut, 
singing  a  kind  of  hymn,  the  words  of  which  I  was  not  able  to  note.  The  whole  population  of 
Jaffa,  without  distinction  of  creed,  take  part  in  the  solemnity,  and  make  it  a  pretext  for  all  sorts  of 

X  Quaresmius,  E/iic.  Terr.  S.,  II,  6  :  "  Non  longe  a  ruinis  Joppes,  versus  Jerusalem  eundo 
monstrantur  fundamenta  et  residuum  domus  Tabithae." 

From  Jaffa  to  Jerusalem.  5 

With  the  aid  of  a  compass  we  took  the  bearings  of  the  part  of  the 
burying-ground  where  we  stood,  so  as  to  find  it  again  later  on  and  carry  out 
some  excavations  and  explorations.  It  is  however  easy  to  identify,  as  a  large 
garden  bought  by  the  Russians  lies  quite  near  it  on  the  south. 

The  fellahin  declared  they  had  found  in  the  graves  we  had  just  noted 
lamps  and  vases  of  terra-cotta,  and  some  stones  with  inscriptions  on  them,  and 
at  my  request  one  of  them*  went  to  look  for  a  stone  that  he  had  put  aside. 
In  a  few  minutes  he  did  bring  me  a  small  marble  titulus  with  a  Greek  inscrip- 
tion of  four  lines  and  the  characteristic  seven-branched  candlestick  of  Jewish 
symbolism.  I  saw  at  a  glance  that  it  was  the  epitaph  of  a  certain  Hezekiah, 
phrontistes  of  Alexandria.  I  hastened  to  acquire  this  precious  specimen  of 
Helleno-Jewish  funerary  epigraphy,t  which  settled  once  for  all  the  nature  of 
the  burying-ground  that  I  had  just  discovered,  and  gleefully  dropped  this  first 
small  victim  into  my  game  bag,  that  is  to  say,  into  the  khurdj  that  hung  at 
my  saddle  bow. 

Ydzilr. — After  this  short  but  fruitful  diverticuhini,  we  quitted  this 
archaeologists'  hunting-ground,  whither  I  promised  myself  to  return,  and 
wended  our  way  towards  the  picturesque  fountain  of  Abii,  Nabbfct,  so  as  to 
resume  the  usual  route  to  Jerusalem,  which  we  followed  without  noteworthy 
incident  to  the  little  village  of  Ydzilr.  Here  I  again  deserted  the  high  road  to 
go  through  the  village,  which  lies  to  the  left  on  slightly  rising  ground,  and  to 
examine  more  closely  an  old  building  there — a  church,^  or  small  castle  flanked 
by  buttresses.  The  only  information  of  any  interest  that  I  could  gather  there, 
was  about  the  name  of  the  locality.  A  fellah,  less  shy  than  his  companions, 
was  good  enough  to  inform  me  that  Ydziir  was  in  the  olden  time  called 
Addlia,\  and  that  it  was  only  later  on  that  the  town  being  taken  by  an 
ancient  king  by  main  force,  '^  bez  zor,"  received  in  consequence  the  name  of 
Ydzur.  Without  attaching  undue  importance  to  this  etymology,  founded  on 
an  attempt  at  a  pun,  I  nevertheless  thought  well  to  note  it.      It  is,  moreover, 

*  Mohammed  A'nany,  the  owner  of  a  small  karcm  (a  non-irrigated  garden)  in  the  neighbour- 

t  See  on  p.  133  a  fac-simile  and  explanation  of  this  inscription. 

X  At  the  end  of  the  15th  century  there  used  to  be  shown  at  Yaznr  the  remains  of  a  fine 
church,  built  in  honour  of  St.  Mary  (^  Journal  de  Voyage  de  Louis  de  Rochechouart,  p.  71).  It  is- 
possible  that  these  remains  are  those  of  the  church  in  question  ;  and  this  church  perhaps  is 
none  other  than  the  undiscoverable  St.  Mary  of  the  Three  Shades  (trium  umbra  rum),  which, 
according  to  certain  documents  of  the  Crusades,  belonged  to  the  diocese  of  Lydda. 

§  The  origin  of  this  name  I  do  not  see,  but  perhaps  it  should  be  connected  with  the 
Arabic  ddlia,  "grape,"  "vine-stalk,"  which  is  akin  to  the  Hebrew  n'/T  dalit. 

6  Ai'clucological  Researches  in  Palestine. 

remarkable  that  in  these  parts,  as  far  as  the  mountains,*  local  tradition  often 
ascribes  to  the  same  j^lace  two  names,  one  regarded  as  ancient,  the  other 
modern.  This  peculiarity,  which  I  was  repeatedly  struck  with  in  my 
earlier  researches,  deserves  attention  from  anyone  who  may  devote  himself 
to  investigations  into  onomastic  topography. 

Gezei'. —  I  had  no  time  to  do  anything  at  Ramleh,  where  we  put  up  for 
the  night ;  so  that  remains  for  another  occasion.  We  set  out  at  early  morning 
so  as  to  be  able  to  go  by  way  of  Tell  el  Jezery,  or  Tell  el  Jezer,  the  site  of 
ancient  Gezer.  I  discovered  this  by  researches  on  the  spot  nearly  three  years 
before,  after  having  fixed  on  it  a  priori  on  the  map  simply  by  theoretical  and 
historical  considerations.  We  took  a  direct  course  for  this  "place,  crossing 
ground  deeply  fissured  by  the  drought,  in  which  our  horses  had  the  greatest 
difficulty  in  making  progress. 

On  reaching  the  summit  of  the  Tell,  we  found  a  large  house  in  course  of 
erection,  and  came  across  the  sons  of  Mr.  Bergheim,  who  were  having  it 
built.  They  told  us  they  had  bought  the  whole  hill  and  a  certain  portion  of 
land  round  it ;  and  I  only  hoped  that  this  acquisition — which  had  been  made 
after  the  discovery  I  made  public,  and  probably  in  consequence  of  it — might 
facilitate  for  us  the  exploration  of  the  site  of  the  old  Canaanite  city. 

The  operations  undertaken  by  MM.  Bergheim  have  led  to  the  discovery 
of  some  worked  flints,  of  which  they  showed  me  some  specimens.  These 
seemed  to  me  extremely  curious.  There  was  likewise  discovered  there 
about  the  same  time  a  very  interesting  little  terra-cotta  figure,  of  which  we 
made  a  photograph  and  a  squeeze  in  plaster.  My  report,  written  in  1874, 
contained  a  detailed  description  of  it,  which  I  reproduce  here,  as,  for  reasons 
with  which  I  am  not  acquainted,  it  was  not  published  at  the  time  :t  "  The 
authenticity  of  this  object  cannot  possibly  be  doubtful ;  a  mere  glance  suffices 
to  show  the  gulf  that  separates  it  from  the  specimens  of  the  Shapira  collec- 
tion (I  mean,  of  course,  those  that  I  have  seen);  to  say  nothing  of  the  style, 
the  material  alone,  which  is  hard,  sonorous,  and  compact,  in  nowise  resembles 
the  hollow  and  badly  baked  pottery  of  the  latter.  This  statuette  represents 
a  miniature  figure  of  a  woman  in  semi  relief,  having  on  her  head  a  sort  of 
diadem  (in  the  shape  of  an    embattled    crown),  with   her  two  arms  crossed 

*  This  custom  is  not  peculiar  to  tlie  plains.  I  have  noticed  it  in  mountainous  country 
likewise.     See,  for  instance,  my  remarks  on  Sha'fat  (\'ol.  I). 

t  The  Quarterly  Statement,  1874,  p.  75,  contains  a  note  on  this  object  by  the  late 
Mr.  Charles  Tyrwhitt  Drake. 

From  [affa  to  Jerusalc 


under  her  breasts,  in  an  attitude  habitual  with  the  divinities  of  the  Cypriot 
Pantheon  ;  the  attributes  of  her  sex  are  represented  with  a  naive  exaggeration 
which  lends  further  support  to  this  comparison.  It  may  very  well  be  that 
we  have  here  a  sample  of  the  current  Canaanitish  art  applied  to  religious 
needs,  for  it  appears  quite  probable  that  this  little  figure  represents  a  goddess 
analogous  in  appearance  and  symbolic  nature  to  those  found  in  the  environs 
of  Tyre  and  Sidon.  It  might  perhaps  be  regarded  as  a  representation  of 
the  goddess  Atergatis,  or  the  goddess  Astarte."*  The  engraving  of  it  will 
be  given  further  on  in  Chapter  V,  §  VIII. 

In  passing  I  gave  a  glance  at  the  great  birkeh,  of  which  I  made  a  plan 
on  my  first  visit  here  in  March,  1871  (see  the  Appendix).  This  had  now 
been  cleared  out  almost  to  the  bottom. 

Taking  our  leave  of  the  new  lords  of  Gezer,  we  crossed  the  whole  length 
of  the  Tell,  and  came  down  it  in  the  direction  of  'Ain  Yardeh  and  Kubab. 
As  we  went  along  I  examined  afresh  the  presses,  the  graves,  and  threshing- 
floors  cut  out  in  the  solid  rock  which  had  so  impressed  me  on  the 
previous  occasion.  I  believe  I  have  succeeded  in  determining  the  character 
and  object  of  certain  level  spaces  made  in  the  rock,  which  then  greatly  puzzled 
me — they  are  the  sites  of  ancient  houses.  Thus,  one  sees  here  and  there 
four  or  five  steps  terminating  in  a  quadrangular  platform  cut  horizontally  in 
the  sloping  rock,  and  these  cuttings  are  the  tracks  or  footprints,  so  to  speak, 
of  rude  dwellings  that  are  no  longer  existent.  In  other  places  it  is  perfectly- 
easy  to  make  out  a  vertical  cutting  deep  into  the  rock,  where  the  back  part 
of  the  dwellinof  rested.  It  would  be  desirable,  I  think,  to  make  careful 
surveys  of  the  most  characteristic  of  these  incisions  and  excisions,  they  might 
throw  much  light  on  the  construction  of  the  primitive  dwellings  of  Palestine. 
Nothing  but  drawings  and  detailed  plans  would  suffice  to  explain  these  curious 
arrangements,  and  to  give  an  exact  notion  of  what  a  Canaanite  city  was  like. 
I  meant  to  return  and  make  these  plans  along  with  M.  Lecomte. 

Another  observation  that  'I  made  during  this  second  and  hurried  visit  to 
the  site  of  Gezer  concerns  the  way  in  which  the  different  quarters  of  Gezer 
were  arranged.  In  the  middle  of  the  Tell  and  at  its  highest  point,  which  was 
of  considerable  strategic  importance,  there  certainly  was  built  the  fortified  town, 
the  city  properly  so  called.  Around  and  about  the  Tell,  at  the  foot  of  it,  were 
scattered  small  disconnected  nuclei  of  houses,  like  satellites.     The  position  of 

*  The  passage  in  the  Statement  quoted  in  the  Memoirs,  Vol.  II,  p.  439,  and  mistakenly  attributed 
to  me,  ought  in  reality  to  be  restored  to  Mr.  C.  T.  Drake ;  the  engraving  accompanying  it  was  done 
from  his  sketch,  which  conveys  but  an  imperfect  idea  of  the  nature  of  the  object. 

8  Archceological  Researches,  in  Palestine. 

these  is  marked  by  the  workings  in  the  rock  that  I  mentioned  above.  This 
straggUng  arrangement  that  I  noticed  at  Gezer,  but  which  Gezer  is  certainly 
not  the  only  place  to  exemplify,  explains  in  a  striking  way,  it  seems  to  me, 
that  common  expression  in  the  Bible,  "the  town  and  its  daughters."  It  is 
probably  these  isolated  groups,  which  nevertheless  formed  an  integral  part  of 
the  mother-city,  that  are  so  ingeniously  alluded  to  as  its  "  daughters." 

The  fullest  details  concerning  Gezer  and  the  discoveries  that  1  made 
there  a  few  months  after  will  be  found  in  Chapter  V  of  the  present  volume. 
Cf.  also  the  Appendix  I. 

Abu  Ghosh. — On  leaving  Kubab,*  we  quickened  our  speed  so  as  to  make 
up  for  the  time  lost  at  Gezer.  We  merely  halted  a  few  moments  at  Kuryet 
el  'Enab,  or  the  village  of  Abu  Ghosh,  to  visit  the  so-called  Church  of  St. 
Jeremias,  of  which  a  concession  had  been  quite  recently  made  to  the  French 
Government.  A  few  excavations,  made  since  the  concession,  had  partly 
brought  to  light  the  crypt,  which  forms  a  regular  subterranean  church,  and 
contains  a  kind  of  vault  with  a  spring  full  of  water.  We  again  noticed  on  the 
stones  of  the  upper  part  of  the  church  those  mason's  markst  that  I  had 
observed  a  few  years  before.  These  establish  beyond  doubt  the  Latin 
mediaeval  origin  of  the  building ;  the  W  in  particular  is  decisive  in  this 
respect.  Numbers  of  hewn  blocks  with  bossages  can  be  seen  in  the  inner 
walls,  bearing  a  striking  similarity  to  those  used  in  the  construction  of  the 
church  at  Neby  Shamwil,  which  also  dates  from  the  period  of  the  Crusaders, 
and  of  the  ruined  building  at  Kulonieh. 

A  fellah  told  me  of  an  inscription  he  had  found,  and  promised  to  bring  it 
to  me  at  Jerusalem.;]: 

In  my  conversation  with  the  peasants  of  Abu  Ghosh  I  noticed  the  rather 
curious  fact  that  Abu  Ghosh  and  'Amwas  have  almost  identical  populations, 
so  to  speak.  The  inhabitants  move  from  one  village  to  the  other  according 
to  the  time  of  year,  and  make  the  two  places  in  turn  their  winter  and  summer 
abode.  This  fact  points  to  a  close  connection  between  the  two  localities  that 
dispute  with  one  another  the  honour  of  representing  the  Emmaus  of  the 
Gospel. § 

*  With  regard  to  Bab  el  Wad,  between  Kubab  and  Abu  Ghosh,  where  we  did  not  stop, 
I  extract  the  following  entry  from  an  old  note-book  (1871,  VI,  p.  lort):  "near  the  cafe  is 
Khurhet  Harsh."  I  consider  it  desirable  to  mention  in  passing  the  name  of  this  locality,  which 
does  not  appear  on  the  Map. 

t  See  Vol.  I,  the  special  Masons'  Afarks'  Table. 

X   It  proved  to  be  merely  a  fragment  of  an  ancient  Arabic  epitaph. 

§  It  also  explains  certain  incidents  that  will  concern  us  later  on. 



Ox  Friday,  November  28th,  we  left  Jerusalem  for  Jericho,  where  I  had 
various  points  to  settle.  I  availed  myself  of  the  presence  of  Lieut.  Conder 
and  Mr.  Drake,  who  were  then  camping  at  'Ain  es  Sultan,  to  join  their  party 
and  make  myself  better  acquainted  with  them.  We  spent  five  days  in  the 
camp  of  these  gentlemen,  and  met  with  the  warmest  welcome.  On  December 
3rd  we  went  back  to  Jerusalem. 

To  omit  matters  of  inferior  moment,  there  were  two  main  objects  that 
led  me  to  this  short  excursion  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Jericho.  The  first 
was  to  examine  the  site  of  the  Hajar  el  Asbak,  which  for  various  reasons, 
both  etymological  and  topographical,'"  I  had  for  some  time  past  proposed 
to  identify  with  the  Stone  of  Bohan  ;  the  second  was  a  plan  for  excavating  a 
burying-ground  near  Kumran,  mentioned  as  curious  by  MM.  Rey  and  de 
Saulcy.  In  this  place  the  latter  gentleman  thought,  mistakenly  in  my 
opinion,  that  he  detected  the  name  and  consequently  the  site  also  of 

In  view  of  my  projected  excavations  I  had  taken  with  me  two  fellahin 
from  Selwan,  who  had  worked  for  Captain  Warren,  and  I  procured  from  the 
store-house  of  the  Palestine  Exploration  Fund  at  Jerusalem  a  quantity  of 
tools,  such  as  pickaxes,  spades,  levers  and  baskets.  The  natives  of  Jericho 
are  quite  unreliable  for  this  sort  of  work,  as  they  themselves  have  recourse 
to  the  fellahin  of  the  mountain  to  till  the  ground  for  them,  though  this  is  done 
in  such  a  rudimentary  way  as  to  require  no  great  exertion. 

Our  journey  out  was  uneventful  enough,  except  that,  as  we  started  some- 
what late  from  Jerusalem,  it  was  pitch  dark  when  we  got  to  the  plain.  Being 
badly  led  by  our  two  Selwaw'nes,t  we  wandered  about  some  two  hours  among 
the  thorn  thickets  before  we  lit  upon  the  encampment,  which  was  hidden  from 
view  by  the  Tell  el  'Ain,  at  the  foot  of  which  it  had  been  pitched. 

*  I  have  set  forth  the  chief  of  these  in  the  Revue  Archeologique,  August,  1870,  p.  116  et  seqq. 
t  Inhabitants  of  Selwan.     Plural  form  of  the  ethnic  Selivaiiy. 


Archceological  Researches  in  Palestine. 

Next  day  we  left  for  Hajar  el  Asbah  and  Khurbet  Kumran,  accompanied 
by  Messrs.  Conder  and  Drake.  I  had  already  explained  to  them  the  double 
object  I  had  in  view. 

Hajar  el  Asbah. — After  crossing  in  turn  a  number  of  valleys,  among 
them  Wad  el  Kelt,  Wady  Daber,  and  the  small  Wad  el  Asala,  we  reached  the 
territory  {ardii)  of  Hajar  el  Asbah.  This  is  a  small  plain  stretching  between 
the  base  of  the  mountains  and  the  Dead  Sea  as  far  as  a  jutting  tongue  of  land 
of  conspicuous  appearance,  which  one  of  our  Bedouin  guides  called,  I  think, 
Edh  dh  'ncib  B'ycir{}). 

In  the  northern  part  of  this  plain  well-nigh  at  the  foot  of  the  perpendi- 
cular rock,  lie  four  or  five  large  masses  of  rock,  doubtless  fallen  from  the  top 
or  sides  of  the  mountain.  One  of  these  blocks,  the  most  northerly  of  them, 
almost  cubical  in  shape,  and  measuring  about  8  feet  in  height,  was  pointed 
out  to  us  as  being  the  Hajar  el  Asbah  ;  it  is  cracked  across  the  middle. 

These  small  dimensions  are  in  striking  contrast  with  the  importance 
assigned  to  this  mere  mass  of  unhewn  stone,  with  nothing  striking  in  its 
appearance,  which  has  nevertheless  given  its  name  to  the  whole  of  a  consider- 
able region.  Moreover,  the  shape  of  this  stone  by  no  means  appeared  to  me 
to  justify  the  meaning  that  my  theory  has  led  me  to  assign  to  the  Hebrew 
Bohan,  "  thumb,"  and  the  Arabic  Asbah  (for  Asbd),  "  finger." 


On  the  other  hand,  I  noticed  close  by,  rising  from  the  side  of  the 
mountain,  a  solitary  and  conspicuous  peak,  with  the  appearance  of  which  I 
and  my  travelling  companions  were  instantly  struck.     This  portion  of  rock 

First  Excnrsio7t  to  Jericho. 


stands  out  vertically  against  the  sky,  and  has  very  much  the  appearance  of  a 
closed  fist  with  the  thumb  raised,  as  may  be  seen  from  the  two  scrupulously 
exact  drawings  that  M.  Lecomte  made  at  my  request. 

Nothing  could  be  more  natural  than  to  give  to  this  finger-shaped  rock 
the  characteristic  appellations  mentioned  above  ;  but  unfortunately  our  guides 
assured  us  that  the  real  Hajar  el  Asbah  was  the  fallen  block  we  had  just 
seen.  The  curious  peak  they  called  by  the  name  of  Sa/isul  H'ineid,  or 
Gozcrtici  Sa/isicl  H'nieid.  It  appears  to  me  difficult  to  connect  this  name  in 
any  way  with   the    Biblical  Eben  Bohan,  since   it  is  evidently  nothing  but  a 


circumstantial   name    given    to    the    peak    in  consequence    perhaps   of  some 
accident  that  happened  to  a  certain  H'meid  [Sahsill,  "tumble"). 

What  are  we  to  conclude  from  these  facts  ?  It  is  quite  possible  that  the 
Arabic  translation  of  the  Hebrew  name,  after  being  originally  applied  to  the 
peak  which  it  would  so  well  suit,  has  been  transferred  to  one  of  the  blocks  that 
have  fallen  from  the  mountain  not  far  away.  This  conjecture  is  supported  to 
a  certain  extent  by  the  fact  that  the  name  Asbah  has  been  extended  to  the 
whole  of  a  district  iardh),  as  I  mentioned  earlier.  It  would  therefore  not  be 
unreasonable  to  suppose  that  the  name,  after  being  spread  abroad  in  this  way, 

c   2 


Archceoloncal  Researches  in  Pa/estvic. 

may  have  returned  and  fixed  itself  to  a  block  in  this  same  district,  and  that 
lying  in  the  quarter  where  it  is  usual  to  enter  the  district,  namely,  the  north. 
We  might  also,  in  the  last  resort,  make  the  shifting  of  the  name  date  back  to 
the  unknown  period  when  the  block  was  detached  from  the  mountain.  This 
occurrence  must  have  attracted  attention  enough  at  the  time  to  attach  to  the 
new  arrival  the  ancient  name  which   had   been  already  extended  to  the  whole 


I  picked  up  from  the  Bedouin  who  accompanied  us  a  variant  on  the 
name  of  this  stone  :  Hajar  es  Sobcli.  Not  only  had  the  peak  itself,  which  I 
was  inclined  to  identify  with  the  Stone  of  Bohan,  a  most  characteristic  shape, 
but  even  the  shadow  which    it   threw  on   the  mountain- side  at   the  time  we 


passed  by  formed  a  curious  outline  which  reminded  one  of  the  etymoloo-ical 
meaning  of  the  name. 

To  these  various  arguments  I  will  add  another  that  seems  of  some 
weight  in  this  important  question  of  biblical  topography.  This  peak  marks 
the  precise  point  where  the  mountains  that  skirt  the  western  coast  of  the 
Dead  Sea  change  their  direction,  or  at  least  appear  to  do  so  to  the  spectator 
who  views  their  whole  extent :  it  is  at  the  end  of  the  promontory,  which  as 
you  look  from  north  to  south  closes  the  terrestrial  horizon  on  that  side, 
apparently  sinking  sheer  into  the  sea.  Thus  the  point  forms  a  natural 
boundary,  so  that  it  would  not  be  surprising  to  find  it  designated  as  one  of  the 
landmarks  on  the  line  separating  the  territories  of  Benjamin  and  Judah. 
This  last  consideration  appeared  to  me  so  weighty,  that  I  requested  M. 
Lecomte,  when  we  got  back  to  camp,  to  make  a  comprehensive  sketch   from 

First  Exclusion  to  [eric ho.  13 

the  summit  of  the  Tell  'Ain  es  Sultdn,  of  the  whole  plain  of  Jericho  and  its 
horizon  of  mountains,  from  the  Tawahin  es  Sukkar  to  the  Dead  Sea. 

The  point  which  was  the  object  of  the  observations  is  marked  on  the 
horizon  by  a  dotted  vertical  line.* 

In  the  foreground  to  the  left  is  seen  one  of  the  Tells  of  the  plain  of 
Jericho,  its  surface  disturbed  by  excavations  ;  on  the  right,  in  the  extreme 
background,  are  remains  of  ancient  aqueducts,  a  Tell,  and  the  ancient 
road  to  Jerusalem,  which  descends  obliquely  down  the  mountain  into  the 

It  is  to  be  noted  that  this  peak  only  shows  its  outline  in  strong  relief 
when  looked  at  from  the  north.  When  viewed  from  the  south,  as  we  saw  it 
later  on  our  way  back  from  Kumran,  of  which  I  shall  speak  shortly,  it  had 
lost  its  first  appearance,  owing  in  part  to  the  change  in  the  light.  To  make 
up  for  this  it  now  represented,  with  a  well-nigh  deceptive  fidelity  that  struck 
us  all,  a  colossal  seated  statue  in  the  Egyptian  style.  Thus,  under  all 
conditions  this  peak  assumes  shapes  well  adapted  to  attract  attention,  and  this 
property  alone  would  mark  it  out  for  the  function  of  frontier  landmark,  which 
the  Stone  of  Bohan  in  the  Book  of  Joshua  is  represented  as  fulfilling. 

This  topographical  problem  is  one  of  the  most  difficult  that  the  Bible 
presents,  and  I  do  not  conceal  the  objections  that  may  be  and  indeed  have 
been  raised  to  the  connection  I  have  endeavoured  to  establish.  The 
discussion  of  the  question  would  be  too  far  out  of  my  way,  but  I  propose  to 
return  to  it  elsewhere  ;  I  may,  however,  answer  at  once  two  of  the  criticisms 
passed  on  it.  One  is  founded  on  an  error  of  fact,  and  relates  to  a  radical 
difference  said  to  exist  between  the  name  Asbah  and  the  Arabic  word  Asbd, 
"finger;"  the  latter  word  is  correctly  written  with  the  sad,  and  not,  as  has 
been  alleged,  with  the  sin.  The  other  is  based  on  the  fact  that  Hajar  el 
Asbah  is  six  miles  south-west  of  'Ain  Hajleh,  and  as  the  Stone  of  Bohan  was 
situated  between  Beth  Hoglah  and  the  neighbourhood  of  Gilgal,  the  boundary, 
on  which  it  was  a  landmark,  could  not  lie  so  far  to  the  south.  To  this  I  reply 
that,  in  my  opinion,  the  mouth  of  the  Jordan,  at  the  time  when  the  Book  of 
Joshua  was  written,  must  have  been  much  more  to  the  north,  about  as  high 
up  as  'Ain  Hajleh,  the  Dead  Sea  extending  thus  far  and  forming  a  marshy 
lagoon,  called  in  the  Bible  the  Lashon,  or  "tongue"  of  the  Dead  Sea.  The 
western  side  of  this  lagoon  must  have  followed  pretty  closely  the  line  of  the 

*  The  Hajar  el  Asbah  itself  was  not  visible  from  where  we  were,  but  the  position  of  it  was 
exactly  taken  by  means  of  the  compass  by  Lieut.  Conder. 

14  Arch(Eological  Researches  in  Palestine. 

Zor,  and  of  the  district  called  el  Jcheiyir.'"  A  curious  legend  gathered  by  the 
lo-umen  Daniel,  and  certainly  based  on  a  sagacious  examination  of  the  ground, 
appears  to  allude  to  this  ancient  state  of  affairs,  which  was  perhaps  more 
apparent  in  his  time  than  now  :  "  Of  old  time  the  Sea  of  Sodom  went  right 
up  to  the  place  of  baptism,  but  it  is  now  four  versts  distant  from  it."t 

There  is  no  need  for  me  to  insist  on  the  importance  and  the  results  of 
this  primitive  configuration  of  the  ground,  according  to  my  restoration  of  it 
from  its  present  aspect.  This  restoration  throws  a  flood  of  light  on  those 
two  verses  of  Joshua  xv,  5,  and  xviii,  19,  and  does  away  with  that  sudden 
and  unaccountable  bend  which  had  to  be  made  in  the  boundary  line,  following 
the  system  hitherto  universally  adopted,  from  the  present  mouth  of  the  Jordan 
northwards  to  Beth  Hoglah. 

It  also  introduces  into  the  problem  of  the  Stone  of  Bohan  a  new  element, 
which  I  reserve  for  consideration  later  on.  In  the  meanwhile  I  will  leave 
the  question  an  open  one. 

Knmrdn. — After  a  short  halt  at  the  Hajar  el  Asbah  we  continued  on  our 
way  towards  the  south,  in  order  to  go  and  examine  the  site  of  the  Khurbet 
Kumran  (pronounced  Gumrmi),  and  especially  the  burying-ground  noted  at 
this  spot  by  MM.  Rey  and  de  Saulcy. 

The  ruins  are  insignificant  in  themselves,  consisting  of  some  dilapidated 
walls  of  low  stones  and  a  small  birkeh  with  steps  leading  to  it.  The  ground 
is  strewn  with  numerous  fragments  of  pottery  of  all  descriptions. 

If  ever  there  existed  there  a  town  properly  so  called,  it  must  have  been 
a  very  small  one.  The  idea  of  identifying  it,  as  M.  Saulcy  does,  with 
the  Gomorrah  of  the  Five  Cities,  is  one  which  will  not  bear  discussion  from 
the  point  of  view  of  either  toponymy  or  topography,   as    I   have  formerly 

*  M.  de  Saulcy  (in  the  Atlas  to  his  Voyage  autour  de  la  Mer  Morte)  marks  in  this 
neighbourhood  a  "morass  like  that  of  the  Sabhka  of  the  south,"  and  "another  morass"  as  far  up 
as  Hajleh.  In  iht  Memoirs,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  168,  "a  dead  level  of  grey  mud  ...  a  muddy 
tract  ...  a  mile  wide."  I  recognized  here  traces  of  the  bottom  of  the  ancient  lagoon  of 
the  Lastion. 

t  The  sea   is  supposed  to    have  fled  at   the  sight  of  the   Lord,  and    the   Igumen  quotes 
Ps.  cxiv,  5,  a  propos  of  this  miraculous  retreat. 

In  the  time  of  the  Hasmonceans  this  district  of  the  Jordan  was  still  a  marsh  (eXo^),  as 
appears  from  various  testimonies  of  Josephus  {^Ant.  Jiid.,  xiii,  i,  2,  5),  and  from  the  Book  of 
Maccabees  (i,  9).  I  have  treated  this  question  as  a  whole  on  several  occasions  at  the  College 
de  Frame,  and  before  the  Acadcinie  des  Insirip/ions  et  Belles-Lcttres  ;  it  will  form  the  subject  of  a 
special  memoir,  which  I  expect  to  publish  shortly. 

First  Excursion  to  Jericho. 


proved.""  It  is  a  great  pity  that  the  notion  has  quite  lately  been  taken 
seriously  by  capable  writers.t 

The  most  interesting  feature  of  Kumran  is  the  tombs,  which,  to  the 
number  of  a  thousand  or  so,  cover  the  main  plateau  and  the  adjacent  mounds. 

Judging  merely  by  their  outward  appearance,  you  would  take  them  to  be 
ordinary  Arab  tombs,  composed  of  a  small  oblong  tumulus,  with  its  sides 
straight  and   its  ends  rounded  off,  surrounded  by  a  row  of  unhewn  stones. 


"Plan  of  Plateau 


Plan  of^a  Tomb 

Plan  of  a   Tomb 





Position    of  Tombs    N  la"'!. 




A.  General  plan  of  the  burying-ground.     (The  straight  line  rnnning  parallel  to  the  tombs  anJ  alongside  the  birkeh  represents 
a  ruined  wall ;  the  general  direction  of  the  tombs  is  N.  by  20°  E.) 

B.  Plan  of  a  tomb.     (The  arroTi-  shows  where  the  head  lay.) 

C.  Cross  section  of  the  above  tomb,  from  A  to  B. 

D.  Plan  of  a  tomb  after  excavation. 

E.  Cross  section  of  the  above  tomb  from  C  to  D. 

with  one  of  larger  size  standing  upright  at  either  end.  They  are  clearly 
distinguished,  however,  from  the  modern  Mussulman  graves  by  their  orienta- 
tion, the  longer  axis  in  every  case  pointing  7/ort/i  and  south,  and  not  east  and 
west.     This    very    unusual    circumstance    had    already   been   noticed    by  the 

*  Gomorrah,  Segor  et  les  fillcs  de  Lot ;  later  {Revue  Critique,  September  7th,  1885)  I  have 
suggested  that  the  name  .Gomorrah  should  perhaps  be  looked  for  in  that  of  ]Vddy  Gliamr,  'Ain 
Ghamr,  to  the  south  of  the  Dead  Sea. 

t  Trelawney  Saunders,  Alap  of  Western  Palestine. 

'i6  ArchcBological  Researches  in  Palestine. 

Mussulman  guides  of  M.  Rey,  who  made  the  same  remark  as  our  men,  that 
these  were  tombs  o'i  Knffdr,  that  is  to  say  unbeHevers,  non-Mussulmans. 

I  made  up  my  mind  to  have  one  of  them  opened.  Our  two  men  from 
Selwan  set  to  work  before  our  eyes,  and  we  attentively  followed  the  progress 
of  this  small  excavation,  which  presented,  I  may  remark,  no  difficulty  what- 
ever. After  going  down  about  a  metre,  our  workmen  came  upon  a  layer  of 
bricks  of  unbaked  clay,  measuring  1 5f  inches  by  8  inches  by  4I  inches,  and 
resting  on  a  sort  of  ledge  formed  in  the  soil  itself.  On  removing  these  bricks 
we  found  in  the  grave  proper  that  they  covered  the  half  decayed  bones  of  the 
body  that  had  been  buried  there.  We  managed  to  secure  a  fragment  of  a 
jaw  with  some  teeth  still  adhering  to  it,  which  will  perhaps  enable  us  to  arrive 
at  some  conclusions  of  an  anthropological  nature. 

There  was  nothing  else  whatever  to  afford  any  indications.  The  head 
was  towards  the  south,  the  feet  towards  the  north. 

The  accompanying  sketches  give  an  exact  notion  of  the  dimensions  and 
arrangement  of  the  tomb  that  I  opened  up,  as  also  of  the  general  appearance 
of  this  puzzling  cemetery.  The  main  plateau,  which  contains  the  greater 
number  of  the  tombs,  is  crossed  from  east  to  west  by  a  sort  of  path,  separ- 
ating these  tombs,  which  are  arranged  with  considerable  regularity  into  two 
unequal  groups. 

It  is  hard  to  form  an  opinion  as  to  the  origin  of  these  graves,  chiefly  on 
account  of  their  unusual  orientation.  They  may  very  well  have  belonged  to 
some  pagan  Arab  tribe  of  the  period  which  the  Mussulmen  call  Jdhiliyeh, 
that  is  to  say  before  the  time  of  Mahomet.  Indeed,  if  they  had  been  Christian 
tombs,  they  would  probably  have  exhibited  some  characteristic  mark  or  emblem 
of  a  religious  nature,  for  the  use  of  unbaked  bricks  to  cover  and  protect  the 
bodies,  the  considerable  depth  of  the  cavities,  the  regularity  that  pervades  the 
arrangement,  and  so  on,  show  that  these  graves  were  constructed  with  a 
certain  amount  of  care  and  with  evident  respect  for  their  intended  occupants. 

Rika  {Ei'iha). — I  took  advantage  of  the  Sabbath  to  take  a  short  walk 
to  Riha  and  the  neighbourhood,  in  company  with  M.  Lecomte.  We  paid  a 
visit  to  the  Mutesellhn  of  modern  Jericho,  who  lives  in  the  wretched  Arab 
Burj,  in  hope  to  get  some  information  from  him.  I  met  with  an  inhabitant  of 
Riha  who  claimed  to  have  discovered  three  stones  with  inscriptions  on  them  a 
few  days  before.  These  were  probably  nothing  but  fragments  of  sculpture, 
such  as  we  had  already  found  at  Tawahin  es  Sukkar,  pieces  of  capitals  or 
friezes,  on  which  the  Arabs  insisted  on  our  finding  inscriptions. 

We  next  entered  an  enclosed  ground  belonging,  we  were  told,   to  the 

First  Excursion  to  Jericho. 


Russians,  where  there  was  accumulated  a  quantity  of  ancient  hewn  stones, 
procured  by  excavation  in  the  neighbouring  Tells,  for  use  in  the  construction 
of  a  building  projected  by  the  Russians.  We  examined  this  building-yard,  so 
to  call  it,  with  the  greatest  care,  and  heard  that  it  was  chiefly  supplied  from 
excavations  made  at  Tell  el  Mat  lab. 

We  noticed  a  number  of  architectural  fragments,  such  as  mouldings, 
carvings,  bases,  capitals  and  shafts  of  columns,  pieces  of  entablature  or  friezes, 
a  piece  of  the  side  of  a  sarcophagus  with  garlands,  etc.  Some  of  the  stones 
bore  a  cross.  A  little  further  on,  in  the  garden,  we  noticed  a  huge  block  of 
pink  granite  quite  sunk  into  the  ground.  It  would  be  highly  desirable  to 
ascertain  the  exact  origin  of  these  fragments.  They  doubtless  belong  to 
ancient  buildings  of  some  importance  and  of  various  periods,  and  might  afford 
the  basis  of  a  conjecture  as  to  the  site  of  ancient  Jericho,  or  at  any  rate  of 




o.!«  ■ 


I 'I 


f   '///,Cl.   )li:,\ 


A.  Fragment  of  stone  coliimn  (of  ccirse  limestone).  Elevation  (traces  of  dentils  visilile  on  one  side). 

B.  ,,  „  „  „  Profile. 

C.  ,,  ,,  ,,  ,,  I'lan  looking  down  .and  section. 

D.  ,,  ,,  „  ,,  I'lan  looking  uj)  and  section. 

E.  Stone  corbel  (of  coarse  limestone). 

F.  Protile  of  a  stone  cornice  (of  coarse  limestone). 



Archceological  Researches  in  Palestine. 


iTi^-'iiow;:|-itijiiv^i,f>PMn"  ■  ;x 

A.  Elevation  of  an  abacus  (coarse  limestone  with  pebljles),  ornamented  with  Greek  cross. 

B.  Perspective  of  the  same. 

C.  Fragment  of  the  side  of  a  sarcophagus  (lo  cm.  ihick,  hard  iinzzch  limestone).     The  lower  part  of  a  garland 
carved  in  relief. 


First  Excursion  to  Jericho. 


Jericho  in  the  time  of  Herod.      Unfortunately  one  cannot  place  unlimited 
confidence  in  the  assertions  of  the  Arabs  on   this  point.      I    must   admit, 





/  »i --        ^-' 

,<v/,,), ';■>■,'■■  ,11,,,,,,,,..,  - 





-  ■  O-io      i-O.IO    ^ 

Details  of  the  Capital. — A.     Plan  of  the  part  above  ihe  abacus. 
B.     Section  on  line  m-m. 

however,  that  they  were  almost  unanimous  in  mentioning  Tell  el  Matlab  as 
the  chief  source  of  these  stones ;  and  this  is  in  harmony  with  the  tradition 
of  which  I  shall  speak  later  on,  which  locates  the  site  of  ancient  Jericho  at 

D  2 

20  A7'ch(?olorical  Researches  in  Palestine. 


Tell  el   Matlab.     M.  Lecomte  employed  the  next  day  in  drawing  the  most 
interesting  of  these  fragments. 

We  came  back  to  the  camp  by  way  of  this  Tell  el  Matlab,  which  had 
thus  been  brought  to  our  notice,  and  observed,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  traces  of 
tolerably  recent  excavations,  and  also  found  there  some  blocks  of  hewn  stone 
that  had  been  recently  got  out. 

Envii'0)is  of  Jericho. — In  the  afternoon  I  went  out  by  myself  for  a  short 
excursion  to  the  north  of  Riha.  I  took  for  my  guide  a  fellah  from  el  'Azeriyeh 
(Bethany),  who  was  in  the  habit  of  coming  to  Riha  for  the  field-work,  and 
knew  the  neighbourhood  better  perhaps  than  the  inhabitants  themselves,  the 
latter  being  in  such  a  state  of  degradation  that  it  is  difficult  to  get  from  them 
any  information  whatever, 

I  first  visited  the  Khiirbet  el  Mufjir,  to  the  north  of  \V.  Nuei'ameh 
( Wddy  N'loc'nieh),  not  far  from  the  aqueduct  which  crosses  the  valley,  and 
which  I  was  told  goes  by  the  name  oi  Jisr  Abit  Ghabhish.  The  ruins  of 
Mufjir  consist  of  small  rounded  heaps,  extending  over  a  considerable  space 
of  ground.  Some  of  them  were  excavated  a  few  years  before  by  Captain 
Warren.  These  researches  brought  to  light,  among  other  things,  a  portion 
of  an  apse  with  its  convex  side  looking  south.  This  may  be  the  extremity 
of  the  transept  of  a  church  with  regular  orientation.  The  same  name 
Khiirbet  or  Tau'dhin  ("mills")  el  Mufjir  is  applied  to  some  considerable  ruins 
lying  about  a  quarter  of  an  hour's  journey  farther  west,  at  the  end  of  an 
aqueduct  carried  on  nearly  semicircular  arches.  I  noticed  not  far  away  a 
small  wady,  a  lateral  tributary  of  the  Wady  N'we'meh.  My  guide  called  it 
Wady  Mufjir,  but  afterwards  some  Bedouin  of  the  neighbourhood  assured  me 
there  was  no  such  name,  and  that  this  wady  was  called  Seiirhdii.  Others, 
however,  asserted  that  it  was  not  a  wady  at  all,  but  merely  a  place  called 
"the  Zakkfuns  of  Seurhan  "  (z'giimat  Seurhan),  after  a  certain  Seurhan  who 
had  been  killed  there  by  the  'Adwan  Bedouin. 

Ed-Diik. — From  here  we  directed  our  way  towards  'Ai^i  ed  Diik,  across 
the  region  of  the  sanctuary  "  of  the  Imam'Aly,"  Ardh  viakdtji  el  Imdm  'Aly. 
This  sanctuary  is  held  in  the  greatest  veneration  in  the  country  round  about, 
and  is  often  called  the  Makdm  for  short,  as  being  the  sanctuary  ^a;-  excellence. 
We  shall  soon  hear  of  the  curious  legend  that  I  picked  up  relating  to  this 
Mussulman  shrine.  To  get  to  the  Makam,  we  went  by  way  of  the  Tell  el 
Btireikeh  {AbWaikeli). 

The  Makam  in  itself  presents  no  striking  features.  I  first  noticed  a 
Mussulman  tomb  protected  by  a  low  dry  stone  wall,  and  surrounded  by  a 

First  Excitrsion  to  Jericho.  21 

quantity  of  Implements  and  miscellaneous  articles,  left  there  by  their  owners 
under  the  protection  of  the  holiness  of  the  place.  A  little  further  on  are 
erected  two  large  shafts  of  columns,  intended  to  mark  the  precise  site  of  the 
Makam.  A  rising  ground  of  small  extent  that  lies  in  front  is  full  of  pits  dug 
in  the  ground,  and  similarly  entrusted  to  the  protection  of  the  Saint. 

The  Makam  lies  at  the  foot  of  mountains  bearing  the  name,  founded  on 
legend,  as  we  shall  shortly  see,  oi  Mttedhdhen  Eb'ldl,  "the  place  where  Eb'lal 
summoned  to  prayer."  This  mountain  commands  all  the  country  round,  and 
looks  over  the  Wady  N'we'meh.  This  point  being  of  great  strategical  value, 
we  should  perhaps  locate  here  the  fortress  of  DUk  or  Dagon,  spoken  of  in 
the  Book  of  Maccabees  and  in  Josephus.  The  same  name  is  found  again 
in  that  of  the  spring  called  '^Ain  ed  Diik,  not  far  away,  and  a  little  higher  up 
the  wady  I  wa.s  told — how  truly  I  was  not  able  to  ascertain — that  there  were 
traces  of  ruins  on  a  plateau  at  the  top. 

This  same  name  Dfik  would  also  appear  to  have  been  anciently  applied 
to  the  mountain  called  from  the  time  of  the  Crusaders  the  Mountain  of  the 
Quarantania.  This  is  indubitaby  proved  by  an  ancient  Christian  Arabic  MS., 
still  unpublished,  which  contains  a  very  curious  description  of  the  Holy  Places. 
It  is  there  expressly  stated  that  the  Mountain  of  the  Quarantania  is  called 
Jebel  cd  Diik  (j^J-l^  J^^))  ^nd  that  this  is  the  mountain  from  under  which  the 
spring  of  Elisha  issued.  The  real  native  name,  therefore,  of  the  mountain 
christened  by  the  Franks  "the  Mountain  of  the  Quarantania"  is  Jcbel  cd, 
Diik,  and  hence  it  becomes  very  probable  that  this  is  in  fact  the  mountain 
spoken  of  in  the  Life  of  St.  Cliariton  (Boilandists,  September  2Sth,  pp.  6i8 
and  622),  under  the  mutilated  name  of  Lukes  Mountain,  in  the  neighbourhood 
of  Jericho  (Aovko,  to  be  altered  to  AovKa).  This  fact  has  its  importance, 
proving  as  it  does  that  the  name  Duk  is  earlier  than  the  Arab  conquest.  The 
author  of  the  Life  of  St.  Chariton  explains  the  origin  of  the  name  in  this 
way  :  Elpidius,  having  established  a  religious  foundation  in  this  place,  he 
(Elpidius)  was  called  Aou/ca  [dux,  "duke"),  because  he  commanded  the  laura 
like  a  kind  of  duke,  repelling  the  attacks  of  the  Jews  who  inhabited  a  place 
(yoipiov)  in  the  neighbourhood  called  NoepoV.  We  may  believe  that  the 
author  is  here  playing  upon  a  more  ancient  name,  an  old  Hebrew  or  Aramaic 
name  of  the  spot,  namely,  that  Dilk  which  we  encounter  in  Jewish  history. 
I  will  remark,  in  passing,  that  the  Noeron  in  question  here  is  simply  the 
Naorath  which  the  Ononiasticon  speaks  of  as  being  a  "Villula  Judaeorum"  five 
miles  from  Jericho,  and  regards,  rightly  or  wrongly,  as  identical  with  the 
Naarah  in  the  tribe  of  Ephraim.      It   is  interesting  to  note   that   this  name, 


Archceological  Researches  in  Pales  fine. 

now  vanished  from  the  native  toponymy,"  was  still  in  existence  when  the 
Life  of  SL  Chariton  was  compiled,  and  that  the  place  had  remained  an  im- 
portant Jewish  centre.  It  is  the  Near  a  of  Josephus,  whence  an  aqueduct 
brought  water  to  the  plantations  of  Jericho,  and  the  Naaran  (p^i)  of  the 
Talmud,  a  neighbour  and  an  enemy  of  Jericho.  It  has  been  proposed  to 
locate  it  at  Khurbet  el  'Aujah,  but  the  distance  does  not  exactly  agree.  In 
this  latter  respect,  if  the  Jericho  of  the  Ononiasticott  be  represented  by  the 
Riha  of  to-day,  the  actual  neighbourhood  of  'Ain  ed  Duk  would  be  preferable. 

I  continued  to  ascend  the  Wady  N'we'meh,  which  grows  wider  just  here, 
keeping  along  the  base  of  the  hills  that  skirt  the  northern  side  of  it.  When 
I  had  got  up  about  as  high  as  the  springs  of 'Ain  ed  Duk  and  'Ain  N'we'meh, 
I  went  to  see  a  tomb  which  was  dug  out  in  the  rocky  side  of  a  hill,  the 
opening  of  which  is  visible  from  the  bottom  of  the  valley.  It  consists  of  a 
chamber  with  21  loculi  at  right  angles  to  the  walls  [kokiin),  and  arranged  in 
two  rows,  one  above  the  other.t 

This  number  21  (7  and  3)  has  a  symbolical  import  in  the  arrangement 
of  tombs.  I  noticed  there  also  two  stone  sarcophagi,  one  longer  and  wider 
than  the  other.     On  the  ground  in  the  middle  of  a  heap  of  chopped  straw 



*  It  is  met  with  again  on  the  other  side  of  Jordan,  in  the  name  of  a  homonymous  locality,  to 
the  north  of  Hesban :  AW'aur  (khilrbet,  'ain,  and  wady,  .jili)- 

t  I  did  not  make  a  plan  of  it,  but  Mr.  Drake,  whom  I  took  there  the  next  day,  doubtless 
did  so. 

First  Excursion  to  Jericho.  23 

{tibeii)  there  lay  a  fragment  of  the  lid  of  a  sarcophagus,  carved  and 
ornamented  with  acroteria  or  fastigia,  rounded  at  the  corners  and  triangular 
at  the  sides,  along  with  some  more  fragments,  plainly  of  sarcophagi  and 
lids.  This  chamber  had  been  recently  opened,  my  guide  declared,  by  a 
Bedawy  who  had  found  it  convenient  for  a  granary  ;  in  fact,  I  noticed  at 
the  door  of  the  tomb  the  earth  that  had  been  removed  from  it,  mixed  with 
bones,  potsherds,  and  bits  of  glass,  etc.,  and  it  did  not  appear  to  have  lain 
there  long. 

By  the  side  of  this  tomb  I  noticed  another  of  the  same  sort,  almost 
wholly  filled  up  with  earth.  I  came  back  next  day  and  excavated  it,  but 
without  any  results  of  interest.  This  second  tomb  struck  me  as  having  never 
been  entirely  finished,  but  it  must  in  any  case  have  been  rifled  long  before. 
We  found  mingled  with  the  earth  in  one  of  the  corners  of  the  chamber 
some  bones,  apparently  belonging  to  a  body,  an  Arab's  possibly,  which  had 
been  buried  there  at  a  later  period. 

Probably  the  presence  of  these  tombs,  and  the  discovery  of  these  sarco- 
phagi, accounts  for  the  origin  of  a  legend  that  my  guide  related  to  me. 
Pointing  from  where  we  stood  to  the  bottom  of  the  valley,  he  said,  "  At  the 
back  of  the  level  country  {fy  kd  kkaur)  of  Ahi  Lahein,  in  the  Wady 
N'we'meh,  not  far  from  the  spring,  they  say  there  is  a  great  long  stone  with 
an  inscription.  By  the  side  of  it  is  a  leaden  chest  which  contains  another 
chest  all  of  gold,  which  again  contains  the  body  of  a  man."  The  same  guide, 
told  me  that  the  "old  men  of  Riha"  said  that  the  site  of  ancient  Jericho  was 
at  Tell  el  Matlab. 

He  also  mentioned  a  large  upright  rock  {wdkef)  called  Chahmiln  or 
Chahvmm,  which  is  like  a  solitary  mountain,  and  is  situated  about  two  hours' 
journey  to  the  south  of  Hajar  el  Asbah.  This  must  be  \.\\&  Jebel  el  Kakmiini 
of  the  Map  (to  the  S.W.  near  Neby  Musa).  Only  the  pronunciation  as  I 
noted  it  would  imply  the  spelling  ^j^^i',  c'rH-^'  ''^'■h^*'  '^han  that  used  in  the 
Name  Lists,  *j..«^. 

Legends  of  Joshua. — All  Monday  was  taken  up  with  the  fruitless  excava- 
tion of  the  tomb  last  mentioned. 

In  the  evening,  in  the  course  of  conversation  with  one  of  the  'Abid 
employed  as  guides  by  the  Survey  Party,  I  gathered  from  his  lips  a  number 
of  traditions  which  appear  worth  relating  in  detail,  as  they  refer  confusedly 
but  still  unequivocally  to  the  name  and  history  of  Joshua.  I  attach  a  certain 
value  to  these  legends,  though  strangely  modified  indeed  from  the  Bible 
stories,  because  they  were  related   to  me  by  a  simple-minded  and  rather  shy 

24  Archceological  Researches  in  Palestine. 

man,  before  an  audience  of  Arabs  who  could  check  his  assertions,  and  because 
alterations  they  have  undergone  are  too  curious  and  too  local  not  to  be 
original.  I  mean  by  this  (and  will  presently  give  proof  of  it)  that  it  would  be 
a  mistake  to  regard  them  as  recent  adaptations  of  Christian  traditions  ;  they 
must  belonor  to  an  old  mass  of  Arabic  folk-lore  which  has  for  centuries  been 
current  among  the  natives  of  the  plain  of  Jericho. 

I  reproduce  faithfully  my  Bedawy's  story. 

"  Not  far  from  Tell  el  Ifhlek"*  (a  locality  that  I  shall  have  occasion  to 
speak  of  again  later  on,  and  which  is  situated  something  over  a  mile  to  the 
east  of  Riha)  "there  are,"  said  he,  "some  ruins  with  daivdres^  Here  once 
rose  the  ancient  Jericho,  'the  city  of  brass'  [Medmet  en  nalids),  surrounded 
with  seven  walls  of  brass.  The  city  was  in  the  power  of  the  kiiffdr  (infidels), 
and  the  Imam  'Aly,  son  of  Abu  Taleb  (Imam  of  the  makam  described  above.), 
warred  against  them.  'Aly,  mounted  on  his  horse  Meimun,;{:  rode  round  the 
city,  and  overthrew  the  walls  by  blowing  on  them  {hen-ncfes)  :  the  ramparts 
fell  of  themselves,  stone  by  stone." 

It  is  superfluous  to  point  out  to  the  reader  that  this  legend  closely  agrees 
with  the  capture  of  Jericho  by  Joshua.  Here  is  another  detail  showing  con- 
clusively the  personality  of  Joshua  hidden  under  that  of  the  Imam  'Aly. 

When  he  was  doing  battle  with  the  kujfdr  of  the  Town  of  Brass,  the 
day  began  to  draw  to  a  close,  and  the  infidels  were  about  to  escape  under 
cover  of  the  darkness,  when  the  Imam  'Aly  cried  out  and  addressed  the 
sun,  '"  Erja'y,  yd  mtibdraka"  Return,  O  Blessed  One,  and  "'  Inthiny,  yd 
mubdraka"  Turn  back,  O  Blessed  One.  Immediately,  by  God's  grace,  the 
sun,  which  was  in  the  west,  and  was  about  to  disappear  behind  the  mountain, 
came  back  and  stationed  itself  in  the  east,  at  the  place  of  its  rising.  Since 
this  time  the  mountain  above  which  the  sun  stood  at  the  moment  of  the 
miracle  has  been  called  Dhahrat  eth  Thiniyeh,  literally,  "  the  ridge  of  the 
turning  back."  This  mountain  is  the  low  chain  which  skirts  the  base  of  Mount 
Ouarantania,  above  the  Tawahin  es  Sukkar,  and  is  crossed  as  one  goes  from 
'Ain   es   Sultan    to   the   Makam.      It   is  covered    with    little   heaps   of  stones 

*  Another  Bedawy  from  among  the  "Abid  said  "  a  little  to  the  north  of  the  Tell." 

t  Plural  form  oi  ddriseh,  "traces  of  ancient  things,  remains." 

X  The  horse  Meimihi  is  celebrated  in  Mussulman  legend.  It  was  a  winged  horse,  a  kind  of 
Pegasus,  and  was  brought  to  Adam  by  Ridhwan,  the  guardian  angel  of  Paradise.  It  is  a  rather 
striking  coincidence  that  the  name  Ridhwan  happens  to  be  that  given  to  Joshua  in  Arabo- 
Samaritan  tradition. 

First  Excursion  to  Jericho.  25 

(shawdhed,  "  testimonia  ")  set  up  by  the  Mussulmans,  who  can  descry  thence, 
directly  to  the  south,  the  no  less  sacred  Makdni  of  Neby  Musa. 

But  to  go  on  with  our  story.  As  soon  as  the  Imam  'Aly  saw  the  sun  in 
the  east  again,  he  called  out  to  his  servant  Eb'lal,'"  who  happened  at  the 
moment  to  be  on  the  mountain  now  called  Muedhdhen  Eb'lal,  to  give  the 
signal  {ediidn)  for  morning  prayer,  whence  the  mountain  was  afterwards 
called  the  "  Place  of  the  Call  to  Prayer  by  Eb'lal. "t  This  miracle  secured 
the  victory  of  the  Imam  'Aly;  he  exterminated  the  unbelievers,  whose 
remains  were  eaten  up  by  wasps  {cfbfir),  and  destroyed  the  city  root  and 

It  is  easy  to  distinguish  in  this  native  legend,  though  in  a  state  of 
quaint  confusion  and  amalgamation,  all  the  distinctive  features  of  the  Bible 
narrative  relating  to  the  taking  of  Jericho  and  the  final  victory  of  Joshua  over 
the  Amorites  at  the  battle  of  Beth-horon.  In  consequence,  however,  of  the 
utter  lack  of  historical  perspective  that  characterises  popular  accounts,  facts 
and  persons  totally  distinct  and  furthest  apart  in  time,  appear  here  all  on  the 
same  plan.  A  strong  tendency  is  also  visible  to  localize  striking  details  by 
connecting  them  with  names  of  places  involving  attempts  at  etymology  of  the 
most  rudimentary  kind.  Still,  I  think  it  is  not  uninteresting  to  have  gathered 
these  popular  accounts  at  the  spot  where  the  events  are  represented  in  the 
Bible  as  taking  place,  for  they  hand  down  a  tradition,  and  whatever  their 
origin  may  be,  are  not  the  creations  of  yesterday,  as  I  shall  now  proceed  to 

As  early  as  Mujir  ed  Din  we  find  the  capture  of  Jericho  and  the  staying 
of  the  sun  fused  into  one  episode.  This  writer  says  that  the  two-fold  miracle 
occurred  on  a  Friday,  and  this  feature  is  further  developed  by  the  apj^earance 
in  the  Bedouin  legend  of  the  Muezzin  Eb'lal.  Mujir  ed  Din  himself  merely 
borrows  this  account  with  its  characteristic  peculiarities  from  older  Mussulman 

But  this  is  not  all.  A  testimony  which,  being  that  of  a  Christian,  is 
quite  independent,  namely,  that  of  the  Russian  Igumen  (Abbot)  Daniel,  shows 

*  Bilal,  the  famous  Muezzin,  a  slave  of  Abyssinian  origin,  who  was  the  first  among  Mussul- 
mans to  be  appointed  to  this  office,  and  by  Mahomet  himself 

t  I  am  inclined  to  believe  that  this  name  Eb'lal  {= Bilal)  gave  rise  to  that  of  a  group  of  the 
AblJ  tribe  called  the  Belalat. 

\  P.  94  of  the  liulak  Arabic  text.     The  legend  in  question  is  again  met  with,  for  instance,  in 
the  Tarikhi  Montekheh.     {Cf.  d'Herbelot,  Bibliothcqtie  Orientate,  s,  \./osilwva.) 


26  Archceolooical  Researches  in  Palestine. 


that  the  transference  by  legend  of  the  miracle  of  Gabaon  to  the  vicinity  of 
Jericho  was  already  an  accomplished  fact  in  the  12th  century.  In  the 
description  of  Jericho,  after  speaking  of  the  convent  and  church  of  St.  Michael 
that  rose  on  the  site  of  Gilgal  to  hallow  the  memory  of  the  vision  of  Joshua,  to 
whom  the  Sar  Saba  of  Jehovah  appeared,"  he  adds:  "West  of  this  place  there 
is  a  mountain^  called  Gabaon,  which  is  very  large  and  high.  It  was  over  this 
mountain  that  the  sun  stood  still  for  half  a  day,  so  that  Joshua,  the  son  of 
Nun,  might  triumph  over  his  enemies  when  he  fought  against  Og(!),  King  of 
Bashan,  and  all  the  kingdoms  of  Canaan.  And  when  Joshua  had  completely 
vanquished  them,  the  sun  set. "J  Thus  the  localization  of  the  legend  at 
Jericho,  in  the  shape  in  which  I  found  it,  and  with  the  complication  of  a  new 
confusion  (the  victory  over  the  Amorites),  was  already  current  in  this  quarter. 

Deviations  and  displacements  of  this  sort  in  the  story  of  Joshua  are  very 
ancient ;  we  find  in  early  times  this  tendency  to  group  around  Jericho  the 
places  and  deeds  which  stand  out  most  prominently  in  the  history  of  the 
successor  of  Moses.  Thus  it  is,  for  instance,  that  we  find  Procopius  of  Gaza, 
Eusebius,  and  St.  Jerome,  saying  that  Mounts  Ebal  and  Gerizim,  which  at  a 
later  time  are  pointed  out  by  the  Samaritans  at  Sichevi,  are  in  reality  not  far 
from  Gilgal,  near  Jericho.  It  looks  as  if  this  evolution  were  earlier  than 
the  Christian  authors  I  have  just  quoted,  and  as  if  they  had  borrowed 
this  singular  theory  from  Jews,  who  held  it  perhaps  out  of  hostility  to 
the  Samaritans.  The  transference  of  the  miracle  from  Gabaon  may 
belong  to  the  same  period,  even  if  it  was  not  determined  by  the  same 
motive.  Moreover,  Ebal,  Gerizim,  and  Gabaon  are  not  the  only  names 
that  have  become  connected  with  Jericho  ;  Hermon  also  has  shared  this 
fate.  The  Ononmsticon,  Antoninus,  St.  John  of  Damascus,  and  after  them 
a  number  of  pilgrims,  agree  in  locating  the  hill  of  Hermon  near  the  Jordan, 
not  far  from  Jericho.  Hence  one  sees  that  the  Bedouin  legend  has 
respectable  and  ancient  precedents. 

One  detail  of  the  Bedouin  legend  strikes  me  as  having  a  very  curious 
Biblical  character,  namely  the  zuasps  sent  by  God  to  complete  the  extermina- 
tion of  the  infidels  of  Jericho.  It  vividly  recalls  a  passage  in  the  Wisdom  of 
Solomon  (.xii,  8),  where  the  writer,  after  mentioning  the  Canaanitish  peoples 
that  lived    in    the    land    before    the    Israelites,    and  after    alluding     to    their 

*  See  further  on  my  remarks  on  this  tradition. 

t  He  is  speaking,  as  the  sequel  of  the  description  shows,  of  the  Mountain  of  the  Quarantania. 

I  PalesttJie  Pilgrims'  Text  Society s  Tram.,  p.  32. 

First  Excursion  lo  /cric/to.  27 

sanguinary  rites,  says,  "  And  thou  hast  sent  as  scouts  of  thy  army,  wasps 
{a-(f)rJKa<;)  to  destroy  them." 

This  passage  may  be  compared  with  Deuteronomy  i,  44,  where  Jehovah 
says  that  the  Amorites,  coming  down  from  the  mountains,  jxirsued  the  dis- 
obedient IsraeHtes  as  wasps  do,  or  bees  (D"'imn).  Not  only  is  this  distinctly 
local  simile  found  alike  in  the  Hebrew  text  and  the  Bedouin  legend,  but  the 
very  words  are  identical,  deborim  =  d'bilr,  (  ,jjj)  "  wasps."  We  find  the 
same  comparison  used  in  speaking  of  the  "Assyrian  hornet"  to  which 
Jehovah  calls  (Isaiah  vii,  18),  and  of  the  strange  nations  that  surround  the 
Psalmist  like  "bees"  (Ps.  cxvlii,  12).  It  may  not  be  out  of  place  to  remark 
in  this  connection  that  the  Hebrew  word  dchcr,  derived  from  the  same  root, 
signifies  "  extermination,"  and  especially  denotes  "  pestilence,"  that  scourge 
which  singles  out  armies  for  its  prey.  In  Arabic  the  word  dabra  is  par- 
ticularly used  of"  the  flight  of  a  routed  army."  It  is  likely  enough  that  these 
various  meanings  of  forms  sprung  from  the  same  root  are  connected  by  a 
bond  ot  metaphor  of  which  we  find  a  trace  in  our  Bedouin  legend. 

In  the  morning  of  Tuesday,  while  M.  Lecomte  was  engaged  in  making  a 
sketch  of  the  plain  of  Jericho  near  Tell  el  'Ain,  we  went  with  Lieut.  Conder 
to  Tell  el  Ithleh,  to  which  our  attention  had  been  attracted  by  the  foregoing 
account,  but  discovered  nothing  noteworthy.  Lieut.  Conder  then  left  me  in 
order  to  examine  the  region  of  Tell  el  Mufjir.  I  now  wanted  to  make  a 
careful  examination  of  the  neighbourhood  of  Tell  el  Ithleh,  but  as  ill  luck 
would  have  it,  my  guide,  a  man  from  Riha,  was  so  unintelligent  that  I  could 
get  no  information  from  him,  and  I  had  to  abandon  the  idea.  I  keenly 
regretted  this  when  I  got  back  to  Jerusalem,  for  on  reading  the  Guide  of 
Brother  Lievin  and  Zschokke's  monograph,  I  saw  that  the  place  could  not  be 
far  distant  from  the  traditional  site  of  Gilgal,  even  now  called  Tell  el  Jiljill. 
The  point  would  have  been  an  important  one  to  clear  up,  for  it  might  have 
established  incidentally  the  exact  site  of  the  different  Jerichos  ;  but  I  heard  of 
it  too  late.  I  immediately  notified  Lieut.  Conder  of  the  fact,  and  he  wrote 
back  to  say  how  exact  the  information  was. 

From  Tell  el  Ithleh  I  proceeded  towards  Riha,  as  my  guide  declared  he 
had  at  his  house  there  an  inscribed  stone  found  at  Tell  el  Kos.  It  was 
nothing  but  a  mere  piece  of  marble  with  some  scratches  on  it  caused  by  the 

I  spent  nearly  an  hour  in  examining  stone  by  stone  all  the  ruined 
dwellings  of  the  inhabitants  of  Jericho.  This  minute  and  laborious  inspection 
was  without  result.      I  only  saw  the  spot  whence  a  fragment  of  a  fine  Roman 

E     2 


Archceological  Researches  in  Palestine. 

monumental  inscription,  of  which  I  had  previously  taken  an  impression,"  had 
been  taken  away  to  Jerusalem  about  three  years  before. 

It  is  a  thick  block  of  hard  limestone  measuring  13!  inches  by  14  inches, 
containino- the  ends  of  four  lines  enclosed  in  a  cartouche  with  ears.  In  that 
on  the  right,  which  is  preserved,  is  represented  a  thunderbolt. 

I  sent  a  copy  to  Prof.  Mommsen 

for  the  Additamcnta  to  Vol.  Ill  of 
the  Coi-pus  Inscr.  Lai  in. '\  He  pro- 
poses the  following  restoration  : — 

imp.  ca;s.  diui  ANTO(N) 
f.  1.  aurclio  u  ERO  AVG 

leg f  ECIT 

sub com  MODO  COS. 

The  inscription  belongs  to  the 
period  of  the  Emperor  Lucius  Verus. 
Possibly  the  name  of  Marcus  Aurelius, 
with  whom  he  was  associated  in  the 
Government,  ought  to  be  restored 
by  the  side  of  the  latter ;  the  two  appear  together  on  several  milestones 
discovered  in  Palestine.  The  thickness  of  the  fragment  shows  it  to  have 
belonged  to  a  block  of  large  size,  with  lines  much  longer  than  those  supposed 
by  Prof.  Mommsen  in  his  restoration.  In  this  way  there  would  be  plenty  of 
space  for  the  double  imperial  protocol :  Inipp.  Caess.  M.  Aurclio  Antonino  et 
L.  Aiirelio  Vero  Angg.,  etc.,  or  for  some  other  such  formulae,  more  or  less 

The  inscription  was  dedicated  under  the  consularis  Commodus,  whose 
name  is  also  to  be  met  with,  as  my  colleague  M.  Heron  de  Villefosse  has 
pointed  out  to  me,    on   some    Syrian  coins,  S5  probably   by  the    Legion,  or  a 

*  April  22nd,  187 1,  Note-book  IV,  p.  23^  :  "  Brought  from  Jericho  by  the  Sheikh  of  Selwan." 
I  copied  it  and  took  an  impression  of  it  at  his  house,  but  he  would  not  let  me  have  it.  I  came 
across  it  again  afterwards,  in  1881,  at  the  Armenian  convent  in  Jerusalem,  and  took  a  good 
photograph  of  it.     (See  my  Rapports  stir  niie  mLsion  en  Palestine  ct  en  Phenicie,  1884,  p.  1 12.) 

t  Epliemer.  Epigr.,  p.  618  :  Corpus  Inscr.  Latin,  III  Suppl.,  No.  6645.  Cf.  P.  von  Rohden, 
de  Palaestina  et  Arabia,  p.  42,  No.  28. 

:j;   Cf.  Waddington,  Inscriptions  grecques  et  latines  de  la  Syrie,  No.  1875. 

g  There  is  a  dissertation  on  them  by  Borghesi  {CEuvres,  Vol.  IV,  p.  170).  On  the  other 
hand,  De  Vit  (Onoinasticon,  II,  p.  391,  verso,  Commodus,  IV)  says  that  coins  of  this  same  legate 
are  in  existence  struck  in  Thrace,  with  the  name  of  the  gens, /i/lii/s  Commodus. 

First  Excursion  to  JericJio. 


detachment  {Vexi/tatio)  of  the  legio  that  was  at  that  time  in  garrison  at 
Jericho.  Unfortunately  the  name  and  number  of  this  legion,  which  should  be 
on  the  third  line,  have  disappeared.  I  thought  for  the  moment,  from  the 
thunderbolts  carved  in  the  auricles,  that  it  might  be  the  Twelfth  Legion,  the 
Fulminata,  but  that  is  not  much  to  go  by  ;  besides,  we  know  that  this  legion 
was  no  longer  in  Syria  in  the  reign  of  Marcus  Aurelius,  but  in  Cappadocia. 

In  any  case,  the  Jericho  fragment  has  a  great  historical  importance,  since 
it  teaches  us  the  name  of  the  legatus  Augusti,  pro  preetore  consularis,  who 
governed  the  province  of  Palestine  between  the  years  161  and  169  of  our 
era.  Lucius  Verus  died,  as  we  know,  in  169;  on  the  other  hand,  we  are 
aware  that,  in  167,  the  government  of  Palestine  was  entrusted  to  Flavius 
Boethus,  who  died  shortly  after  reaching  his  post,  as  we  are  told  by  the 
physician  Galenus.* 

Here  follows  a  reproduction  of  another  small  fragment  (of  marble)  with 
Latin  (probably  Roman)  characters.  This  likewise  came  from  Jericho  ;  I  got 
it  when  I  first  stayed  there. 

It  is  difficult  to  make  anything  out  of  these  remains,  which  only  contain  a 
part  of  a  line  and  a'few  traces  of  another  line  underneath.  The  first  mutilated 
letter  is  more  probably  a  O  than  an  O.  I  am  also  at  a  loss  how  to  divide  the 
words  in  the  obscure  group  of  letters  :  .  .  .  que  /(or  i)ovent  sit  {per  ?)...?? 

Deir  el  Kelt. — We  spent  the  afternoon  in  going  with  Mr.  Drake  and 
M.  Lecomte  to  see  the  conv&nt  oi  Deir  el  Kelt.  Lieut.  Conder  had  a  few 
days  before  made  a  plan  of  this  convent,  which  lies  in  the  wildest  part  of  the 
wady  of  the  same  name.  I  went  there  chiefly  to  take  a  squeeze  of  a  Greek 
and  Arabic  Inscription  which  Lieut.  Conder  had  discovered  and  copied.  To 
get  there  we  had  to  go  on  foot  along  the  aqueduct  that  traverses  the  Wad 

*  See  von  Rohden,  op.  cit.,  p.  43.     He  makes  our  Commodus  the  immediate  predecessor  of 
Boethus;  he  might  conceivably  have  been  his  successor  (167-169). 

30  Archceological  Rcscavihcs  in  Palestine. 

cl  Kelt  half  way  up  the  northern  side  of  that  deep  ravine.  The  road  was 
rugged  and  the  heat  overpowering. 

The  convent  appeared  to  me  to  present  no  interesting  features.  The 
frescoes  that  adorn  the  interior  of  the  church  and  the  ruined  chapel  seem  to 
belong  to  various  late  periods.  They  are  covered  with  inscriptions  in  cursive 
character,  some  done  with  paint,  some  mgraffite. 

The  only  detail  that  struck  me  about  the  church  was  that  it  could  not  be 
regularly  orientated,  on  account  of  the  direction  of  the  steep  rock  to  which 
it  clings  ;  this  serious  breach  of  the  princijDle  of  religious  architecture  had 
been  compensated  for  by  putting  in  the  window  of  the  apse  obliquely.  The 
sides  of  the  window  are  at  such  angles  with  one  another,  and  with  the  apse 
itself,  that  the  medial  axis  of  the  window  points  exactly  to  the  east,  so  that  a 
ray  of  the  rising  sun  can  pass  into  the  nave  through  the  opening.  The 
requirements  of  symmetry  have  been  sacrificed  without  hesitation  to  ritual 

The  inscription  is  built  in  over  the  entrance,  which  is  a  door  quite  in 
Arab  style;  it  is  in  two  languages,  Greek  and  Arabic,  probably  of  late  date. 
The  Greek  portion  is  most  incorrect  in  orthography  and  syntax,  and  is  more- 
over carved  in  slovenly  fashion  and  difficult  to  decipher.  I  have  given  in  the 
Qiiarterly  Statement  (1874,  pp.  89,  90)  two  provisional  attempts  at  an  inter- 
pretation of  it.  A  fresh  squeeze  has  been  recently  taken  of  it  by  Father 
Lagrange,  and  a  transcription  of  it  has  been  published  by  Father  Germer- 
Durand,  with  some  good  observations  attached.  The  latter  reads  it  on  the 
whole  pretty  much  as  I  do,  though  he  was  unacquainted  with  my  report. t 
On  the  opposite  page  is  a  reproduction  from  my  squeeze. 

{Greek)  "  The  monastery  has  been  restored  ...  by  the  hand  of  Ibrahim 
and  his  brothers.  ..." 

{Arabic)  "  This  work  Ibrahim  and  his  brothers,  the  sons  of  Musa,  of 
Jifna,|  have  done.  May  God  have  mercy  on  them,  as  on  him  who  shall  read 
it  and  say  :  Amen." 

' Kv€K€VLa6TQ   is    for    aveKaiviaS-q.      The    qualifying  word  before   y.ovy}    is 

*  We  took,  together  with  M.  Lecomte,  a  detailed  plan  of  this  interesting  architectural 
anomaly,  but  unfortunately  the  original  plate  has  been  lost  by  the  engraver.  It  was  numbered 
44,  and  showed,  (i)  a  plan  of  the  apse  of  the  chapel,  (2)  a  section  of  the  bay  with  the  easterly 
orientation,  (3)  a  picturesque  view  of  the  monastery. 

t  Revue  Biblique,  July,  1892,  ]>.  442. 

%  A  village  lying  to  the  north  of  Jerusalem,  on  the  road  to  Nablus. 

First  Excursion  to  Jericho. 


doubtful.  Father  Germer-Durand  reads  it  77ap(o{;o-a),  "the  present  monastery," 
but  one  feels  inclined  to  restore  7ra(Xata),  "ancient,"  or  even  7ra(cra),  "the 
whole."  I  can  make  no  satisfactory  meaning  out  of  the  last  line.  Father 
Germer-Durand  reads  :  e(T€t)  B(acrtX6ia<r)  X(/Dto-Toi;)  TT{avTaKpa.Topo<;)  vl/3 
M(ap)T(toii)  t{ov)  rjyovu.i(yov)  Vepaa-[i)ixov  :  "  in  the  950th  year  of  the  reign  of 
Almighty  the  12th  of  March  under  the  Igumen  Gerasimus."  This  reading 
however  is  mere  guesswork,  and  seems  to  me  more  than  doubtful. 


^ A-veKeviaOrj  rj   na  ?   /  (xo{vrj)   Sta  ^(e)tp69 
'l/Bpay^Lfji    (/cat)    tov'^    aSeXcpov"    d"Tov.       E  ? 
)(TT  ?  pl/3  it  [or  yt)    lttjvo  v'  ye  pa 

^^AJw>-S        tO'l^t         *J.i'_''         iXy^S.        i_l.<jl^!'       'jki 

I  -J    , ,  ►-<     ♦^^  ,  •    t^U  1    j^^^-  ,    O  %  \jJi^  \    I— ■  »-c 

I  gathered  from  the  lips  of  a  Mussulman  of  Jerusalem  a  rather  curious 
legend  about  Wad  el  Kelt  and  its  aqueducts,  and  although  this  man's  story 
lacks  topographical  precision,  I  think  its  interest  warrants  me  in  giving  it  here. 

A  Christian  woman  was  having  an  aqueduct  made  in  the  Wad  el  Kelt  to 
irrigate  the  plain  of  Jericho.  To  her  came  Moses  [Sidna  Musa),  who  had  a 
similar  intention.  The  Christian  woman  refused  to  help  Moses  by  making 
her  aqueduct  pass  a  certain  way;  it  resulted  in  each  defying  the  other  to  get 
the  work  done  first.  Then  Moses  took  his  rod  and  marked  with  the  tip  of  it 
a  channel  on  the  ground,  which  the  water  at  once  filled,  and  flowed  to  Birket 
Mtisa  at  the  foot  of  Beit  Jaber. 

32  Arch(eological  Researches  in  Palestine. 

The  most  noteworthy  thing  about  this  legend  is  that  it  gives  us  what  is 
perhaps  the  real  origin  of  the  name  Wad  el  Kelt.  To  "irrigate"  the  plain 
(inin  shdn  yikallit)  was  in  fact  the  object  of  the  rival  aqueduct  builders.  Now 
the  word  yikallit  is  the  second  form  of  a  verb  kalat  c:^-,  which  has  no  connec- 
tion with  irrigating  ;  it  is  the  verb  kalad  aL-  that  has  this  meaning.  The 
substitution  of  /  for  d  must  therefore  be  the  result  of  vulgar  pronunciation, '■• 
and  as  yikallit  evidently  stands  for  yikallid,  so  kelt  must  represent  keld. 
Consequently  the  name  should  properly  be  spelt  :^  keld,  and  the  real  meaning 
of  zudd  el  Kelt  {keld)  is  "  valley  of  irrigation."  This  name  is  justified  by  the 
presence  of  the  three  aqueducts  which  the  valley  contains,  and  which  descend 
into  the  plain.  This  leads  us  far  away  from  the  connection  that  used  to  be 
set  up  between  the  name  of  this  valley  and  that  of  the  famous  valley,  or  rather 
brook,  of  Cherith,  for  it  leaves  the  two  names  without  even  one  letter  in 
common  {^^^2  and   aL-). 

The  same  man  told  me  that  in  the  Wad  el  Kelt  there  was  a  spring, 
of  which  he  could  not  eive  the  name,  but  which  was  "  bewitched  with  the 
white  man  and  the  negro"  {/narsinl'ald  I- abed  u  "l-horr^).  The  water  of  the 
spring  at  one  time  flows  copiously,  at  another  entirely  disappears,  so  that  it  is 
often  quite  impossible  to  drink  at  it.  This  alternation  arises  from  a  perpetual 
combat  between  the  black  man  and  the  white  man  ;  when  the  negro  gets  the 
upper  hand  the  water  rises,  but  when  the  white  man  wins,  the  water  goes 
down.  Evidently  this  is  a  case  of  an  intermittent  spring.  I  do  not  know 
whether  the  two  springs  noted  there  by  the  Survey  present  this  peculiarity, 
but  perhaps  there  is  a  third  still  to  be  found  in  the  wady. 

'A in  es  Sultan. — On  returning  from  Deir  el  Kelt,  I  took  advantage  of 
the  presence  of  my  two  workmen  from  Selwan  to  get  them  to  lay  bare  part  of 
the  small  ruined  edifice  which  surrounds  the  spring  at  Tell  es  Sultan  called 
"  Elisha's  spring."  I  plainly  distinguished  an  apse  with  a  niche.  Is  this 
part  of  a  small  pagan  temple  dedicated,  as  was  usual,  to  the  god  or  goddess 
of  the  spring,  or  merely  of  the  church  which,  according  to  Theodosius,  was 
built  over  the  spring  itself  ."* J 

*  For  the  interchdnge  to  /  and  d  at  the  end  of  words,  in  vulgar  Arabic,  cf.  the  Arabic  name 
of  Goliath,  Jdliit,  which  becomes  Jalud. 

t  Horr  properly  signifies  "  free  man  "  and  'alu-d,  "  black  slave.''  My  translation  is  based  on 
further  clues  which  my  informant  gave  me. 

X  Itinera  Bieiosolymitaiia,  I,  p.  68  :  "  Memoria  sancti  Helisaei  ibi  est,  ubi  fontem  ilium 
benedixit,  et  super  ipsa  memoria  ecclesia  asdificata  est." 

First  Excursion  to  Jericho.  33 

Unfortunately  I  had  to  stop  the  excavation  in  view  of  the  remonstrances 
of  the  inhabitants  of  Riha,  who  were  afraid  it  would  dry  up  the  water  of  the 

Sundries  from  my  note-books. — The  mountain  above  Beit  Jaber  to  the 
south  of  Wad  el  Kelt  is  called  Hosob  Madbak  'Ay id.'* 

I  made  the  following  notes  of  the  various  ways  in  which  the  Abu 
N'seir  Bedouin  pronounce  the  v  and  the  ij^.  This  is  a  very  important 
consideration  in  fixing  the  exact  form  of  a  series  of  place-names  of  this 

^  chelb,  "dog." 
(_il^  cJietf,  "shoulder." 

( Jj  galb,   "heart." 

ajl)   ndga,  "  she-camel"  (never  «^r/rt). 
jj^j   rafij,   "companion"  (never  rafig). 
ci^Jjs  gelt  and  jelt  (in  the  name  of  Wad  el  Kelt). 
j^^  kahkilr,   "pile  of  heaped  stones ;"  is  pronounced  in  the 
plural  jehdjir  (  jJLi). 

At  Tell  es  Asmar,^  on  the  bank  of  the  rivulet  that  issues  from  'Ain  es 
Sultan,  I  noticed  in  the  midst  of  a  few  other  roughly  hewn  stones,  a  corner- 
stone with  bossage. 

From  Jericho  to  Jerusalem. — On  the  morning  of  Wednesday,  December 
3rd,  we  started  on  our  way  back  to  Jerusalem.  Messrs.  Conder  and  Drake 
went  with  us,  but  the  latter  left  us  at  Khan  el  Hathrilr,  or  Hathrurah,  in 
order  to  visit  the  ruins  of  Khan  el  Ahmar,  two  miles  to  the  south-west. 

Khan  el  Hathrur. — Shortly  before  arriving  at  the  fortress  of  Khan  el 
Hathrur,  which  we  thoroughly  explored,  I  had  examined  the  remains  of  a 
milestone  which  stood  upright  on  a  quadrangular  base  to  the  left  of  the 
road.      It   is  called  Dabbles  el  'Abed,   "the    Negro's  Club."      M.  de  Saulcy 

*  On  the  Survey  Alap  the  n.ime  Aladbali  'Ayiad  is  applied  merely  to  the  little  valley  lying  to 
the  south  of  this  mountain, 

t  I  do  not  find  this  name  on  the  Map,  but  doubt  its  being  Tell  es  Samarat. 

34  Archceological  Researches  in  Palestine. 

mentions  it,  in  his  first  journey,  under  the  slightly  different  name  ot  Dabbih 
esh  Sheitdn,  "the  Devil's  Club."  It  belongs,  no  doubt,  to  the  Roman  road 
uniting  Jerusalem  and  Jericho,  which  is  the  one  still  in  use.  Soon  after 
passing  the  Khan,  I  noticed  on  the  right,  built  into  the  wall  that  carries  the 
road  over  a  narrow  ravine,  a  fragment  of  a  shaft  of  a  column  of  coarse 
red-tinted  limestone,  which  also  appeared  to  me  to  belong  to  a  milestone. 
This  fragment,  which  was  only  15  inches  in  height,  is  21^  inches  in  diameter 
Now  the  Dabbus  el  'Abed,  which  Lieut.  Conder  measured  at  my  request  on 
his  way  back  to  Jericho,  is  22  inches  in  diameter,  which  differs  only  by  a 
small  fraction  of  an  inch  from  the  fragment  I  noted.  This  similarity  in  the 
two  diameters  cannot  be  accidental,  and  is  the  more  significant  as  there  were 
never  any  buildings  at  Khan  el  Hathrur,  so  far  as  one  can  judge,  likely  to 
contain  such  a  column.  If  this  view  be  admitted,  we  shall  have  here  one 
more  landmark  fixed  in  this  ancient  Roman  way.  Unfortunately  these  two 
mutilated  milestones  bear  no  signs  of  any  number.  Still  they  were  not  the 
only  ones,  and  I  think  that  some  more  might  be  found  on  the  road,  perhaps 
in  good  condition,  which  would  throw  much  light  on  the  position  of  Roman 
Jericho.  For  this  purpose  it  would  be  advisable  to  explore  the  bottom  of  the 
Wad  el  Kelt  for  the  whole  distance  where  it  Is  parallel  to  the  road,  for  the 
milestones  have  doubtless  rolled  down  into  it,  and  it  is  not  likely  to  have 
occurred  to  anyone  to  get  them  out  of  the  chasm  and  make  use  of  them. 

I  ought  to  mention  that  Lieut.  Conder  did  not  share  my  views  on  this 
point.  He  objected,  to  begin  with,  that  the  Interval  between  Dabbus  el'Abed 
and  the  other  fragment  of  a  column  was  considerably  greater  than  a  Roman 
mile.  This  objection  is  easily  met  by  saying  that  they  are  perhaps  not 
exactly  /;/  situ  and  may  have  been  displaced,  especially  the  second  one,  which 
has  been  utilised,  as  I  have  said,  In  building  a  sustaining  wall  to  support  the 
road.  The  second  and  more  weighty  objection  Is  that  the  direction  of  the 
modern  road  through  Khan  el  Hathrur  ceases  to  coincide  with  the  Roman 
way  at  a  point  lying  to  the  west  of  Dabbus  el  'Abed,  and  as  far  up  as  Tal'at 
es  Sumra.  Here  the  Roman  way,  it  is  said,  takes  a  turn  to  the  south  by 
Khan  el  Ahmar,  leaving  the  modern  road,  which  it  joins  again  at  'Arak  Abn 
V  Kara.  I  am  by  no  means  persuaded  of  this.  This  southerly  direction 
may  be  ancient,  but  that  does  not  preclude  the  antiquity  of  the  section  that 
goes  through  Khan  el  Hathrur,  where  there  are  regular  artificial  cuttings 
made  In  the  solid  rock,  and  not  the  work  of  yesterday.  One  might,  it  Is  true, 
attribute  these,  as  well  as  the  construction  of  this  section  of  the  road,  to  the 
Crusaders,  who  held  a  strong  post  at   Khan  el   Hathrur,  and  probably  had  a 

First  Excursion  to  Jericho. 


hand  in  building  the  neighbouring  fortress  which  commands  the  pass.* 
Besides,  if  we  agree  with  the  "  Memoirs"  (III,  172)  in  accepting  the  opinion 
generally  received,  that  TaTat  cd  Duinin  and  Khan  Hatlwiira  with  its  fortress 
represent  the  Makdomim  of  the  Onomasticon  and  the  Castellu^n  Militum,  we 
are  forced  to  admit  that  the  Roman  way  passed  through  Khan  el  Hathrur,  for 
St.  Jerome  expressly  says  that  the  fort  was  erected  to  secure  the  safety  of  the 
road  from  Jerusalem  to  Jericho. 

Evidently,  therefore,  there  is  no  reason  why  this  portion  of  a  column 
should  not  have  belonged  to  one  of  the  milestones  on  this  Roman  road. 

Arad  Milestone. — Ten  years  later  a  curious  discovery  was  made  at  this 
very  spot  that  has  some  bearing  on  this  problem.  It  consisted  of  an  Arab 
milestone  of  the  ist  century  a.h.,  which  served  to  mark  out  the  road  from 
Damascus  to  Jerusalem,  a  road  that  went  through  Jericho  and  Khan  el 
Hathrur.  It  bears  an  inscription  of  the  Caliph  'Abd  el  Melik,  who  con- 
structed the  Kubbet  es  Sakhra  at  Jerusalem.  This  inscription  is  interesting 
in  more  than  one  respect,  it  being  the  first  of  its  kind,  but  as  I  have  published 
and  explained   it   in   a  special   memoir,t   I   will   not   revert  to   it  here,    only 

*  This  is  the  Maledoim  of  the  Templars  (Radulph  de  Coggeshale,  234).  The  name  shows 
that  in  the  time  of  the  Crusades  the  place  was  identified  with  the  Alaaleh  Adummim  of  the  Bible. 
The  identity  of  Khan  el  Hathrur  and  the  Cisterna  Rubea,  or  the  Red  Toiver  (?)  is  another 
question.  Meanwhile  we  must  not  forget  Khan  el  Ahmar,  which  is  not  far  distant  on  the  other 
branch  of  the  road,  and  by  its  name  (the  red  khan)  calls  for  consideration.  This  name,  it  is  true, 
is  sometimes  applied  to  Khan  el  Hathrur  itself.  The  oldest  instance  I  can  find  of  the  occurrence 
of  this  latter  name  is  in  an  ancient  Slavonic  text  dating  back  at  least  to  the  14th  century,  which 
has  been  translated  by  Father  Martinov.  The  unknown  author  says  there  is  to  be  seen  on  the 
road  from  Jerusalem  to  Jericho  "  a  red  mountain  called  Havrouta,  where  Cain  killed  his  brother 
Abel."  Evidently  this  name,  which  appears  to  have  greatly  puzzled  the  translator,  is  nothing  but 
Hathrura,  wrongly  copied  or  wrongly  read. 

t  Reaieil  d' Archeologie  Orientate,  I,  p.  201,  plate  XH.     The  inscription  runs  as  follows: — 

" has  ordered  the  construction  or  repairing  of  this   road,  and  the  niat;ing  up  of  the 

milestones,  'Abd  Allah  "Abd  el  Melik,  Prince  of  the  Believers,  God's  mercy  be  upon  him.  Trom 
Damascus  to  this  milestone  is  one  hundred  and  nine  miles."  According  to  subsequent  informa- 
tion kindly  furnished  me  at  my  request  by  H.E.  Hamdy  Bey,  the  Director  of  the  Imperial 
Museum  at  Constantinople,  the  stone,  which  has  been  conveyed  to  that  place,  consists  of  a 
quadrangular  stele  "  of  white  marble,"  without  a  base,  and  measuring  in  its  present  condition  (it 
is  broken  at  the  top)  14  inches  high  by  16:^  inches  long  by  4!  inches  thick.  To  judge  from  the 
very  careful  sketch,  for  which  I  am  indebted  to  the  kindness  of  Hamdy  Bey,  the  hinder  face  is  of 
undressed  stone,  which  would  appear  to  show  that  this  inscription  was  intended  to  be  looked  at 
from  the  front  only,  and  that  it  must  have  been  built  in. 

Since  then,  another  milestone  of  the  same  caliph  has  been  discovered  at  Bab  el  Wad,  on  the 
road  between  Jerusalem  and  Jaffa  {Comptes-rendus  de  I'Acad.  des  Inscriptions,  1894,  p.  27  ;  Revue 

F    2 


6  ArchcBolozical  Researches  in  Palestine. 

remarking  that  'Abd  el  Melik  most  certainly  did  nothing  but  follow  and 
restore  the  track  of  an  ancient  road  that  already  existed.  This  would  be 
quite  in  accordance  with  Arab  custom.  Probably  also  the  existence  of  ancient 
milestones  gave  him  the  idea  of  having  imitations  of  them  made  under  his 
own  name.      He  imitated  the  milliaria  as  he  did  the  coinage  of  the  Rums. 

Biblique,  T894,  p.  136).  It  is  identical  in  tenour  with  the  one  that  I  have  described,  and  marks 
the  eighth  mile  after  starting  from  Ilya  (Jerusalem).  The  Arab  mile  {miF)  had  borrowed  its  name 
from  the  Roman  mile,  but,  as  I  shall  show  elsewhere,  it  represented  a  different  measure  of 
distance,  which  under  the  early  caliphs  was  to  the  Roman  measure  as  5  is  to  3  or  thereabouts ; 
it  was  in  reality  a  measure  of  Persian  origin,  corresponding  to  the  Pehlevi  hathra  or  haser 
(one-third  of  a  parasang),  and  might  be  reckoned  at  about  2,466  metres.  The  length  of  the 
Arab  mile  must  have  been  modified  under  the  Abbaside  caliphs,  at  the  time  when  the  measurement 
of  the  terrestrial  degree  was  ordered  by  El  Mamun. 



I  RETURNED  to  Jericlio  on  April  24th,  1874,  wishing  to  make  fresh  investi- 
gations there  before  the  heat  became  too  oppressive.  We  took  the  shortest 
road  there,  and  did  not  stop  by  the  way.  I  did  not  have  the  camp  pitched 
at  'Ain  es  Sultan,  as  is  usual,  but  on  a  small  mound  as  you  go  into  Riha 
(Eriha)  near  the  cemetery,  and  not  far  from  the  Burj. 

6^/4^^;/.— Next  morning  we  went  to  the  supposed  site  of  Gilgal.  As 
explained  above,  I  had  not  had  an  opportunity  of  visiting  the  spot  when  I  was 
here  before,  but  had  merely  been  able  to  inform  Lieut.  Conder  of  its  existence, 
and  indicate  to  him  its  whereabouts. 

The  place  lies  not  far  from  Tell  el  ItJileh,  and  has  been  pointed  out  to 
several  travellers,  as  Zschokke  and  Brother  Lievin,  by  the  name  oi  Jiljuliek, 
which  answers  closely,  it  must  be  admitted,  to  the  Hebrew  Gilgal. 

The  people  of  Riha  assured  us  that  this  name  {JiljiVich)  was  "  only 
used  by  the  Franks,"  which  distinctly  lessens  the  value  of  this  identification. 

Moreover,  the  following  instance  shows  how  prudently  one  has  to  question 
the  fellahin,  and  how  cautiously  their  statements  have  to  be  utilised.  A  short 
time  before  the  Archimandrite  of  the  Russian  Establishment  at  Jerusalem 
asked  to  be  shown  Jiljdlieh,  which  he  had  heard  of  from  me,  and  the  peasants 
took  him  to  Tell  el  Mufjir,  to  which  they  gave  the  name  required. 

Notwithstanding  this,  I  ventured  on  some  small  excavations  in  the 
mounds  of  el  Ithleh  and  Jiljulieh,  but  we  did  not  get  down  very  deep,  and  no 
great  results  were  obtained.  In  the  former  place  were  a  quantity  of  potsherds, 
mosaic  cubes  and  bits  of  glass;  in  the  second  sand.  It  is  certain  that  a 
building  of  some  importance  existed  on  the  former  spot,  to  judge  by  the 
abundance  of  the  mosaics,  but  there  is  nothing  in  that  to  testify  for  or  against 
its  identity  with  Gilgal,  and  the  matter  still  seems  to  me  extremely  doubtful. 

Next  day  we  went  to  inspect  again  the  Tawdhin  cs  Sukkar,  and 
particularly  an  aqueduct,  where  I  noticed  on  the  previous  occasion  that  some 
of  the  materials  had  an  ancient  appearance.  I  made  my  people  turn  over 
all  the  blocks  that  were  scattered  about,  and  complete  the  demolition  of  a  few 


Archaological  Researches  in  Palestine. 

portions  of  this  ruined  aqueduct.  This  brought  to  light  some  sculptured 
fragments,  evidently  belonging  to  important  monuments  of  the  Grseco- 
Roman  period. 

4j  /  W^Vv^n-t-, 


Second  Excursion  to  Jericho. 


'//   ,.      'l^-^ti 

ii-  ^ 

i."  ''J  i'  S'J :>•        I 

I  am  convinced  that  if  all  these  ruined  aqueducts  that  traverse  the 
plain  of  Jericho  were  to  be  demolished,  a  quantity  of  antique  fragments  would 
be  found  to  have  been  used  in  building  them,  some  among  them  of  great 
value,  and  perhaps  bearing  inscriptions.  The  sacrifice  would  not  be  great, 
and  the  archaeological  interest  would  atone  for  the  comparative  vandalism  of 
the  proceeding.  A  perfect  mine  of  antiquities  is  there  waiting  to  be  worked, 
and  I  commend  it  to  the  attention  of  future  explorers. 

40  ArchcBological  Researches  in  Palestine. 

Tell  el  M'gket/er. —  In  the  afternoon  we  went  to  the  Tell  el  ATgheifer, 
also  called  sometimes  Tell  el  Kiirsy,  "the  Tell  of  the  throne,  or  of  the  chair," 
which  is  regarded  by  some  writers  as  the  real  Gilgal.  It  lies  to  the  south-east 
of  Riha.  The  Russians  were  making  excavations  there  just  at  this  time  to 
get  out  building  materials,  and  already  a  considerable  number  of  stone  blocks 
had  been  taken  out  and  placed,  along  with  others  from  other  sources,  in  a  plot 
of  ground  close  to  the  Burj  [cf.  sttpra,  p.  i6).  Several  of  the  blocks  were 
still  covered  with  fresco  paintings  in  the  Byzantine  style.  I  was  very  desirous — 
my  motive  will  be  shortly  apparent — to  have  a  correct  drawing  of  the  mountain 
K'rein  Sartaba  (Kurn  Surtabeh)  taken  from  this  spot,  and  while  M.  Lecomte 
was  Avorking  at  this,  my  two  men  made  some  slight  excavations  in  the  Tell 
under  my  directions,  but  without  success. 

Legend  of  Imam  'Aly. — During  this  second  stay  at  Jericho  I  took  down 
from  the  mouth  of  the  Bedouin  some  fresh  details  about  the  Imam  .'Aly,  who, 
as  I  have  shown  above,  is  merely  a  Mussulman  travesty  of  the  legendary 
figure  of  Joshua.  The  boundary  between  the  G/iaur  es  Seisabdn  and 
the  Ghaur  of  Beisan  was  marked  out  by  the  Imam  'Aly  with  a  sword- 
stroke.  At  a  single  blow  he  clove  through  an  enemy,  a  jiser  ("  bridge  "  or 
"  aqueduct ")  on  which  he  stood,  and  into  the  soil  beneath.  I  could  not  get 
them  to  point  out  the  spot  called yV^-rr  that  is  indicated  in  the  legend.  Can 
it  be  one  of  the  many  aqueducts  that  traverse  the  plain  between  the  moun- 
tain and  the  Jordan  ?  Or  is  it,  on  the  contrary,  one  of  the  bridges  that  unite 
or  did  unite  the  two  banks  of  that  river,  such  as  the  bridge  of  Damieh,  built 
by  Beibars,  opposite  Sartaba,  or  that  of  el  Mejame'  (Mujamia')'"  between 
Beisan  and  the  Lake  of  Tiberias  ?  I  cannot  tell.  At  any  rate  this  legend 
seems  to  indicate  that  the  name  Seisaban  ought  not  to  be  confined  to 
the  southern  part  of  the  eastern  Ghaur,  which  lies  opposite  Jericho,  but 
ought  to  be  extended  to  the  northern  part,  as  far  as  the  region  of  Beisan  at 
least.  According  to  another  Bedouin  legend  that  I  noted  on  another  occa- 
sion, the  blood  shed  by  the  Imam  'Aly  flowed  into  the  Ghaur  es  Seisaban, 
which  ever  after  was  impure  ground  {nedjis),  and  that  is  why  in  order  to  pray 
there  one  has  to  spread  one's  cloak  on  the  ground  and  kneel  on  it. 

The  Imam  'Aly,  who  has  also  another  Makam  on  the  other  side  of  the 
Jordan,  between  the  river  and  the  town  of  Salt,  is  said  to  have  waged  a  great 

*  According  to  an  Arabic  MS.  chronicle  in  the  Bibliotheque  Nationale  {Ancien  fonds,  No. 
786),  entitled  Nuzhat  en-nazerm,  the  bridge  of  el  Mejame'  was  constructed  by  Sultan  Barkuk 
(784-801  A.H.);  two  Arabic  verses  have  been  preserved  which  allude  to  this  construction. 

Second  Excursion  to  f eric  ho.  41 

war  against  Emir  Abu  'Obeideh  "  before  Mahomet."*  It  is  to  be  noted  that 
the  Bedouin  who  gave  me  this  information,  so  quaint  in  its  confusion, 
pronounced  the  name  Abii,  'Obiveidch.  The  intercalation  of  a  vowel  sound  lo 
between  the  b  and  the  ei,  is,  as  I  have  frequently  observed,  of  common  occur- 
rence in  the  Bedouin  dialect :  thus  one  finds  in  it,  bweino  for  beino,  "  between 
him."  The  /;  coming  in  contact  with  a  vowel,  and  especially  with  one  in  a 
diphthong,  tends  to  disengage  the  semi-vowel  of  the  same  group  of  labials. 
This  fact  has  to  be  taken  into  account  in  the  comparison  of  Hebrew  and 
Arabic  place-names.  For  similar  reasons  it  comes  about  that  in  Palestine  the 
name  Band  (  =  David)  is  commonly  pronounced  Ddlmd,  as  if  it  were  written 
This  is  the  reverse  of  the  other,  for  the  a  coming  next  to  the  il  and 


making  a  hiatus  has  developed  the  aspirate  which  is  virtually  inherent  in 
itself  Among  the  Turks  this  name  has  been  treated  in  a  different  but  still 
analogous  fashion  :  here  the  tI  has  developed  its  semi-vowel  tc  or  v,  producing 

The  two  workmen  engaged  on  my  little  excavation  at  Tell  el  M'gheifer 
were  two  worthy  peasants  from  Beit  Iksd,  a  village  lying  nearly  four  miles  to 
the  north-west  of  Jerusalem,  near  Neby  Shamwil,  who  had  been  for  some 
weeks  past  helping  to  repair  the  wretched  lokanda  at  Jericho.  While  they 
were  digging  they  gave  me  a  remarkable  variant  of  the  story  of  'Aly-Joshua 
and  the  staying  of  the  sun.  I  reproduce  it  exactly,  not  knowing  whether  it 
was  of  home  growth,  or,  as  is  more  probable,  borrowed  from  the  folk-lore  of 
the  inhabitants  of  Jericho. 

The  Imam  'Aly  had  taken  in  some  guests  just  when  a  great  dearth 
prevailed  in  the  land,  and  having  nothing  to  set  before  them,  he  sought  out 
a  Jew  and  begged  him  to  let  him  have  a  sd"^  or  a  measure  of  corn,  offering  in 
return  a  measure  of  gold.  The  Jew  would  have  none  of  the  bargain,  and  said 
he  would  only  give  him  corn  on  the  condition  that  he  should  have  it  back 
again  before  sunset,  and  in  default,  the  Imam  'Aly  should  deliver  up  his  son 
to  him.  The  Imam  'Aly  took  the  corn  and  made  a  meal  for  his  guests.  The 
sun  was  about  to  set,  and  the  Imam  'Aly  was  vainly  seeking  the  means  of 
repaying  the  borrowed  corn,  when  God  said  to  the  sun,  "  Turn  back,  O 
Blessed  One."  Thus  time  was  given  him  to  pay  back  the  measure  of  corn, 
and  he  was  not  obliged  to  render  up  his  child.     One  is  tempted  to  find  in  this 

*  Abu  'Obeideh  is  an  historical  personage,  one  of  the  chief  generals  who  won  Eastern 
Palestine  for  Islam.  His  tomb  still  exists  east  of  the  Jordan,  as  I  have  noted  in  my  Reaieil 
cTArch.  Or.  (I,  p.  349). 

t   Cf.  the  Hebrew  scah. 

42  Archceological  Researches  in  Palestine. 

new  complication  of  the  myth  of  the  Imam  'Aly,  a  confused  echo  of  the  story 
of  Elisha  and  the  widow  of  the  prophet  (2  Kings,  iv). 

Beit  Iksd — These  men  from  Beit  Iksa  told  me  that  their  own  village 
also  bore  the  name  of  Umni  el  'Eld  (1*!^  S).  Here  is  another  of  those 
double  names  that  I  have  so  often  had  occasion  to  notice  in  Arab  toponymy. 
The  present  inhabitants  belong  to  the  Beni  Zeid,  and  come  from  the  north  ; 
they  took  possession  of  Umm  el  'Ela  and  then  gave  it  its  new  name  Beit 
Iksa.  This  fact,  till  now  unknown,  and  the  other  examples  that  I  have  found, 
show  how  one  ought  to  be  on  one's  guard,  in  dealing  with  the  topography  of 
Palestine,  against  the  possible  migration  of  place-names,  which  have  been 
transported  along  with  a  whole  population  from  one  spot  to  another.  This 
is  a  matter  of  the  highest  importance  in  exegesis,  for  the  neglect  of  it 
involves  the  risk  either  of  running  into  serious  error,  or  passing  by  the  truth 

The  ethnic  of  Beit  Iksd  is  Keswdny,  plural  Kesdwneh  {^\yJ,,  aJj\*J'), 
which  seems  to  point  to  two  conclusions  :  (i)  that  in  Iksa  (\^\)  the  initial  i  is 
prosthetic,  iksd  for  k sd,  kesd  (L^)  ;  (2)  that  there  was  probably  in  the  old 
name  a  final  nunation,  Beit  Kesdn  or  Beit  Keswdn  (?). 

The  Krein  Sartabd  {Kiirn  SUrtiibch). — My  chief  object  in  visiting 
Jericho  for  the  second  time  was  to  study  on  the  spot  an  important  question, 
the  extent  of  which  I  foresaw  at  my  first  visit,  I  mean  that  of  the  K'rein 
Sartaba,  and  an  interesting  Biblical  tradition  which  seems  to  me  to  connect 
itself  closely  with  this  well-known  mountain  by  the  peculiar  character  for 
holiness  that  it  attributes  to  it."" 

The  traveller  in  the  plain  of  Jericho  on  raising  his  eyes  in  a  northerly 
direction,  will  notice  the  distant  horizon  to  be  partly  closed  in  by  a  long  chain 
of  bluish  mountains,  from  which  rises  a  conical  peak  that  goes  by  the  name  of 
K'retn  Sartabd. 

This  peak,  which  is  visible  a  long  way  off,  and  seems  to  command  all  the 
low-lying  lands  at  its  foot,  attracts  the  eye  by  its  bold  projection,  and  arrests 
attention  by  the  singular  exactness  of  its  shape ;  and  Robinson  is  quite 
correct  in  saying  that  its  commanding  summit,  as  seen  from  Jericho,  looks 
like  a  bastion  of  the  western  chain. 

*  Since  my  attempt  to  find  a  basis  for  the  holy  character  that  belongs  to  the  K'rein  Sartaba, 
Lieut.  Conder  has  proposed  another  theoiy,  one  that  it  does  not  concern  me  here  to  pronounce 
upon,  which  likewise  tends  to  assign  to  this  mountain  a  part  in  religious  history  but  of  a  totally 
different  description.     He  would  make  it  the  site  of  the  altar  of  Ed  of  the  Reubenites. 

Second  Excursion  to  Jericho.  43 

The  first  part  of  the  name  Iv  rein,  a  diminutive  of  Kitrn,  "  horn,"  is 
frequently  applied  by  the  Arabs  to  prominent  peaks.  Doubtless  the  meaning 
of  the  word  is  responsible  for  the  curious  error  of  Lynch,  who  says  that 
K'rein  Sartaba  means  "  the  horn  of  the  rhinoceros."  The  signification  of 
Sartabd  is  absolutely  unknown,  probably  some  ancient  name  should  be  looked 
for  in  it.  In  the  first  place  it  is  essential  to  make  sure  of  the  spelling.  I 
noted  carefully  the  pronunciation  of  the  Arabs  round  Jericho,  and  observed 
that  the  first  letter  was  a  soft  jt  {sin\  and  not  a  hard  j  {sad),  as  would  appear 
from  the  form  adopted  by  Robinson,  and  followed  hitherto  by  other  travellers 
and  geographers. 

The  word  should  accordingly  be  written  IjJ?^-,  and  not  ^j-e.  In  this 
corrected  form  may  be  easily  recognized  the  name  of  the  mountain  mentioned 
in  the  Talmud  and  written  niia^D  and  «ntO"lD.* 

This  result  at  once  enables  us  to  settle  one  claim  which  has  been 
advanced  for  identifying  the  Sartaba  with  a  Biblical  spot.  It  was  quite 
natural  to  suppose  that  the  Bible  had  not  failed  to  mention  the  name  of  such 
an  important  mountain,  and  starting  with  this  idea,  several  writers  thought 
fit  to  identify  Sartaba  with  the  name  of  the  town  of  Sartan,  im!?,  which  the 
Bible  places  in  this  Jordan  region.  This  identification  is  inadmissible,  being 
merely  based  on  an  entirely  incorrect  derivation.  The  external  similarity 
that  appears  to  exist  between  the  two  names  vanishes  when  they  are  compared 
letter  by  letter.  The  final  nun  might  conceivably  correspond  to  the  h,  but 
neither  the  ^  nor  the  t  can  be  assimilated,  they  are  radically  different  in  each 

Mr.  Grove  had  already  objected,  and  rightly  so,  to  this  identification,  and 
rather  inclined  to  trace  in  the  first  syllable  of  Sartaba  the  Hebrew  word  Sur. 

But  the  spelling  of  the  name,  which  is  certain,  is  equally  opposed  to  this 

Does  this  mean  that  we  must  give  up  all  hopes  of  ever  finding  the 
mountain  Sartaba  mentioned  in  the  Bible  ?  I  think  not ;  and  not  only  so, 
but  I  believe  I  have  found  a  trace  of  it  in  a  passage  of  the  greatest  interest, 
though  the  form  is  mythical  rather  than  geographical.  In  Joshua  v,  13-15, 
we  read  of  a  strange  occurrence  which  seems  to  bear  on  the  consecration 
of  Gilgal.      Here  is  a  literal  rendering  : — 

*  I  have  not  thought  it  necessary  to  reproduce  here  the  well-known  passage  proving  that 
fire-signals  were  exchanged  between  the  Mount  of  Olives  and  the  Sartaba  to  announce  the  new 

(J    -1 

44  Archccological  Researches  in  Palestine. 

"And  Joshua  was  at  Jericho:  and  he  raised  his  eyes  and  saw;  and 
"  behold  there  was  a  man  standing  before  him,  his  drawn  sword  in  his  hand. 
"  Joshua  walked  towards  him  and  said  to  him,  '  Art  thou  for  us  or  for  our 
"  enemies  ? '  He  said  to  him  :  '  No ;  for  I  am  the  Sar-saba  of  Jehovah,  and 
"  now  I  am  going  to  thee.'  Joshua  fell  with  his  face  to  the  earth  and 
"  worshipped  him,  and  said  to  him  :  '  What  is  it  that  my  Master  has  to 
"  command  his  servant  ?  ' 

"  And  the  Sar-saba  of  Jehovah  said  to  Joshua :  '  Take  the  shoes  from  off 
"  thy  feet,  for  the  place  {inakom)  on  which  thou  standest  is  holy.'  And 
Joshua  did  so." 

The  Hebrew  word  Sar-saba  signifies  literally  "the  chief  of  the  army," 
and  is  rendered  in  the  Septuagint  dpx'-o-TpdTTqyo'i ;  the  different  versions  of 
the  Old  Testament  render  it  as  "the  Captain  of  the  Lord's  Hosts." 
Sartabd  presents  a  striking  likeness  to  Sar-saba,  'i^'Tl  "lt\  The  only  difference 
lies  in  the  Hebrew  isadi  being  replaced  in  the  Talmudic  and  Arabic  forms 
by  a  tei  or  a  fa.  This  substitution  of  /  for  .y  in  the  same  emphatic  series  is 
one  of  the  most  frequent  changes  that  attend  the  passage  of  words  from 
Hebrew  to  Aramaic  :  the  best  known  case  is  that  of  Tyre,  which  answers 
to  Siir  TJ. 

Such  a  complete  etymological  coincidence  cannot  be  accidental.  It  leads 
us  to  inquire  whether  it  does  not  reveal  a  close  connection  between  the 
mountain  Sartaba  and  the  appearance  to  Joshua. 

In  order  to  grasp  fully  the  connection  between  the  two,  we  should 
remember  how  often  mountains  are  associated  with  visions  like  that  of  Joshua. 
The  important  part  played  by  mountains  in  Semitic  worship,  and  the  sanctity 
which  the  Hebrews  themselves  attached  to  them,  are  well  known,  so  it  is  easy 
to  understand  that  they  formed  a  sort  of  natural  theatre  for  the  manifestations 
of  divinity.  I  could  quote  numerous  examples,  but  will  content  myself  with 
mentioning  a  few  that  present  striking  similarities  to  the  occurrence  before  us. 
First,  the  appearance  of  Jehovah  to  Moses  in  the  burning  bush  on  Mount 
Sinai.  Moses,  seeing  the  supernatural  flame,  advances  towards  it  as  did 
Joshua  towards  the  man.  Just  as  the  Sar-saba  tells  Joshua,  who  comes 
towards  him,  to  take  off  his  shoes,  so  Jehovah,  after  telling  Moses  to  keep  at 
a  distance,  orders  him,  in  precisely  the  same  terms,  to  take  his  shoes  from  off 
his  feet,  because  of  the  holiness  of  the  ground  on  which  he  treads.  For  the 
sudden  appearance  of  the  vision  one  may  compare,  for  instance,  Zechariah  i,  8, 
and  ii,  5.  (i.)  It  is  the  same  prophet  that  says  (viii,  3),  "the  mountain  of  the 
Lord  of  Sabaotk  (plural  form  of  Saba)  is  a  holy  mountain,"  and  represents 

Second  Exntrsion  to  Jericho.  45 

Him  (xiv,  3)  as  issuing  forth  to  fight,  and  '-standing  with  his  feet  on  the 
Mount  of  Olives." 

One  of  the  visions  that  offer  the  minutest  resemblance  to  that  of  the  Sar- 
saba  to  Joshua  is  the  appearance  of  the  Destroying  Angel  to  David.  The 
mise  en  scene  of  this  episode  is  much  more  simple  in  the  book  of  Samuel,  but 
the  more  detailed  account  given  in  Chronicles  recalls  in  most  unmistakable 
fashion  the  description  in  Joshua  ;  on  comparing  the  Vf^o  Hebrew  texts,  the 
identity  will  be  seen  to  extend  to  the  phraseology.  Jehovah,  having  sent 
his  angel  to  strike  (iinir)  Jerusalem,  had  pity  on  the  unfortunate  city,  and  said 
to  the  destroying  angel  {Maleak  ham-niashhii),  "  Stay,  it  is  enough."  David 
raised  his  eyes  and  saw  the  angel  standing  "between  heaven  and  earth,"  and 
his  naked  sword  in  his  hand.  He  then  threw  himself  with  his  face  to  the 
ground.  The  angel,  who  was  then  above  the  threshing-floor  of  Oman  the 
Jebusite,  sent  word  to  David  by  Gad  that  he  should  go  up  and  erect  an  altar 
on  the  threshing-floor.  It  evidently  follows  from  the  passage  that  the  angel 
was  over  Mount  Moriah. 

These  analogies  would  of  themselves  suffice  to  make  us  look,  a  p7dori, 
for  a  mountain  in  the  Joshua  episode.  Now  can  this  mountain  be  anything 
but  the  one  which  tells  its  own  tale  by  its  name  to-day,  namely,  the  "  peak  of 
the  Sar-saba  ? " 

The  story  of  Joshua  if  analyzed  in  detail  points  to  two  things  :  (i),  to 
the  height  of  the  point  where  the  apparition  took  place  (Joshua  lifted  up  his 
eyes) ;  (2),  to  a  considerable  space  between  the  vision  and  the  seer,  since 
Joshua  said  to  the  Sar-saba,  "  I  am  going  towards  thee,"  and  the  latter  said 
to  him,  "  I  am  coming  to  thee."  Moreover,  the  use  of  the  word  "TQi*,  sta7is, 
implies  that  the  supernatural  being  was  at  an  elevation  and  standing  upright 
on  some  support.  The  commanding  position  and  strongly  marked  appearance 
of  the  Sartaba,  monarch  of  the  plain,  made  it  an  admirable  scene  for  calling 
up  the  imposing  figure  of  the  Captain  of  the  Hosts  of  Jehovah. 

It  may  not  be  superfluous  to  remark  that,  apart  from  its  probable 
reputation  for  sanctity,  this  eminence  had  a  real  strategic  value.  Schultz  has 
already  proposed  to  place  there  the  fortress  Alexandrian  of  Alexander 
Jannseus  and  the  considerable  ruins  found  there  by  Zschokke  have  brought 
him  to  share  this  opinion."      Perhaps  this  function  of  the  place  enables  us  to 

*  Confirmed  later  on  by  the  identification  of  Karawa,  the  neighbour  of  the  Sartaba,  and 
the  Coreae  of  Josephus.  This  last  excellent  suggestion,  currently  attributed  to  Gildemeister,  is 
due,  in  reality,  to  Sir  Charles  Warren  {Underground Jeniuilem,  p.  253). 

46  Archceological  RcscarcJies  in  Palestine. 

explain  the  general  sense  of  this  puzzling  episode,  and  especially  the  enigmatic 
query  of  Joshua,  "  Art  thou  for  us,  or  for  our  enemies  ?" 

The  appearance  of  the  angel-warrior  of  Jehovah  descending  on  this 
natural  fortress,  with  which  perhaps  his  own  identity  became  merged,  is 
quite  topic. 

Again,  who  knows  whether  the  drawn  sword  which  gleamed  in  his  hand, 
as  in  that  of  the  Destroying  Angel  of  the  Mount  of  Olives  and  Mount 
Moriah,  may  not  have  something  to  do  with  the  flame  which,  according  to 
the  Talmud,  broke  forth  at  fixed  seasons  on  these  holy  hills  ?  What,  then, 
are  we  to  understand  exactly  by  the  Sar-saba  ?  The  problem  is  of  the 
greatest  difficulty,  and  belongs  to  the  obscurest  regions  of  the  Hebrew  religion. 
I  will  not  touch  upon  it  here,  further  than  to  remark  that  God  himself  is 
called  in  Daniel  (viii,  ii)  Sar  has-saba,  which  agrees  closely  with  the 
expression  Jehovah  Sabaoth.  There  is  no  doubt  as  to  the  actual  meaning  of 
the  expression,  it  means  simply  commander-in-chief,  generalissimo.  Thus, 
for  example,  Omri  was  Sar  Saba  over  all  Israel. " 

We  find  in  Daniel  that  several  nations  have  their  sar,  "guardian  angel, 
protector,"  as,  for  instance,  Greece  and  Persia.  The  Sar  of  Israel  is  Michael 
(x,  13,21  ;  xii,  i):  "For  Michael  is  your  Chief  {sarkem),  the  Great  Chief," 
[has-sar  hag-gadol). 

Michael  usually  personifies  the  Divine  power,  particularly  in  its  violent 
manifestations  and  its  militant  shape. 

Later  traditions  do  not  hesitate  to  identify  Michael  with  the  angel  that 
appeared  to  Joshua.  Phocas  sjoeaks  of  a  bunas  (Tell)  opposite  the  Mount  of 
Temptation,  with  a  church  upon  it  marking  the  place  where  Joshua  saw  the 
Archangel  Michael.  An  anonymous  account  (Allatius  13)  says  that  below 
the  monastery  of  St.  Euthymus  there  was  a  monastery  of  the  Virgin  at  the 
spot  where  Joshua  saw  the  angel. 

The  Igumen  Daniel  mentions  a  church  at  Gilgal  to  which  had  been 
added  a  convent  dedicated  to  St.  Michael,  because  it  occupied  the  very  spot 
where  Joshua  had  his  vision. 

It  will  appear  from  these  testimonies  that  tradition  is  in  favour  of  the 
vision   of  Joshua  taking  place   during   his  stay   at   Gilgal.     This  conclusion 

*  The  expression  corresponded  exactly  to  the  Ser  'asker  of  the  modern  Mussuhnans 
(Turks,  Arabs,  or  Persians).  It  was  a  mistake,  in  my  opinion,  to  make  this  word  a  hybrid 
compound  of  the  Persian  scy,  "  head,"  and  the  Arabic  'asker,  "  soldiers."  Ser  'asker  is,  historically 
speaking,  an  Arabic  term ;  it  is  also,  from  the  linguistic  point  of  view,  a  Semitic  word. 

Second  Excursion  to  Jericho. 


seems  warranted  by  the  general  tenour  of  the  narrative,  and  by  its  position 
in  the  chapter,  for  although  the  account  begins  with  the  words  "  at  Jericho," 
this  expression  ought  not  to  be  taken  literally,  and  means  here,  as  in  so 
many  other  cases,  merely  the  neighbourhood  of  Jericho. 

The  mountains  are  so  grouped  that  the  Sartaba  is  invisible  after  you 
get  west  of  Riha,  being  completely  masked  by  the  range  in  the  foreground, 
and  especially  by  the  eminence  of  'Osh  i^Ishshc)  Ghurab,  which  forms  the 
eastern  end  of  that  range.  Eastwards  from  Riha,  however,  it  is  visible  from 
every  part  of  the  plain. 


The  above  view  is  taken  from  the  Tell  el  M'ghetfer,  one  of  the  places 
suggested  as  the  site  of  Gilgal.  M.  Lecomte  also  took  a  sketch  of  it  from 
Tell  el  Ithleh  near  Jiljulieh. 

I  entertained  a  momentary  idea  that  there  might  be  some  connection 
between  the  much  venerated  makam  of  the  Imam  'Aly  Joshua  and  the  holy 
makdm  where  Joshua  stood  as  he  spoke  to  the  angel ;  but  the  Mussulman 
sanctuary  lies  much  too  far  to  the  west  for  the  Sartaba  to  be  visible  from  it. 

Neby  Mtisa. — On  the  following  day,  April  25th,  we  broke  up  our  encamp- 
ment and  returned  to  Jerusalem  by  way  of  Neby  Musa,  which  we  visited  in 
passing.  This  much  venerated  sanctuary  of  the  Mussulmans  is  in  a  state  of 
utter  ruin.  I  give  two  views  of  it  as  it  appears  to  a  spectator  looking  north- 
west and  north-east  respectively. 

Unfortunately  the  central  chambers  were  locked  up,  so  we  could  not  get 
in.  We  were  only  able  to  examine  the  outer  and  subsidiary  portions,  and  to 
get  a  look  through  an  open  window  at  the  so-called  cenotaph  of  Moses.  This 
was  covered  with  a  fine  piece  of  silken  stuff  with  inscriptions  embroidered  on 
it,  and  surrounded  by  small  articles  left  there  by  pious  pilgrims.  The  whole 
appears  to  be  of  Arab  construction.  The  only  objects  worth  mentioning  are ; 
in  the  balustrade  of  the  minaret  a  block  of  stone  with  the  mediaeval  slanting 
tool-marks  ;  a  recumbent  fragment  of  a  granite  column  which  we  saw  in  the 
interior  through  one  of  the  windows  of  the  central  building  ;  on  the  inside  of 


Archcrological  Researches  in  Palestine. 

the  north  wall  a  small  sculptured  base  of  a  pilaster  built  in  upside  down,  made 
of  polished  red  limestone,  and  decorated  with  vertical  fluting  displaying  in 


-   ^.3j.||jW|| 



NEBY   mOsA,    looking   TOWARDS  THE   NORTH-WEST. 


r^  ...., 

NEBY   mCsA,    looking   TOWARDS  THE   NORTH-EAST. 

very  high  relief  an  ornament  consisting  of  leaves  gracefully  bent  so  as  to  form 
a  rose.     This  base  recalls  those  of  the  door  of  the  church  at  Gaza, 

A  few  minutes  walk  further  on  there  rises  the  kubbeh  of  a  small  wely, 
called  Kvbbet  er  ray,  "the  shepherd's  cupola."  Here,  according  to  local 
tradition,  rests  Sheikh  Hasan,  the  "  Shepherd  of  Moses." 

Second  Excursion  to  Jericho. 


The  whole  place  was  well  nigh  deserted.  A  band  of  wandering  Bedouin 
came  to  seek  shade,  like  ourselves,  under  the  walls  of  Neby  Musa,  and  made 
there  a  frugal  breakfast,  washing  it  down  with  draughts  of  the  fresh  but 
slighdy  bituminous  water  afforded  by  some  cisterns  of  no  great  depth  that 
had  been  dug  near.  This  troop  of  Bedouin  had  started  in  search  of  stolen  or 
strayed  horses.  As  they  discussed  with  relish  the  hot  rolls  that  they  had 
kneaded  and  cooked  on  the  spot,  I  could  not  help  thinking  of  Saul  going  out 
to  seek  his  father's  lost  asses.  I  do  not  know  if  the  Bedouin  found  at  the 
Makam  some  revelation  that  put  them  on  the  track  of  the  missing  animals, 
but  at  all  events  they  fraternised  with  us  in  the  most  amicable  manner. 

The  memory  of  Moses  is  still  green  among  all  the  people  hereabouts. 
At  every  turn  I  heard  the  Arabs  swearing  iva-Iiidt  ibcn  'Aiiirdn,  "  by  the  life 
of  the  son  of  'Amran." 

Scale  -jSj. 

I  questioned  several  of  them  with  a  view  to  ascertain  the  starting  point 
of  the  legend  which  locates  the  tomb  of  Moses  on  this  side  the  Jordan, 
and  in  so  doing  flatly  contradicts  the  Biblical  tradition.  They  answered  that 
when  the  angels  came  to  tell  Moses  that  his  last  hour  was  at  hand,  he  was  on 
the  east  side  of  the  Jordan,  and  fled  from  'ain  es/i  shark  in  order  to  escape 
the  fatal  moment,  as  far  as  the  place  now  called  Neby  Miisa.  Here  he  found 
some  angels  engaged  in  digging  a  grave,  which  he  was  induced  to  enter  by  a 
trick  like  that  to  which  his  brother  Aaron  had  i)reviously  succumbed.*     "  For 

*  .'Vccording  to  tliis  curious  legend,  taken  from  Mussulman  writers,  the  Angel  Gabriel  tells 
Moses  and  Aaron  to  follow  him.  He  takes  them  to  Mount  Hor  (where  the  Makam  of  Aaron  is 
shown  to  this  day).  There  they  enter  into  a  cavern  and  see  a  bed  (a  funeral  bed,  a  sarcophagus) 
made  of  gold  richly  chased,  with  the  following  inscription  in  Hebrew  :  "  This  bed  is  for  him 
whom  it  has  been  made  to  fit."     Moses  first  lies  down  in  it,  but  the  couch  is  too  small.     Aaron 


50  Ai'clu^ological  Researches  in  Palestine. 

whom  is  the  grave  ?"  he  asked.  "  For  a  man  of  your  size,"  answered  the 
divine  gravediggers.  Moses  got  into  the  grave  to  try  it.  "  True,"  he  said, 
"  it  is  the  right  size."  But  when  he  essayed  to  get  out,  they  said  to  him,  "  It 
is  for  thee.  Thy  last  hour  is  come."  Then  the  Angel  of  Death  placed  to 
his  nostrils  an  apple  of  paradise,  and  Moses  gave  up  the  ghost. 

Before  falling  into  the  trap,  he  had  said  to  God,  on  arriving  at  a  dry  and 
desert  place,  "  Here  is  nothing  to  drink,  nor  to  make  a  fire  with  for  cooking." 
God  answered  him,  "Thy  water  shall  come  from  thy  wells,  and  thy  fire  from 
thy  stones  "  {nioietak  min  cUidrak  on  ndrak  min  elijdrak).  Such  is  the 
origin  of  the  cisterns  that  have  been  dug  near  the  sanctuary,  and  of  the 
combustible  schistous  rock  that  abounds  in  the  vicinity,  an  extremely  interest- 
ing one  from  the  geologist's  point  of  view. 

Moses  Rod.  —  In  the  valleys  round  here  and  as  far  as  the  neighbourhood 
of  Jerusalem,  one  meets  with  a  sort  of  insect  like  a  centipede(?) ;  my  ignorance 
of  natural  history  prevents  me  from  giving  an  exacter  description.      I  mention 



.     k 

INSECT  CALLED  'As'iyef  MAsa  ("Moses'  rod"). 

it  here  solely  on  account  of  its  name.  It  is  called  'Asdyei  Milsa,  "  Moses' 
rod.'  The  creature  is  quite  harmless.  It  looks  like  a  long  worm  of  a 
blackish  colour,  and  is  furnished  with  a  quantity  of  minute  legs,  by  means 

tries  it  in  his  turn,  and  it  is  found  to  fit  him  exactly.  Immediately  comes  the  Angel  of  Death  and 
takes  ])ossession  of  his  soul.  The  Israelites,  not  seeing  Aaron  reappear,  forthwith  accuse  Moses 
of  having  killed  his  brother.     (This  last  feature  appears  as  early  as  the  Talmudic  legends.) 

I  have  shown  in  my  memoir  on  Horns  et  St.  Georges  (p.  31)  that  this  quaint  story  with  its 
preconcerted  trap  is  modelled  on  an  Egyptian  legend  related  by  the  author  of  the  Treatise  of  Isis 
and  Osiris.  Typhon,  wishing  to  be  rid  of  his  brother  Osiris,  takes  his  measure  by  stealth  and 
causes  a  case  to  be  made  (a  mummy  case)  of  elegant  workmanship.  Then  he  has  the  case 
brought  in  at  a  feast,  and  says  it  shall  belong  to  that  one  of  the  guests  who  shall  manage  to  lie 
down  in  it.  All  make  the  attempt,  but  in  vain.  Osiris  in  his  turn  gets  in,  and  finds  that  it  just  fits 
him.  Immediately  Typhon  and  his  accomplices  put  on  the  lid,  nail  it  down  and  seal  it.  This  is 
the  starting  point  of  the  well-known  adventures  of  tlie  chest,,  it  being  thrown  into  the  Nile,  the 
searches  of  Tsi.s,  and  po  on. 

Sccoitcf  Exclusion  to  Jericho.  5  i 

of  which  it  moves,  keeping  perfectly  stiff  and  straight.  To  look  at  it,  you 
would  think  it  was  a  small  piece  of  animated  stick  endowed  with  powers  of 
locomotion.  If  you  touch  it,  it  immediately  coils  up.  This  mode  of  progres- 
sion and  this  strange  appearance  have  made  the  little  snake-like  creature 
popular  with  the  Arabs.  The  legendary  name  they  have  attached  to  it  is  an 
allusion  to  the  miracle  of  the  rod  that  turned  into  a  serpent  at  the  meeting  of 
Jehovah  and  Moses  in  the  burning  bush,  a  wonder  that  Aaron  also  worked 
before  Pharaoh. 

Arab  Traditions. — It  has  been  long  supposed  that  Neby  Miisa  must  have 
taken  the  place  of  an  ancient  Christian  monastery.  This  is  quite  possible, 
and  indeed  the  external  appearance  of  the  mosque  and  its  subsidiary  buildings 
inclines  one  to  this  idea,  as  may  be  seen  from  M.  Lecomte's  drawings  of 
which  engravings  are  given  above. 

At  all  events  Mujir  ed  Din'""  affords  us  some  definite  details  concerning 
the  history  of  the  Mussulman  sanctuary.  He  begins  by  mentioning  the 
doubts  that  had  been  raised  as  to  the  authenticity  of  the  tomb,  adding  that 
it  was  located  in  this  spot  by  general  opinion.  He  attributes  the  building  of 
the  cupola  to  Beibars,  who  was  supposed  to  have  made  it  on  returning  from 
his  pilgrimage  to  Mecca,  when  he  visited  Jerusalem  in  668  (a.ii.)  and 
destroyed  the  monastery  of  Mar  Saba.  Later  additions  were  made  to  the 
mosque,  both  inside  and  out,  by  divers  pious  persons.  The  southern  side 
was  enlarged  between  875  and  885,  the  minaret  was  built  after  880.  Mujir 
ed  Din  mentions  the  pilgrimage  that  is  made  to  the  sanctuary  each  year  after 
winter  is  over,  and  speaks  of  fantastic  visions  seen  at  the  tomb,  and  other 
prodigies  designed  to  show  that  this  is  the  veritable  resting-place  of  "him 
that  talked  with  God  "  {Kelim  Allah). 

The  ancient  Mussulman  traditions,  or  hawddith,  declare  that  the  tomb  of 
Moses  is  in  a  place  called  El  Kethib  cl  Ahniar,  "  the  Mound  of  the  Red 
Sand."  Mahomet  passed  by  there  and  prayed  on  the  occasion  of  his  nocturnal 
ascent  (isrd).  The  hadith  quoted  to  me  by  the  Jerusalem  Mussulmans 
runs  thus  : 

"I  passed  by  my  brother  Moses,  who  sleeps  at  El  Kethib  el  Ahmar."  There, 
they  told  me,  is  the  real  tomb.  It  was  only  in  later  times  that,  on  the 
authority  of  a  sheikh,  it  was  begun  to  be  shown  at  Neby  Mtisa.     Mujir  ed 

i'p-  93,  94  of  thu  Ijulak  Arabic  text. 

H    2 


Archceological  Researches  in  Palestine. 

Din  (p.  93  of  the  Arabic  text)  knew  this   tnidition,  and  quotes  it.      It  would 
be  interesting  to  determine  the  spot  really  alluded  to. 

Bethany. — After  our  short  sojourn  at  Neby  Musa  we  resumed  our 
journey  to  Jerusalem  by  the  pilgrims'  road.  As  we  passed  through  the 
village  of  el  'Azeriyeh,  the  traditional  Bethany,  I  remarked  a  fine  sculptured 
fragment  of  the  period  of  the  Crusades,  built  into  the  wall  of  a  house.  It 
consisted  of  some  fine  scroll-work,  with  a  bull's  head  in  the  right-hand 
corner,  the  facing  on  the  left  showing  distinct  signs  of  the  mediaeval  slanting 
tool  marks. 


The  inhabitants  told  us  that  the  Franks  gave  their  village  the  name  of 
Beit  'Ania.  I  noted  the  form  of  the  name,  though  the  account  of  its  origin 
involves  it  in  suspicion,  because  the  presence  of  the  'ain'^  is  somewhat 
difficult  to  explain,, 

*  I  have,  moreover,  found  this  name  spelt  thus,  [.\j,s^  L:i-^.o  (sic),  in  an  Arabic  Christian 
unedited  manuscript  of  the  13th  century.  The  author  also  speaks  of  Bethphage  in  the  form 
^=^U  Li-oj,  as  beitig  a  Karieh  adjacent  to  the  Mount  of  Olives,  and  in  ruins  at  that  period. 
Half  a  mile  away,  adds  the  anonymous  author,  is  a  large  church  built  on  the  site  of  the  olive 
tree  from  which  branches  were  torn  on  the  day  when  Jesus  rode  on  the  she-ass ;  and  every 
year  at  the  Feast  of  Palms  the  inhabitants  come  to  gather  branches,  and  go  in  solemn  procession 
with  them  to  the  sanctuary  of  Constantine  {sic). 

Second  Excursion  to  Jericho.  53 

A  f(j\v  miiiLiLus  before  arriving  at  el  'Azeriyeh,  and  to  the  east  (north- 
east ?)  of  the  village,  there  is  seen  a  rocky  plateau  covered  with  sepulchral 
and  other  excavations,  consisting  of  cisterns,  wine-presses,  foundations  of 
by-gone  houses,  and  so  on,  leading  one  to  suppose  that  an  inhabited  place  of 
some  importance  formerly  existed  there.  I  was  quite  unable  to  ascertain 
whether  there  was  any  particular  name  for  the  place,  and  especially  whether 
it  was  called  Khiirbeh.  At  the  southern  extremity,  however,  of  this  plateau 
local  tradition  points  out  a  piece  of  rock,  half  sunk  in  the  ground,  and  gives 
it  the  name  of  "The  Ass  of  Lazarus,"  saying  that  this  animal  was  turned 
to  stone  after  Jesus  had  ridden  on  it.  Ought  we  to  look  in  this  direction  for 
the  disputed  site  of  Bethphage  .■*''■ 

*   Cf.  my  paper  in  the  Kcvuc  Animlogiquc  (Uecembcr,    1S77:    La   Pierre  de   Bethphage, 
fresqiies  ct  inscriptwns  des  Croises). 




After  the  annoyance  of  a  false  start  on  the  day  before,  caused  by  a 
lack  of  animals  at  the  last  moment,  we  left  Jerusalem  finally  on  the  morning 
of  Wednesday,  June  3rd,  1874.  Our  tour  was  to  cover  seventeen  days,  and 
comprise  researches  into  a  number  of  questions  which  will,  in  turn,  be  laid 
before  the  reader,  in  addition  to  the  unexpected,  which  always  has  to  be 
reckoned  with,  and  did  not  fail,  as  will  be  seen,  to  make  itself  felt  on  this 

Our  outfit  was  of  the  simplest.  An  Arab  tent,  with  ten  ropes,  for 
M.  Lecomte  and  myself,  two  trunks,  two  microscopical  camp-beds,  a  liliputian 
table  with  two  folding-chairs  to  match,  an  old  flat  chest  graced  with  the 
pompous  name  of  canteen,  and  containing  a  jumble  of  provisions,  cooking 
utensils,  and  miscellaneous  aids  to  camping  out,  were  all  we  could  boast  of 
The  whole  made  an  easy  load  for  two  mules,  one  of  which  served  in  addition 
as  a  mount  to  my  servant  Ahmed.  This  fellow,  a  peasant  from  Lifta,  was 
the  sole  representative  of  the  numerous  following  that  is  wont  to  swarm 
round  the  Frank  when  he  wishes  to  try  nomad  life  in  Palestine.  Each  of  us 
had,  besides,  on  his  horse,  a  pair  of  those  very  convenient  Arab  khurjs ; 
these  used  to  contain  my  whole  equipment  when  I  first  stayed  in  Syria,  and 
made  tours  ;  my  present  enterprises,  compared  with  these,  seemed  attended 
with  Asiatic  splendour.  For  instance,  we  rode  on  two  excellent  saddles, 
which  we  owed  to  the  liberality  of  the  Socidtd  de  Gdographie  at  Paris  ;  these 
were  of  the  greatest  service  to  us  during  this  Palestine  mission. 

I  took  as  guide  a  good  friend  of  mine,  an  old  fellah  from  Abu  Ghosh, 
one  Ibrahim  Ahmed,  who  was  more  or  less  of  a  sheikh  when  he  was  at  home, 
and  was  perfectly  acquainted  with  part  of  the  region  that  I  purposed  to 
traverse.  I  had  already  gathered  from  him  a  store  of  interesting  information, 
and   enlarged    it  as   we   went  along.      This    will    be   incorporated   with  my 

Tour  from  Jernsaleui  to  Jaffa  and  the  Country  of  Samson.  55 

narrative  in  due  course.  In  particular,  it  was  from  him  that  I  first  heard  of 
the  existence  of  the  Gezer  inscription.  The  discovery  of  this,  which  took 
place  during  this  tour,  is,  as  will  be  seen,  of  very  great  importance  in  Biblical 
epigraphy  and  topography. 

Our  first  halting-place  was  the  village  of  our  guide,  Kariet  el  'Enab,  or 
Kariet  Abu  Ghosh,  where  we  were  to  pass  the  night.  We  did  not,  however, 
take  the  high  road  to  Joppa  to  reach  this,  but  followed  from  the  outset  the 
old  road  which  makes  an  arc  towards  the  north,  with  the  new  road  as  the 
chord  of  it. 

The  Tomb  of  the  Beni  Heidi. — When  we  got  opposite  the  wely  of  Sheikh 
Bedcr,  I  noticed  on  the  left,  between  the  old  road  which  we  were  following* 
and  the  new  one,  a  number  of  squared  blocks  of  stone,  evidently  disposed 
in  rows,  and  seeming  to  form  a  rectangular  oblong  with  its  greater  size  15  m. 
long.  The  whole  group  is  called  "the  Tomb,"  or  "  Tombs  of  the  Beni  Hel^l" 
{Kaber  or  ICbftr  Beni  Heidi).  Its  size  and  appearance  remind  me  somewhat 
of  the  famous  K'bur  el  'Amal'ka  or  K'bur  Beni  Israin  ("the  Tombs  of  the 
Amalekites,"  or  "of  the  Israelites")  which  are  near  el  Hizmeh,  to  the  north 
of  Jerusalem.  Its  name  likewise  recalls  these.  This  name,  Beni  Heidi, 
assumes  in  local  tradition  an  aspect  rather  legendary  than  historic,  and 
appears  to  have  reference  to  certain  primitive  populations  of  Palestine.  As 
early  as  the  geographical  treatise  of  Esthori  ha-Parchi,  we  find:  "  East  of 
these  districts"  ("the  Hauran  ")  "you  find  the  mountain  chain  of  Jebel  bene 
Hellel,  called  by  the  grammarians /^(^^Z  bene  Israil."\  Thus  the  tombs  of  Beni 
Helal  are  mentioned  together  with  those  of  Beni  Israil  at  Hizmeh  in  this 
connection  also.  Similarly  the  name  Helal  is  most  closely  associated  in  local 
tradition  with  that  of  the  mysterious  Fenish,  whom  I  shall  speak  of  shortly  : 
Heidi  el  Fcnish.  There  may  be  interesting  excavations  to  be  made  in 
this  spot.j 

El  Fcnish. — We  soon  left  this  behind,  and  as  we  went  along  my 
o-uide  told  me   that    the    realm    of   that    mysterious    personage    who    passed 

*  This  is  bordered  with  large  stones,  and  is  in  part  hewn  in  the  rock.  Not  far  away  to  the 
south  is  the  wely  of  Sheikh  Yas'in. 

t  Itinerary  of  Benjauiin  of  Tudela,  II,  410. 

%  It  is  not  noticed,  by  name  at  any  rate,  in  the  Map  and  the  Memoirs.  Perhaps  it  should 
he  connected  with  the  Kabr  el  Helaly  (Map,  15  Pr,  Name  Lists:  the  grave  of  the  man  of  the 
Beni  Helal  Arabs).  Cf.  also  some  curious  details  as  to  the  Beni  Helal  of  Syria,  gathered  by 
poor  Drake  at  Ma'lfll  and  Nazareth  {Quarterly  Statement,  1873,  p.  58),  and  a  paper  by  P.  J. 
Baldensperger,  Esq.,  //'.,  1894,  p.  277. 

56  Archaological  Researches  in  Palestine. 

under  the  name  of  Fenish  or  Finsh'''  extended  as  far  as  Beit  'Ur  (Beth- 

Lnlieh,  Kcfirch. — He  likewise  informed  me  that  the  ancient  name  of  Yalo 
(Ajalon)  was  Liilieh,  and  according  to  others  Liiio ;  that  the  ridge  of  the 
south  of  Kastal  was  called  Hardsh  {j:.\^),  that  the  fellahin  pronounce  the 
name  of  the  locality  Keftre/i,  with  a  ^,  and  the  townsfolk  {cl  mcdeniyeh)  with  a 
•;.t  If  this  last  detail  is  correct,  which  I  do  not  vouch  for,  it  is  most 
important,  because  it  allows  us  to  follow  Robinson  without  hesitation  in  his 
proposed  identification  of  this  now  ruined  village  and  the  Chephirah  of  the 
Bible,  one  of  the  four  Gibeonite  cities.  This  identification  was  open  to  the 
criticism  that  it  involved  the  rare,  not  to  say  impossible,  substitution  of  an 
Arabic  j  for  the  Hebrew  2,  for  the  name  of  this  place,  admitting  the  form 
iLjui  which  M.  Guerin  claimed  to  have  found. 

Clay  Beds. — After  having  deviated  a  little  to  the  right  and  the  left,  we 
took  to  the  high  road  again  at  Kastal.  Quite  near  this  to  the  north  is  a  bed 
of  clay  loam,  or  what  passes  for  such,  greatly  esteemed  by  the  potters  and 
the  makers  of  pipes  {ghaldin)  at  Jerusalem.  The  spot  is  called  Matianet 
el  Kastal,  matianet,  a  place-name  derived  from  tin,  "clay."  I  gazed  with 
some  interest  on  this  "potter's  field,"  thinking  that  perhaps  much  of  the 
famous  Moabite  ware  which  was  making  such  a  stir  at  the  time  had  been 
fashioned  from  this  clay. 

Slmfeh. —  We  visited  in  passing  a  cone-shaped  hill  lying  to  the  right 
of  the  road,  a  little  before  Abu  Ghosh,  with  the  significant  name  of  Slififeh, 
derived  apparently  from  the  extensive  view  (i_Jli)  1— i^Aj)  obtained  from  its 
summit.;}:     I  remarked  there  a  cavern  excavated  in  the  rock. 

*  This  fabulous  personage  plays  a  considerable  part  in  the  rustic  legends  of  the  Judrcan 
peasants.  His  name  is  connected,  among  other  places,  with  Beit  Jibrin  (Eleutheropolis).  My 
special  note,  communicated  to  the  Academic  des  Inscriptions  et  Belles  Lettres  in  187 1,  was  the 
first  attempt  to  show  that  the  name  and  the  memory  of  the  Philistines  might  have  been  preserved 
in  this  name  Feiusli  (i;LJJ),  with  a  phonetic  change  prevalent  in  the  speech  of  the  fellahin,  that 
of  /  to  )i.  Another  instance  of  this  change  is  the  word  feneseli,  meaning  the  large  piece  of  silver 
which  the  fellah  women  wear  on  their  necks,  which  stands  iox  feleseh,  "  piece  of  money." 

t  It  is  well  known  that  the  v  is  pronounced  by  many  fellahin  like  cJi  'ind  the  cJ  like  ch, 
so  that  no  error  is  possible  in  transcribing  these  two  varieties  of  K,  which  are  essentially  different, 
provided  you  are  in  a  position  and  will  take  the  precaution  to  ascertain  first  of  all  the  phonetic 
customs  of  the  peasants  you  are  questioning.  It  is  the  Beni  Zeid,  said  Ibrahim  Ahmed,  that 
pronounce  the  cJ  ^s  ch. 

\   CJ.  in  the  Talmud,  naiL"  Shufah,  "prominence." 

Tour  from  Jcrusalcni  to  Jajja  and  the  Country  of  Samson.  57 

1/ibdlah. — From  here  we  went  on  to  Kh.  Ik'balah,'"  a  mediaeval  ruin  too 
well  known  to  detain  us.  Some  of  the  stones  display  masons'  marks  and 
letters.  It  was  pointed  out  to  us  this  time  as  Heidi  el  FemsJi,  rather  to  my 
astonishment,  as  some  years  before  I  had  been  shown  a  totally  different  place, 
between  Kastal  and  Soba,  going  by  the  same  name.t 

Kcbbdrah. — As  we  proceeded  to  Abu  Ghosh,  we  came  across  a  place 
called  el  Kebbdrah,  and  took  from  the  door  of  a  tomb  hollowed  out  in  the  rock 
the  following  bearings  :  Soba,  169°,  Abu  Ghosh  318°  (?). 

The  Wdd  ed  Dileb  passes  below  it. 

Abii  Ghosh. — On  reaching  Abu  Ghosh  I  had  our  tent  erected  there  for 
the  night,  and  we  lunched.  In  the  course  of  the  meal  1  picked  up  some 
information  from  the  fellahin.     They  told  me  :  — 

(i.)  Of  Deir  Izhar  (,\^Ui  or  ,LU,(?)  on  the  right  of  the  road  and  to  the 
west  of  the  church  of  Abu  Ghosh.  This  place  was  said  to  have 
been  formerly  connected  with  the  convent  by  a  subterranean  way  ; 

(2.)  Of  a  "  beled,"  or  inhabited  village  (hitherto  not  marked  on  the 
maps),  situated  to  the  north  of  Saris,  and  called  Beit  TJml ; 

(3.)  Of  Beit  Nushef,  between  Beit  Likia  and  Beit  Sira,  etc 

Khaldil  ez  Zumnidry. — After  lunch  we  went  to  explore  the  neighbour- 
hood. About  half-an-hour  to  the  south-west  of  the  village  I  noticed  in  the 
'WaAy  Khaldil  ez  Zuvimdry  %vio  burial  vaults  hollowed  out  in  the  rock.  In 
one  of  them,  on  the  back  wall  of  the  arcosolium,  on  the  right  hand  as  you  go 
on,  a  cross  is  cut.| 

El  JTinilr. — We  next  passed  through  the  inhabited  but  half-ruined  village 
of  cl  E'nitlr  ('Ammur)  (,^i),  which  lies  to  the  north  of  the  broad  wady  of 
the  same  name.      I  noticed  two  shafts  of  columns  and  a  few  burial-caves. 

Jeb'a. — After  crossing  the  valley,  we  arrived  at  last  at  the;  Kh.  Jcb'a,  to 
the  south-west  of  el  E'mur.      The  suggestive  name  of  this  place  had  made  a 

*  The  real  meaning  of  the  name  must  be,  "  the  ruin  opposite." 

t  I  find  indeed  the  following  entry  in  one  of  my  old  note  books :  "  On  the  west  of 
the  road  from  Kastal  to  Soba,  at  the  foot  of  the  hill,  I  noticed  a  ruin  called  K/t.  H'tal  cl  fetus li 
([>ujil\  Jl>),  with  an  extensive  cave,  and  an  angle  of  masonry  of  large  rough  hewn  blocks. 
One  of  them  measured   i"''25.  high  by  2m.    in  length,  and  looked  as  if  it  formed  part  of  an 

enclosing  wall  (1870,  Carnet,  III,  p.  29)."     [Wherever  a  reference  to  "  Garnet,  etc "  occurs, 

the  author's  unpublished  Notes  of  his  observations  before  and  after  the  years  1873  and  1874  are 

X  Sketch  lost. 



Archcrological  Researches  in  Palesfine. 

vivid  impression  on  me  when  I  first  heard  it  pronounced  by  the  fellahin,  so  I 
made  all  haste  to  explore  it. 

The  name  is  applied  to  a  vast  plateau  covered  with  ruins,  at  the  top  of  a 
hill  placed  at  the  confluence  of  two  valleys,  Wady  E'mur  ('Ammur)  and 
Wad  el  Ehmar  (Hamar),  which  unite  above  Ras  el  Jeb'a  (to  the  west). 

This  plateau  appears  to  have  been  the  seat  of  a  considerable  town,  to 
judge  by  the  numerous  but  shapeless  ruins  to  be  found  on  it.  These  consist 
chiefly  of  heaps  of  fallen  stones,  for  the  most  part  of  small  size,  belonging  to 
ancient  walls.  Here  and  there,  however,  a  few  large  blocks,  more  carefully 
hewn,  are  to  be  seen.  The  soil  presents  that  greyish  tint  which  in  this 
country  is  characteristic  of  the  sites  of  ancient  cities,  and  it  is  strewn  with 
potsherds.  We  counted  quite  a  number  of  cisterns  with  large  square  mouths, 
wine-presses,  etc.,  cut  in  the  rock.  Unfortunately  the  whole  place  was  over- 
run and  covered  up  with  grass  and  brushwood,  which  obstructed  our  efforts. 
M.  Lecomte  made  a  drawing  of  a  large  reservoir  cut  in  the  rock  and 
fronted  by  two  arches,  belonging  apparently  to  a  vaulting  intended  to  cover 
it  in. 

RESERVOIR    AT    KII.    .lEB  A. 

At  one  end,  towards  the  south-west,  this  plateau  is  separated  by  a 
considerable  depression,  called  Khairt  el  Jeb'a,  from  an  eminence,  Rds  cl  Jeb'a, 
which  appears  to  have  been  the  fortified  part  or  acropolis  of  the  city.  Here 
are  cisterns,  wine-presses,  double  walls,  etc.  ;  towards  the  north  there  is  a 
large  heap  of  stones  called  Rjum  Jeb'a.  We  took  the  bearings  from  this  : 
Saris,  304";  Neby  Shamwil,  62°;  Soba,  99°. 

Threshing  Floors. — On  our  way  back  from  the  Rds,  we  traversed  the 

whole  length  of  the  plateau,  and  I   noticed  further  two  huge  threshing  floors 

cut  in  the  rock.     The  fellahin  generally  call  threshing  floors  of  this  soxtjiuxn, 

.,''i..     The  name  and  the  object  correspond  exactly  to  the  Biblical  goren,  p3. 

Tour  from  Jcritsalcin  to  Jaffa  and  the  Country  of  Samson.  59 

Moreover  also  the  vulgar  pronunciation  is  the  same,  the  jczni  with  which 
the  r  is  marked  in  literary  Arabic  [jitrn)  being  replaced  by  a  regular  short 
vowel,  the  equivalent  of  the  Hebrew  segol.'"' 

Gibeah. — What  was  the  ancient  city  now  represented  by  the  Kh.  Jeb'a  ? 
Its  name  would  seem  to  connect  it  with  the  already  numerous  group  of  Gibeahs 
in  the  Bible  ;t  Jeb'a,  'i-K^^^  answers  exactly  to  Gibeah  nV33,  which  from  its 
derivation  signifies  "hill."  This  generic  meaning  sufficiently  accounts  for 
this  homonymy,  which  creates  such  confusion  in  the  ancient  topography  of 

Among  the  various  Gibeahs  in  the  Bible,  there  is  one  that  would 
correspond  pretty  closely  with  Jeb'a,  namely  the  Gibeah  where  the  inhabitants 
of  Kirjath-Jearim  deposited  the  Ark  after  fetching  it  from  Bethshemesh. 
The  nearness  of  Abu  Ghosh,  if  we  adopt  the  general  identification  of  this 
with  Kirjath-Jearim,  would  rather  favour  this  view.  Again,  it  is  worth 
noticing  that  our  Jeb'a  lies  exactly  on  the  road  that  one  has  to  take  in  going 
from  'Ain  Shemes  (Bethshemesh)  to  Abu  Ghosh.  Still  I  will  not  venture 
at  present  to  assert  that  that  is  where  we  must  look  for  the  house  of 
Abinadab,  where  the  Ark  remained  for  twenty  years  till  David  took  it  away 
to  Jerusalem.  One  objection  among  others  to  such  an  assertion  is  that  it  is 
hard  to  reconcile  with  the  opinion  (a  conjectural  one,  it  must  be  said)  which 
considers  the  Gibeah  of  the  Ark  to  be  the  Gibeat  Kirjathj  enumerated  by 
Joshua  among  the  cities  of  Benjamin.  If  the  boundary  of  Judah  really 
passed  by  Abu  Ghosh,  our  Jeb'a  would  be  too  far  to  the  south  to  have  been 
comprised  in  the  territory  of  Benjamin.  The  whole  of  this  question  requires 
to  be  taken  up  again  and  treated  thoroughly. 

\4in  Mahtush. — We  returned  from  Abu  Ghosh  by  way  of  'Ain  Mahtihh 
in  the  valley  of  the  same  name.  Up  above  are  visible  the  ruins  of  a  birkeh, 
built  of  large  blocks.  It  served  no  doubt  to  regulate  the  flow  of  water  used 
to  irrigate  the  valley. 

*  This,  by  the  bye,  is  a  general  observation,  appHcable  to  the  whole  series  of  segolaie  nouns 
and  the  corresponding  words  in  popular  Arabic,  as  I  already  had  occasion  to  show  a  long  time 
ago.  This  phenomenon  is  one  of  the  most  striking  of  those  that  directly  unite  the  phonetics  of 
popular  Arabic  with  that  of  Hebrew,  passing  over  the  head,  so  to  speak,  of  literary  Arabic. 

t  Like  names  are  no  less  common  in  Arabic  place-nomenclature.  My  guide  told  me  on 
another  occasion  of  two  places  called  KJi.  J'bea,  one  situated,  he  said,  to  the  south  of  Kastal,  the 
other  between  Beit  'Enan  and  Katanneh.  I  found  them  marked  on  the  Map,  which  shows  in 
a  general  way  the  correct  knowledge  of  my  old  sheikh  Ibrahim  .-\hmed. 

%  Gibeath  and  Kirjath  (.^.V.).     (Translator's  note.) 

I    2 


Archceological  Researches  in  Palestine. 

Opposite  the  spring,  on  the  other  side  of  the  valley,  I  saw  in  the  distance 
some  ruins  of  a  so-called  cyclopiean  structure,  which  were  pointed  out  to  us 
by  the  name  of  Beit  Rumnidn.  This  puts  one  in  mind  of  the  numerous 
Rimmons  in  the  Bible,  but  it  may  simply  be  formed  from  the  Arab  word 
for  pomegranate. 

Chirck  of  Abu  Ghosh. — On  returning  to  Abu  Ghosh  we  studied  certain 
details  of  the  media;val  church,  of  which  a  concession  had  just  been  made  to 
the  French  Government.*  I  saw  again  the  Latin  masons'  marks  that  I  was 
the  first  to  point  out  in  1870,  and  we  copied  them  afresh.  {See  the  special 
table,  Vol.  I.)  On  one  of  the  courses,  to  the  right  as  you  go  in,  I  discovered 
a  small  graffito  of  two  lines,  but  could  only  make  out  a  few  Latin  characters, 
perhaps  of  the   Crusading  period   or  possibly   later.      The  first  line,    which 

has  been  hammered  over,  has  almost 
entirely  disappeared,  with  the  excep- 
tion of  a  small  footed  cross  of  distinct 
oudine,  which  formed  the  beginning 
of  it.  In  the  second  line  one  can 
clearly  read:  E||OVLSA.  The 
block  on  which  the  lines  are  engraved 
bears  unmistakable  traces  of  the  mediceval  slantincj  tool-marks.  Here 
follows  a  facsimile  from  the  squeezes  I  took. 

Above  the  entrance  door  of  the  subterranean 
church  I  noticed  traces  of  a  two-armed  cross 
inscribed  in  a  circle.      It  had  been  hammered  over. 

Crusaders  'J^ooi -  xlfarks. — I  particularly  set 
myself  to  distinguish  the  heterogeneous  styles  of 
dressing  the  stones  that  we  found  in  the  upper  and 
lower  parts  of  the  church,  and  observed  a  fact 
with  reference  to  the  mediaeval  tool-marks  on  the 
blocks,  which  is  a  regular  proof  of  the  law  that  I 
discovered  and  have  set  forth  above  (Vol.  I).      It 


B.     Plan. 

*  A  study  of  this  church  and  the  crypt  in  great  detail,  with  views,  plans,  sections,  and 
elevations,  will  be  found  in  an  article  by  M.  Mauss,  published  in  the  Revue  ArMologiqiie  for 
March — April,  1892,  pp.  223,  et  seqq.  Cf.  in  the  Heme  Biblique  (1893,  p.  41)  the  remarks  of 
I'ather  Germer-Durand,  where  he  disputes  certain  views  of  M.  Mauss,  states  that  the  frescoes  are 
accompanied  by  L.atin  Inscriptions,  and  supposes  that  the  Church  belonging  to  the  Hospitallers 
was  dedicated  to  St.  John. 

Tour  from  Jerusalem  to  Jaffa  and  the  Country  of  Samson.  6i 

will  be  remembered  that  by  this  law  the  blocks  hewn  by  the  Crusaders  have 
oblique  tool-marks  when  they  are  fat,  and  that  the  tool-marks  are  more  or 
less  parallel  with  the  perpendicular  if  the  blocks  take  a  curved  form.  Now 
in  the  three  circular  apses  at  the  end  of  the  church  of  Abu  Ghosh  there 
is  a  very  short  straight  part  just  before  the  curved  part  begins,  and  the 
combination  of  the  flat  and  curved  surfaces  appears  on  one  and  the  same 
block ;  well,  this  block  shows  on  its  flat  part  the  oblique  marks,  and  on  its 
curved  part  (it  is  here  practically  a  vertical  cylinder)  they  are  almost 
vertical.  I  took  a  squeeze  of  the  surface,  clearly  showing  this  twofold 

Origin  of  the  Church. — The  history  and  origin  of  the  church  of  Abu 
Ghosh  remain  an  unsolved  problem.  The  main  part  of  the  building  is 
indisputably  of  the  time  of  the  Crusades,  though  in  the  lower  part  of  the 
subterranean  church  which  forms  the  crypt  there  are  some  large  "  pock- 
marked "  blocks,  which  may  be  earlier  than  the  Crusades,  but  are  not 
necessarily  so.^'  The  outer  facing  of  the  walls  has  been  so  carelessly  done, 
and  with  such  coarse  materials,  that  one  is  inclined  to  suppose  it  to  have  been 
restored  or  even  finished  at  a  much  later  date.  Indeed,  it  is  quite  possible 
that  the  building  had  to  be  hurriedly  abandoned  by  the  Crusaders  when  it 
was  in  course  of  construction,  on  account  of  the  approach  of  Saladin,  and 
that  it  was  brought  to  its  present  condition  at  a  much  later  date.  This 
hypothesis  would  easily  account  for  the  distressing  irregularity  in  the  dressing 
of  the  stones,  which  exhibit  side  by  side  the  most  careful  and  the  rudest  work. 

As  for  the  singular  appellation  of  St.  Jeremy  which  modern  tradition 
attaches  to  the  church,  one  can  only  explain  it  by  supposing  it  due  to 
an  ignorant  confusion  between  the  names  Kirjath  Jearim  and  Jeremias 
[Hieremias).  Franks  who  were  at  one  time  masters  of  the  Holy  Land, 
and  were  mostly  unlearned  folk,  may  have  been  misled  by  the  superficial 
resemblance  of  the  two  words.  It  is,  however,  unnecessary  to  go  back  to 
the  Crusades  for  the  origin  of  this  error.  It  may  very  well  have  been  started 
since  that  time,  and  be  the  work  not  of  the  conquerors  but  of  pilgrims  and 
monks  from  the  west  in  later  ages. 

*  M.  Mauss  is  of  opinion  that  the  church  of  the  Crusaders  has  been  adapted  so  to  speak  by 
them  from  the  main  [lortion  of  an  ancient  Roman  castellum  :  this  would  explain  the  extraordinary 
thickness  of  the  walls,  the  fact  that  the  apses  do  not  project  out  beyond  the  eastern  wall,  leaving 
the  latter  an  unbroken  line,  the  holes  made  in  the  walls  after  building  for  the  openings  of  the 
door  and  windows,  etc.  Resuming  an  ancient  theory,  he  proposes  to  make  this  castellum  the 
Castle  of  Emmaus.  and  Abu  Ghosh,  Emmaus. 

62  Archccolozical  Rcsearclics  in  Palest i 

i> ' 


In  this  case  what  tradition,  if  any,  did  the  Crusaders  wish  to  perpetuate 
when  they  built  this  church  ?  May  we  not  suppose  it  was  that  of  the  abiding 
of  the  Ark  at  Kirjath  Jearim,  if  we  admit  that  Gibeah  was  merely  a  quarter 
of  that  town  ? 

Such  were  the  inductions  I  was  led  to  by  considering  this  obscure 
question  on  the  spot  itself.  I  have  since  found  an  unexpected  confirmation 
of  this  view  in  a  text  which  I  had  not  then  by  me,  and  which  seems  to  have 
hardly  been  resorted  to  in  the  controversy.  Petrus  Cassinensis,  in  his 
Libellus  de  locis  Sanctis,  the  date  of  which  has  been  established  as  being 
about  1 137,  says  that  at  a  place  9  miles  from  Jerusalem  called  Kirjathjearivi, 
where  the  Ark  of  the  Lord  was,  a  church  has  been  constructed  :  "  milliario 
nono  ab  Jerusalem,  in  loco  qui  dicitur  Kariathjearim,  ubi  fuit  archa  Domini, 
ecclesia  illic  constructa  est." 

Several  important  results  ensue  from  this  decisive  passage  : — 

(i.)  Abu  Ghosh  was  identified  with  Kirjath  Jearim  as  early  as  the 

(2.)  The  church  dates  back  to  the  first  half  of  the  twelfth  century  at  least. 

(3.)  The  Ark  was  connected  with  it  in  tradition. 

Probably  this  same  Biblical  reminiscence  is  accountable,  in  spite  of 
appearances  to  the  contrary,  for  the  Mussulman  tradition  which  makes  the 
small  mosque  near  the  church  a  sanctuary  or  makdiii  of  Esdras.  This 
tradition  perhaps  is  not  so  incongruous  as  it  appears.  It  is  known,  of  course, 
that  this  "prophet"  is  called  in  Arabic  Ncby  'Ozeir  or  cl  'Ozcir.  Esdras 
assuredly  had  nothing  to  do  with  Kirjath  Jearim,  but  the  Arabic  form  of  his 
name  ^j  •..til  corresponds  literally  \vith  the  Hebrew  name  "lti^7X  Eleazar,  the  son 
of  Abinadab,  and  it  must  not  be  forgotten  that  there  was  an  Eleazar  to  whom 
the  inhabitants  of  Kirjath  Jearim  entrusted  the  care  of  the  Ark. 

Moreover,  in  further  support  of  this  conjecture  I  can  cite  a  notorious 
instance  of  the  Arabic  name  for  Esdras  in  the  form  el  'Ozeir  being  substituted 
for  that  of  Eleazar.  Jewish  and  Samaritan  tradition  point  out  to  one,  at 
'Awerta,  near  Nablus,  a  place  of  which  we  shall  have  more  to  say  later  on, 
the  tomb  of  Eleazar  the  Son  of  Aaron..  Now  to  the  Mussulmans  this  is  the 
tomb  of  el  'Ozeir.  Thus  we  are  perfectly  justified  in  assuming  that  beneath 
the  el  'Ozeir  of  Abu  Ghosh  there  lurks  an  Eleazar. 

The  localization  of  the  legend  of  Esdras  at  Abu  Ghosh,  moreover,  seems 
to  me  to  have  much  older  warranty  than  one  would  have  supposed  from  the 
mere  witness  of  rustic  fellahin.  There  is  a  passage  in  the  Koran  {Stwah  of 
the  cow,  verse   263)  in  which   the    Mussulmen   commentators  of  early    date 

ToJir  from  Jcrnsalciu  to  [affa  and  the  Coimti'v  of  Samson.  6 


recognized  an  allusion  to  Esdras,  though  he  is  not  mentioned  in  it  by  name. 
It  begins  thus  :  "  And  as  he  who  passed  through  a  city  {Kariatul)  with 
ruined  houses,"  etc.  Several  early  commentators,  seizing  on  this  word  A^r/cr, ' 
have  expressly  applied  it  to  Abu  Ghosh,  the  real  name  of  which,  as  we  know, 
is  Kariat  el'Enab  ("the  village  of  grapes"),  or,  for  short,  cl  Karia.  I  have 
not  the  original  texts  by  me  just  now,  so  will  content  myself  with  quoting, 
with  further  abridgement,  the  summary  of  them  given  by  the  old  d'Herbelot 
in  his  Bibliotheque  Orientale,  evidently  from  Persian  sources  (perhaps  the 
Kisas  cl-anbid  ?).  Esdras,  on  his  way  to  Jerusalem,  stopped  at  a  village  near 
the  Holy  City.  The  village  was  ruined,  but  there  were  many  vines  and 
fig-trees.  Esdras  took  up  his  quarters  behind  a  wall,  and  there  supported 
himself  on  fruit,  with  his  ass  tethered  near  him.""  The  village  was  variously 
called  Seir  abadt  ("  place  for  walking  "  in  Persian)  and  Diar  Anab  {sic). 
One  cannot  help  recognizing  in  this  last  name,  which  is  evidently  ,_^u;  ,l-'-s 
the  characteristic  name  of  our  Kariat  el  'Enab.  Thus  it  is  seen  that  there  is 
more  than  one  reason  assignable  for  the  legend  of  Esdras  prevalent  in  these 
days  at  Abu  Ghosh,  and  at  the  same  time  indirect  proof  is  obtained  that  the 
name  of  the  village  is  not  an  invention  of  yesterday,  it  containing  the  element 
Kariat,  which  is  one  of  the  principal  bases  of  the  identification  made  by 
western  commentators  with  Kirjath  Jearim. 

Beit  Mahsir. — Next  morning  we  broke  up  the  camp  to  go  to  Bir 
el  Ma'in,  to  the  north-west  of  Abu  Ghush,  which  was  to  be  our  second 
halting-place.  I  sent  the  baggage  on  by  a  direct  route,  so  that  we  might  be 
free  to  follow  another. 

We  again  crossed  the  Jaffa  high  road,  leaving  the  eminence  of  Deir 
Izhar  to  our  left  on  the  soutli-west,  and  followed  the  course  of  the  Wady 
BahV,  which  lay  to  our  left,  deepening  as  it  went  on. 

As  we  went  along  we  saw  in  the  distance  the  wooded  crest  of  Beit 
Mahsir.  When  one  reflects  that  this  commanding  point,  lying  to  the  north  of 
Kesla  between  'Ain  Shemes  and  Abu  Ghosh,  is,  to  the  eye  at  least,  the 
highest  in  the  neighbourhood,  one  is  sorely  tempted  to  take  it  for  the  undis- 
coverable  Mount  Seir,  one  of  the  landmarks  of  the  boundary  of  Judah.     One 

*  It  appears  from  a  legend,  that  I  picked  up  later  at  Abu  Ghosh,  that  this  characteristic 
feature  of  the  legend,  the  ass  of  Esdras,  still  lingers  in  local  tradition. 

t  Seirabad,  j\jl  jw,  is  perhaps  the  result  of  a  mistaken  reading  for  jL'l-'L;  Salwr  abad, 
"  the  town  of  Shahpor,"  where,  according  to  a  variant  of  the  legend,  Esdras  died  and  was  raised  to 

64  Arcliccological  Researches  in  Palestine. 

could  even,  if  need  were,  find  certain  affinities  between  the  two  names,  in 
spite  of  their  apparent  differences.  If  we  cut  off  from  Mahsir  the  servile 
syllable  via,  we  have  left  the  theme  hsir,  by  interversion  shir.  The  form 
Mishir  noted  by  Van  de  Velde,  if  it  is  not  due  to  a  misunderstanding  on  his 
part,  would  even  contain  the  non-interverted  form,  and  this  variant  would 
furnish  a  good  intermediate  form.  As  for  the  substitution  of  an  Arabic  ha 
for  a  Hebrew  '«///,  this  is  authorised  by  numerous  instances  found  in  geo- 
graphical names.  In  any  case  this  comparison  is  much  less  improbable,  on 
phonetic  grounds,  than  the  one  which  Schwarz,  Tobler  and  others  have  tried 
to  establish  with  Saris.  The  requirements  of  topography  also  appear  to  me 
to  be  equally  well  fulfilled. 

Zunukleh. — The  spot  marked  Kh.  Saris  on  Van  de  Velde's  map  was 
pointed  out  to  me  by  the  name  of  ZunukleJi,  one  that  I  had  already  noted 
some  years  previous.  A  sort  of  stone  tripod  is  said  to  have  been  found,  some 
time  back,  in  a  cavern  at  Beit  Mahsir. 

Jebel  'Abd  cr  Rahman. — My  guide,  whom  I  had  set  talking  on  the 
question  of  mountains,  told  me,  as  we  went  along,  of  one  called  Jebel  'Abd 
er  Rahman,  reputed  the  highest  in  those  parts,  "not  excepting,"  said  he, 
"  Neby  Shamwil."  It  lies,  according  to  his  statement,  to  the  north-east  of 
Abu  Ghosh  and  to  the  south-west  of  Beit  Siirik,  about  an  hour's  journey  from 
the  former  village.  It  is  said  that  a  most  extensive  view  of  the  country 
round  is  to  be  had  from  its  summit." 

Meshdhed. — While  we  were  thus  conversing  with  Ibrahim  Ahmed, 
the  ascent  became  so  difficult  that  we  had  to  dismount  every  now  and  then,  so 
as  not  to  break  our  necks  over  the  sloping  patches  of  rock,  polished  into 
slipperiness,  that  crossed  our  path  at  every  step.  After  more  than  three 
quarters  of  an  hour  of  this  distinctly  unpleasant  exercise,  more  like  a  ride  over 
the  roofs  of  a  European  town  than  anything  else,  we  beheld  numbers  of 
meshdhed,^  showing  that  we  were  in  sight  of  Beit  Thul. 

*  I  do  not  find  this  name  on  the  Map.  [This  is  evidently  another  name  for  the  hill-top 
called  "  Batn  es  S'aideh,"  which  was  used  as  a  trigonometrical  point  by  the  Survey  Party. —  Ed.] 
The  exact  position  of  Jebel  'Abd  er  Rahman — its  very  existence,  of  course  I  only  know  by 
hearsay — remains  to  be  verified  and  fixed,  as  also  does  its  real  altitude.  The  indications  given 
by  my  guide  would  seem  to  take  us  within  the  triangle  of  high  hills  lying  between  Abu  Ghosh, 
Beit  Surik  and  Kalaunieh  (Kiilonieh).  In  this  region  Mount  Ephron  is  placed  by  common 
consent,  and  Jebel  'Abd  er  Rahman,  probably  the  highest  point  in  the  range,  might  very  well 
correspond  to  that  mountain. 

t  Small  heaps  of  stones  placed  at  the  points  from  which  the  villages  or  sanctuaries  first  come 
into  view. 

Tour  from  /cntuilcin  to  Jaffa  and  the  Country  of  Samson. 

Beit  Thill  ( TiW). — The  name  of  this  village  presents  a  curious,  but,  let 
me  add,  quite  fortuitous  resemblance  to  that  of  the  Bethulia  of  Judith.  It  had 
hitherto  escaped  the  attention  of  explorers  of  the  Holy  Land,  and  this  was 
to  me  its  greatest  attraction.  ' 

From  Beit  Thul  one  enjoys  a  very  fine  view  of  the  plain  that  lies 
beneath  through  a  gap  in  the  hills. 

The  village  was  inhabited,  and  a  hearty  welcome  was  accorded  to  us. 
The  site  possesses  importance  and  certainly  antiquity,  and  in  fact  we  noticed 
both  in  and  around  the  village  all  the  characteristics  of  sites  of  this  kind, 
cisterns,  presses,  caverns  and  tombs  hewn  out  in  the  rock,  especially  on  the 
western  slope  of  the  hill  ;  foundations  of  houses  and  quarry-holes  cut  into  the 
living  rock,  fragments  of  pottery,  a  grey  tinge  in  the  soil,  and  so  forth  ;  and, 
further,  a  seemingly  ancient  road,  bordered  with  large  blocks  and  extending, 
as  it  appears,  to  Yalo,  an  hour's  journey  distant. 

The  village  contains  two  welys,  one  the  sanctuary  of  Sheikh  Iiijeivi,  the 
other  that  of  Bedriyeh.  In  front  of  the  wely  of  Bedriyeh,  I  noticed  the 
remains  of  a  small  aqueduct  of  masonry  and  two  large  shafts  of  ancient 

In  the  courtyard  of  an  old  ruined  house  we  lit  upon  a  rather  curious 
capital,  of  hard  stone,  and  cubical  in  shape,  the  two  opposite  faces  presenting 
two  spiral  scrolls  ornamented  with  large  Greek  crosses. 


Plan,  looking  up. 

Side  view. 


On  measuring,  it  appeared  that  this  capital  must  have  belonged  to  one 
of  the  two  columns  mentioned  just  above.  These  remains  lead  one  to  suppose 
that  an  important  Christian  building  of  the  Byzantine  period  once  existed  at 
Beit  Thul. 

According  to  local  tradition  Bedriyeh  was  the  sister  of  the  Sheikh  In'jeim. 
When  the  latter  established  himself  there  the  place  was  nothing  but  a  desert. 

66  'Archcvological  Researches  in  Palestine. 

The  holy  man  was  ministered  to,  and  even,  I  beheve,  fed  by  a  gazelle.  After 
his  death,  his  sister  Bedriyeh  took  his  place,  and  afterwards  the  place  became 
a  town.  This  legend  is  an  interesting  one.  The  Sheikh's  name,  it  should 
be  noted,  comes  from  the  same  root  as  nejnt,  "star;"'  Injeini  is  the  rapid 
pronunciation,  with  a  prosthetic  alif,  of  »j^  mtjeiin,  "little  star."  The 
sister's  name  is  derived  from  bcdr,  "  the  full  moon."  I  should  not  be  surprised 
if,  as  so  often  happens  in  Palestine,  this  pious  and  respected  pair  were  found 
to  be  the  expression  of  some  old  mythological  notion  connected  with 
astronomy.  At  all  events,  this  legend  may  be  compared  with  the  one 
prevalent  among  the  Mussulmans,  which  recounts  how  God,  having  caused 
a  gourd-tree  to  grow  over  Jonah's  head,*  sent  a  wild  ibex  to  nourish  him  with 
her  milk.f  I  would  also  adduce,  for  comparison,  a  coin  of  Damascus,  which 
may  have  been  known  to  the  Arabs  at  the  time  of  the  conquest,  and  have 
suggested  to  them  "  iconologically "  the  idea  of  this  fable  from  the  design 
on  the  obverse  :  a  doe  suckling  an  infant.\  Possibly  this  scene  was  accom- 
panied on  some  specimens  by  the  symbols  of  the  moon  and  star  d  * , 
which  frequently  figure  on  other  Damascus  coins  ;  hence  Injeini  and 

The  fellahin  of  Beit  Thul  told  me  that  the  town  was  formerly  called 
among  the  Christians  Ka/'at  Fertin  ^^ji  ^j^  ;  "the  fortress  of  Fertin,"||  a 
Christian  or  pagan  king  (Kafer)  who  reigned  there  and  lorded  it  over  all  the 
surrounding  region.  He  perished  in  the  tnfdn,  "the  deluge,"  which  issued 
from  the  Tannilr  of  Abu  Shusheh  (Gezer)  and  submerged  the  whole  country. 
In  speaking  of  Gezer   I   shall  have  occasion  to  recur  to  this  latter  legend,  a 

*  ^^'e  have  here,  I  think,  an  instance  of  the  mythologie  des  images,  which  I  have  aheady 
proposed  to  call  konology ;  the  story  of  Jonah  and  the  kikaiyon  tree  is  closely  connected  with 
those  numerous  tesserce  of  Palmyra,  on  which  the  dead  man  is  represented  lying  beneath  a  tree 
bearing  large  round  berries. 

t  Bochart,  I,  920,  20. 

X  Mionnet,  V,  292  ;  cf.  de  Saulcy,  Nuinhin.  dd  la  Terre  Sainte,  p.  45,  No.  13.  Compare 
the  myth  of  Telephus  suckled  by  a  doe. 

§  This  generation  of  Arab  legends  through  the  arbitrary  interpretations  of  scenes  figured  on 
ancient  coins  is  not  an  isolated  case.  For  instance,  I  have  already  shown  {Reaieil  d'Archcol. 
orientah,  I,  p.  311)  that  the  remarkable  Mussulman  legend  of  Adam  ploughing  at  Acre  with  a 
fair  of  oxen  led  by  Gabriel,  which  is  localized  at  'Ain  el  Bakar  near  Acre,  arose  from  a  popular 
interpretation  of  the  colonial  coins  of  Acre,  on  which  the  imperial  founder  of  Ptolemais  is  seen 
driving  a  cart,  the  symbol  of  colonization  in  Roman  worship,  with  a  genius  hovering  above  him. 

II  Fertin  is  perhaps  a  transposition  for  Tar/in,  which  we  shall  be  concerned  with  later. 

To7[r  from  Jcmsalcm  to  Jaffa  and  the  Comiti-y  of  Samson.  67 

very  important  one.  I  consider  it  to  be  a  fragment  of  one  of  the  oldest  and 
most  widespread  beliefs  in  the  land  of  Canaan. 

I  was  told  of  a  Kk.  Jllismdr  situated  between  Beit  Thul  and  Zunukleh. 

On  my  way  through  this  region  I  noted  an  expression  absolutely  peculiar 
to  the  fellahin  there,  namely,  m'ayi  {llii.<  or  ^jl«.«),  in  the  sense  of  lithir, 
"  much." 

The  ethnic  name  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  village  is  Th/ily,  plural 
Tazudlch.  I  shall  often  have  occasion  to  recur  to  this  question  of  ethnics. 
Sufficient  attention  has  not  been  paid  to  them,  and  I  have  always  made  an 
effort  to  collect  them  carefully,  for  in  my  opinion  they  often  preserve  for  its 
the  more  archaic  forms  of  the  place-names. 

Beit  Thul  is  evidently  some  ancient  locality  of  distinct  importance,  but 
which  is  it  ?  The  likeness  of  the  name  to  Bethulia,  false  as  a  mirage,  must 
not  deceive  us  for  a  moment. 

Might  not  one  identify  it  with  the  undiscoverable  Jithlah  mentioned 
in  Joshua  xix,  42,  among  the  towns  belonging  to  the  tribe  of  Dan,  and 
forming  a  separate  group  with  Ajalon  and  Shaalabbin  ? 

This  identification  is  most  tempting  to  the  geographer,  considering  that 
Beit  Thul  is  near  Yalo  (Ajalon),  and  is  even  joined  to  it  by  the  ancient  road 
I  mentioned  just  now. 

From  the  etymologist's  point  of  view  the  notion  is  admissible.  We  are 
quite  at  liberty  in  considering  the  name  Beit  Thill  to  take  as  usual  only  the 
second  half,  eliminating  the  insignificant  factor  belt,  "house."  This  leaves  us 
Thul.  the  essential  factor,  and  the  only  one  remaining  in  the  ethnic  Thuly. 

T/ml,  J^,  {Thauiy*  signifies  in  Arabic  a  "swarm  of  bees"  or  "hornets." 
So  we  might  stop  at  this  and  suppose  the  name  to  be  of  purely  Arabic  origin, 
"the  house  of  the  bees"  or  "of  the  hornets."  As  a  matter  of  fact  Beit  Thul 
does  produce  excellent  honey,  and  we  partook  of  some  with  relish.  One  has 
to  beware,  however,  of  these  appellations  that  appear  to  be  of  purely  Arabic 
origin,  they  are  often  ancient  Hebrew  names  converted  by  a  process  of 
popular  etymology  into  words  familiar  to  the  Arabs.  In  many  cases  slight 
phonetic  changes  assist  the  process.  These,  by  the  bye,  are  not  arbitrary, 
but  are  subject  to  real  laws.     Thus,  for  instance,  the  name  of  the  Bible  town 

*  In  the  Name  Lists  the  name  is  written  Jj  ci^-j^.' ,  and  the  second  element  Tnl  is 
regarded  as  a  proper  name,  and  wrongly  translated  "length,"  from  a  confusion  with  the  word 
JjU,  which  is  radically  different. 

K    2 

68  Arclueological  Researches  in  Palestine. 

of  Thiiiniah  has  become  in  fellah  speech  Tibneh,  "chopped  straw."  Similarly 
TIml  may  stand  for  Jethlah,  the  two  last  radicals  of  which  it  has  preserved. 
The  first  syllable  //  may  be  either  (i)  radical — this  is  the  opinion  of  Fiirst, 
who  derives  the  name  JithlaJi  from  one  of  those  imaginary  roots  which 
are  his  particular  foible,  namely  Sii  (which  itself,  by  the  bye,  is  formed  from 
th)  ;  or  (2)  servile,  in  case  the  word  really  comes  from  HtTI  talali,  "  to  be 
hung,  hung  up."  In  either  case  the  disappearance  of  this  initial  syllable  Ji 
is  the  most  natural  thing  in  the  world.  This  is  how,  for  instance,  Jericho 
becomes  in  Arabic  Riha  {Erihd) ;  Jezreel,  Zerin;  Jeshanah,  Sinia,  etc.  At 
any  rate  that  seems  to  me  quite  as  reasonable  as  the  identification  with  the 
name  of  a  valley,  Wady  ''Ata/a,^''  which  has  been  suggested  in  desperation. 

Arab  Legend.- — At  Beit  Thul  I  took  on  an  extra  guide  to  go  to  Kh. 
Hirsha  or  Hersheh  (JJ:^.=^^.  The  breath  of  the  Khainsin\  was  scorching, 
the  heat  overpowering,  the  sky  without  a  cloud,  and  of  a  blinding  chalk-like 
whiteness.  Our  way  lay  through  partially  cut  fields  of  corn.  The  harvest- 
men,  it  appears,  are  in  the  habit  of  leaving  off  work  while  this  wind  is  blowing, 
because,  they  say,  the  corn-stalks  get  dry  and  are  too  hard  to  cut.  The  hills 
that  we  crossed  were  covered  with  underwood.  A  quantity  of  charcoal  is 
made  about  here,  and  the  operation  is  generally  conducted  in  old  rock-hewn 
caves,  frequently  ancient  graves. 

As  we  went  along,  my  guide  from  Beit  Thul  told  me  that  opposite  Saris, 
on  the  other  side  the  confluence  of  the  two  valleys,  there  was  a  steep  place 
called  'Elliet  en.  Ninicr,  "the  Height  of  the  Panther."  There,  in  a  cavern 
still  existing  at  the  present  day,  was  once  the  den  of  a  most  savage  panther 
which  ravaged  the  country  round,  and  cut  off  the  communication  through 
Wady  Safieh  and  W'ady  Huteh.  One  day  an  ancestor  of  one  of  the  inhabi- 
tants of  Beit  Thul  went  to  slay  it.  The  beast  sprang  upon  him,  planted  its 
claws  in  his  back,  and  carried  him  off  to  one  of  the  highest  rocks  about  its 
den.  Here,  however,  the  bold  hunter  managed  to  draw  his  knife,  turned 
round  and  slew  the  panther,  and  cut  off  its  paw,  which  remained  imbedded  in 

*  Map  of  Van  de  Velde.  The  existence  of  this  name  is  not  even  asserted,  and  I  do  not 
find  it  on  the  Map.     Phonetically,  it  would  rather  suggest  Ataroth  of  Benjamin,  which  should  be 

hereabouts,  unless  indeed  it  is  simply  aJJl  lU r  ? 

t  Khamsin.  This  name,  which  means  "fifty,"  is  generally  accounted  for  by  the  number  of 
days  during  which  this  wind  is  said  to  blow.  I  am  rather  inclined  to  think  that  it  comes  from  the 
season  in  which  it  blows;  the  Khamsin  is  the  prevailing  wind  in  the  period  oi  fffy  days 
comprised  between  Easter  and  Pcntea'st  {iUi'TijKoaTij). 

Tojir  from  Jcnisalau  (o  Jaffa  and  the  Country  of  Samson.  69 

his    back.     A   skilful    leech    succeeded    in    extracting   it,   and   he   recovered. 

What  struck  me  about  this  legend  was  the  name  given  to  the  hunter's  knife, 

shibriyeh.     This  word  is  probably  derived  from  shibr,  "  palm  "  or  "  span,"  and 

probably  denotes  the  length  of  the  blade  of  the  dagger.     This  is  the  same  as 

that  of  the /lereb,  with  which  Ehud  the  Left-handed  slew  Eglon  king  of  Moab, 

which  measured  a  zomed. 

Dhahr  el  Hnteli. — Looking  to  the  north-west  of  Beit  Thul  in  the  direction 

of  Ramleh,   I   noticed  a  rocky  height  called  DhaJir  el  Hi'Ueh,  which  they  say 

was  struck  by  lightning  and  cloven  into  three  parts. 

Kit.  el  Kascr. — To  the  south-west  of  our  route,  above  the  Wady  Safieh,  is 

Kh.  el  Kaser  (Kiisr). 

Bdfn  el  Jarnul. — To  the  north-west  of  our  route  and  to  the  north  of 

Hirsha  is  a  height  Bdfn  el  Jarrl^id,  so  called  because  the  soldiers  of  Islam 
assembled  there  {j'arradil).  This  appellation  may  have  reference  to  some 
military  event,  for  it  is  well  known  that  in  this  region,  that  of  Beit  Nuba, 
the  Franks  and  Saladin  engaged  in  numerous  combats. 

Hirsha. — However,  we  were  now  approaching  Hirsha.  We  encountered 
first  a  commanding  height  called  from  its  position  the  Munldr  (observatory) 
of  Hirsha. 

The  Sloiie  of  the  Pregnant  JVoman. — We  noticed  on  the  slope  of  the 
Muntar  a  long  hewn  block  of  about  3"''20,  broken  at  one  end  ;  this  is  "  the 
pillar  of  the  fairy  "  or  female  jinn,  'amud  el  jinniyeh.  Tradition  has  it  that 
2i pregnant  she-farry  had  received  orders  from  Solomon  to  bring  stones  for 
building  the  Temple  at  Jerusalem.  She  was  in  the  act  of  carrying  this  heavy 
pillar,  which  she  had  fetched  from  Hirsha,  when  she  learned  by  the  way  that 
the  mighty  king  who  had  imposed  this  hard  task  on  her  was  dead.  She 
straightway  threw  her  crushing  burden  to  the  ground,  the  stone  broke  with 
the  shock,  and  remained  there  ever  after.  This  legend  of  "  the  stone  of  the 
pregnant  woman  "  {Hajar  el  Hableh)  is  very  popular  with  the  Arabs  of  Syria. 
I  have  found  it  in  several  places,  and  mean  some  day  to  make  a  special  study 
of  it.'" 

*  We  must  reject  the  explanation  suggested  by  M.  Renan  in  his  Mission  de  Plihticie  (p.  74), 
according  to  which  a  Hajar  el  HaHeh  (transcribed  Hubleh)  stands  for  Hajar  el  Kuhleti  {  \^\), 
"the  Stone  ot  the  South."  There  is  no  doubt  that  the  real  meaning  is  "the  Stone  of  the 
Pregnant  Woman."  The  same  mistake  was  once  made  about  the  same  name  as  applied 
to  the  colossal  hewn  block  in  the  ancient  quarries  of  Baalbek  {cf.,  for  instance,  Baedeker's 
Falestiiie  and  Syria,  ed.  1876,  p.  500).     Now  in  an  ancient  Italian  MS.  that  lies  before  me,  and 


Archcpoloo-ical  Researches:  in  Palestine. 


Waterworks. — I  remarked  further  on  a  section  of  an  aqueduct  partly  cut 
in  the  rock  ;  a  little  further  still,  a  huge  threshing  floor,  a  mosaic  floor  in  situ, 
with  large  cubes  of  white  limestone  (called  by  the  fellahin  kazamit)*  still  in 
their  bed  of  thick  cement ;  and  then  cisterns,  fragments  of  pottery,  etc. 

Next  we  made  our  way  into  an  immense  subterranean  reservoir  cut  out 
in  the  solid  rock,  and  measuring   i4'"'8o  in  length,    13m.  in  breadth,  and  at 

least  8m.  in  height.  The  ceiling  is  flat  and 
sloping,  and  pierced  with  several  openings,  three 
round  and  one  square,  to  allow  of  water  being 
drawn  out  or  admitted.  The  lower  part  of  the 
sides  is  still  covered  with  a  coat  of  concrete 
o'""2  5  in  thickness.  In  the  middle  a  few  large 
blocks,  carefully  hewn,  lie  on  the  ground.  In 
one  of  the  corners  of  this  monumental  cistern, 
which  forms  a  regular  subterranean  birkeJi,  is 
the  beginning  of  a  wide  canal,  partly  cut  in  the 
rock  and  partly  built  of  masonry,  which  would 
allow  of  the  water  being  let  out  and  guided  for 
the  purposes  of  irrigation,  as  I  suppose.  This 
aqueduct  consists  of  a  sort  of  trench  with  top 
uncovered.  At  the  end  it  is  crossed  by  a  struc- 
ture of  masonry  with  a  groove  in  it  which  seems 
to  have  admitted  the  gate  of  a  sluice  for  regu- 
lating the  flow  of  the  water.  Further  on  it  is 
joined  at  right  angles  by  a  wall  surmounted  with 
a  cornice. 

Lower  down  is  another  birkeh  also  cut  in 
the  rock,  but  this  time  open  to  the  sky. 

This  large  and  remarkable  reservoir  is  called  'Aineziyet  Hirsha.     This 



Scale  rrnr- 

is  nothing  more  or  less  than  a  translation  of  an  Arabic  treatise  on  searching  for  hidden  treasure 
in  Syria,  this  same  stone  at  Ba'albek  is  called  la  pietra  gravida,  evidently  for  del/a  gravida.  I 
believe  that  this  extremely  curious  legend  has  some  connexion  with  the  tradition  concerning  the 
Can-atids  or  statues  of  women  supporting  a  building  or  an  entablature.  There  may  be  a  basis 
for  comparison  with  the  three  kneeling  statues  at  Rome,  brought  from  Syria  after  the  defeat  of 
Antiochus,  and  regarded  by  the  people  as  divinities  presiding  over  women  in  childbirth.  M.  Breal 
thinks  that  these  nixi  di  were  Caryatids.  In  Western  folk-lore  there  are  legends  which  strikingly 
recall  that  of  the  Hajar  el  Hahleh  (cf  Revue  arcMologique,  May-June,  1893,  p.  350,  et  seqqi). 

*  The  word  is  tortured  into  various  shapes  by  the  Arabs.     At  Lydda  I  heard  it  pronounced 
hazamit.     It  must  be  some  foreign  word,  Greek  perhaps,  that  has  passed  into  Arabic. 

Tour  from  Jerusalem  to  Jaffa  and  tlie   Country  of  Samson.  71 

name  'Aineziyeh,  which  is  not  to  be  found  in  our  Arabic  Lexicons,  signifies  a 
(covered)  reservoir  more  extensive  than  a  cistern,  and  is  applied,  for  instance, 
to  the  great  cistern  at  Ramleh. 

Besides  this,  there  is  in  the  neighbourhood  a  group  of  ruins  of  some  size 
consisting  of  heaps  of  well-hewn  stones,  many  of  them  belonging  to  arched 
bays,  and  some  bearing  bossages. 

We  noticed  among  them  a  fine  carved  lintel  bearing  a  Greek  cross 
contained  in  a  circle  or  crown.  ■■ 

A  tomb,  with  three  arcosolia,  had  been  afterwards  transformed  into  a 
cistern.     We  had  all  the  trouble  in  the  world  to  crawl  in  and  examine  it. 

This  group  of  waterworks  of  such  a  size,  these  ruins  of  houses  with 
arched  bays,  etc.,  point  to  the  existence  here  of  an  important  settlement, 
probably  dating  back  to  the  Byzantine  period.  Did  Hirsha  exist  before  this 
period  ?  and  what  can  it  have  been  ?  The  name  recalls  that  of  the  forest  of 
Hareth  which  served  as  a  refuge  to  David  (allowing  for  the  well-known 
interchange  of  the  shin  and  the  tan)  :  or  that  of  Mount  Heres,  which  cannot 
have  been  far  from  Yalo.  But  these  are  mere  hypothetical  identifications,  I 
do  not  wish  to  lay  stress  upon  them. 

Various  Localities. — After  a  lunch,  which  we  took  at  our  ease  beneath  a 
fine  carob-tree,  and  washed  down  with  excellent  water,  I  dismissed  our  guide 
from  Beit  Thul  and  we  set  off  for  Beit  Nuba.  I  first  of  all  took  down  from  his 
lips  the  names  and  approximate  positions  of  certain  places  round  about  which 
we  had  no  leisure  to  visit :  Jamniures,  Kh.  STizudn,  Kh.  RakMbes,  to  the  east 
of  Beit  Nuba  and  to  the  south  of  Beit  Likia.  He  told  me  that  Bezka,  which 
I  desired  to  visit  because  the  name  had  struck  me,  was  to  be  found  to  the 
north  of  Kubab  and  the  east  of  el  K'niseh,  between  Selbit  and  'Annabeh. 

Beit  Nuba. — At  three  o'clock  we  entered  Beit  Nuba,  whose  inhabitants 
looked  on  us  with  suspicion,  and  gave  us  a  surly  reception,  forming  a 
striking  contrast  with  the  cordial  welcome  we  had  just  before  found  at  Beit 
Thill.  However,  I  did  not  allow  myself  to  be  discouraged,  hoping  that  as 
the  village  was  formerly  inhabited  by  the  Crusaders,  it  might  have  some  find 
in  store  for  us,  and  by  dint  of  pertinacity  I  obtained  access  to  the  houses, 
whether  they  liked  it  or  not. 

Mediceval  Church. — Our  perseverance  was  rewarded,  for  we  discovered, 
shut  in  by  these  wretched  hovels,  three  apses,  regularly  orientated,  of  a  large 
mediseval  church,  hitherto  unknown.     We  noted  among  the  masons'  marks 

*  Sketcli  lost. 


Arch(tolos:ical  Researches  in  Pa/es/iiie. 

an  ]\r,  and  in  the  straight  and  curved  portions  of  the  apses  the  same  peculiarity 
of  tool  marks,  either  diagonal  or  approaching  the  vertical,  as  in  the  church  at 
Abu  Ghosh. 

Unfortunately  time  failed  us  to  make  a  complete  plan,  and  to  distinguish 
all  the  primitive  elements  in  the  conglomeration  of  houses  that  clung  to  the 
ruined  building. 

However,  we  noted  enough  to  give  a  general  idea  of  the  whole.  The 
church  is  in  the  eastern  portion  of  the  village.  A  rough  and  incomplete  plan 
of  it  follows  here. 



> i 



A.  Plan  (scale  of  3^). 

B.  Elevation  of  a  door  in  ihe  north  wall  of  the  small  north  aisle.     Scale  -^;,. 

C.  Section  of  the  cornice. 

Tour  from  Jerusalein   to  Jaffa  and  the  Country  of  Samson. 


In  the  courtyard  of  a  house  I  noticed,  lying  on  the  ground,  a  very 
handsome  holy-water  stoup  of  carved  white  marble,  probably  belonging  to  the 
church  of  the  Crusaders,  with  which  it  is,  I  think,  contemporary. 

'^■'■^-t^■.=^  .,*»*'■  ^jJASsi  ■' 

View,  looking  up, 



This,  I  think,  is  the  unique  instance  of  a  holy-water  stoup  found  in 
Palestine.'"  Apart  from  that,  it  is  interesting  for  the  history  of  Western  Art 
to  find  a  specimen  of  these  articles  that  cannot  be  later  than  the  13th  century. 
This  proof  of  the  existence  of  mediaeval  remains  at  Beit  Nuba  settles  once 
and  for  all  the  question  whether  the  casal  Bettenoble  should  be  identified  with 
Beit  Nuba,  or,  as  some  authors,  M.  Guerin  for  instance,  would  have  it,  with 

On  the  west  of  the  village  is  a  makam  dedicated  to  Neby  Tarfin  or 
Turfiny  [^^Ja),  a  descendant  of  the  patriarch  Jacob,  as  local  tradition  assures 
us.  I  cannot  make  out  what  lies  concealed  beneath  this  singular  name.  May 
it  be  that  of  the  name  of  king  Fertin  or  Fartin,  the  personage  of  the  legend 
of  Beit  Thul  already  given,  the  /  and  /  being  transposed  ?  The  king, 
however,  appears  in  this  legend  as  a  pagan  or  Christian.  It  may  possibly 
have  some  connection  with  the  Jewish  name  Tarphon  pDllO,  which  has 
been  borne  by  several  ancient  rabbis,  and  is  in  itself  merely  a  corruption 
of  the  Greek  TpvcficDi'.  Perhaps,  again,  it  is  a  transformation — a  quite 
regular  one — of  the  name  Tpo(^iju,os  which  occurs  several  times  in  Christian 

B/  Eismreh. — We  left  Beit  Nuba  and  directed  our  steps  to  el  B'weireh, 

*  I  find,  however,  the  following  among  my  notes,  marked  with  a  query:  "Fragment  of  a 
holy-water  stoup  (?)  of  carved  marble,  found  .in  the  Crusaders'  Church  at  Kuhciheb."  A  drawing 
of  it  by  ISI.  I.ecomte  must  have  gone  astray  like  a  number  of  others. 


Archcvoloirical  Researches  in.  Palestine. 

where  I  wanted  to  examine  some  ancient  remains  that  I  had  heard  of  a  long 
time  before  from  different  fellahin.* 

El  B'weireh  is  a  ruin  of  some  importance,  and  had  not  hitherto  been 
visited  by  Palestine  explorers.      It  has  numerous  rock-hewn  caves. 

We  found  a  great  number  of  the  inhabitants  of  Katanneh,  a  village  lying 
some  distance  to  the  east,  who  spend  part  of  the  summer  there  for  the 
harvesting.  This  custom  of  taking  a  country  holiday  every  year  in  certain 
KJiiirhehs  or  ruins  is  a  very  common  one  in  Palestine.  It  may  serve  to  explain 
why  and  in  what  manner  the  tradition  of  the  names  of  places  has  been  so 
faithfully  preserved,  even  when  these  are  deserted. 

The  fellahin  showed  great  distrust  of  us  at  the  outset,  and  it  was  only  by 
dint  of  repeated  negotiations  that  I  obtained  the  information  I  wanted.  We 
were  first  taken  to  see  a  fine  lintel  of  hard  stone,  i™*30  long,  ornamented  on 
one  of  its  faces  with  three  crosses  of  slightly  different  shape,  inscribed  in  a 
circle.     One  of  the  crosses,  the  one  on  the  right,  has  four  small  knobs  between 

LINTEL  AT  b'weireh.     Front  view. 

li'vVElREH.     View  looking  up. 





Side  view. 

*  At  this  point  there  is  some  confusion  in  the  notes  of  my  route  that  I  cannot  clear  up.  I 
can  only  make  outthe  name  '"Ajenjiil,  to  the  north  of  Latrun."  This  note  must  evidently  have 
a  connection  with  the  "  Khiirbet  el  Junjul  "  of  the  Map,  which  we  passed  through  just  before 
arrivmg  at  B'weireh.  I  cannot  say  whether  my  entry  refers  to  this  place  under  a  form  of  name 
noticeably  different,  or  to  another  place  of  the  same  name  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Latrfln  that 
may  have  been  mentioned  by  my  guide  in  speaking  of  it. 

Tour  from  Jerusaleiii  to  Jaffa  and  the  Country  of  Samson. 


its  arms.  The  lower  surface  presents  recesses  intended  doubdess  to  ensure 
the  cohesion  of  the  stone  with  the  fabric  to  which  it  belona-ed. 

We  next  were  led  to  a  large  field  surrounded  by  a  dry  stone  wall,  in  which 
we  perceived  a  quantity  of  fine  blocks  carefully  hewn,  some  with  a  moulding, 
which  were  said  to  have  come  from  the  ground  inside  the  wall.  The  tool- 
marking  was  not  mediaeval,  and  I  am  inclined  to  believe  that  these  materials 
date  back  earlier  than  the  Crusades,  probably  to  the  Byzantine  period. 

There  was  another  lintel  broken  into  two  unequal  portions,  and  by 
good  luck  we  found  the  missing  portion  in  the  middle  of  the  field.  It  is 
ornamented  with  an  elegant  Greek  cross  enclosed  in  a  square  with  another 
square  intertwined  diagonally ;  on  the  four  arms  of  the  cross  are  four  small 
projecting  knobs  ;  on  the  right  and  left,  two  triangular  auricles  resembling 
those  on  inscribed  cartouches.  The  whole  is  carved  in  relief,  and  produces  a 
very  fine  decorative  effect ;  the  style  is  pure  Byzantine.     Length  of  the  lintel 


The  fellahin  of  el  B'weireh  indicated  to  me  several  spots  which  we  had  not 
time  to  go  and  see,  as  the  day  was  drawing  to  a  close  : — 

Kh.  Kanbilt,  on  the  west  side  of  Kh.  el  B'weireh,  but  forming  part  of  it, 
so  to  speak.     Kanbilt,  I  was  told,  was  a  man  of  "  Ibrahim  Pasha's  time  ;" 

Kh.  es  Seder  ; 

Kh.  Barada,  to  the  south  of  B'weireh. 

We  resumed  our  journey  to  Bir  el  Ma'in,  and  passed  through  the  ruins  of 
Kh.  el  Hadetheh,  quite  near  B'weireh.  Here  again  we  noticed  considerable 
ancient  remains,  caves  and  foundations  of  houses,  hollowed  out  in  the  rock, 
cisterns  and  ruins  of  buildings,  blocks  well  hewn  and  moulded,  columns,  and 
two  birkehs.  However,  as  the  day  was  far  spent,  we  had  to  content  ourselves 
with  a  superficial  survey,  so  as  to  get  to  the  tent  before  nightfall.  I  noticed 
growing  among  the  ruins  those  yellow  Bowers  which  are  so  characteristic  of 

L    2 

76  Archccological  Researches  in  Palestine. 

such  places,  as  has  already  been  observed.  The  fellahin  call  them  nmrrdr  or 
shok  el  murrdr. 

To  sum  up,  my  impression  is  that  all  the  country  from  here  to  Beit  Thul 
must  have  been  very  prosperous  in  Byzantine  times,  and  that  the  ruins  we 
noticed  at  Beit  Thul,  Hirsha,  B'weireh  and  Hadetheh  all  belong  to  that 
period.  There  were  on  those  spots  extensive  groups  of  inhabited  dwellings, 
perhaps  large  agricultural  colonies  of  monastic  origin. 

The  Hasmoncean  Adasa. — I  do  not  mean  that  these  Christian  com- 
munities were  not  established  on  the  sites  of  older  localities.  For  instance, 
Hadetheh  (.'o.\;^)  should  represent  some  ancient  ntt:'"Tn  Hadasha,  a  name  which 
must  have  been  pretty  common  in  Palestine,  and  simply  means  "  new  town." 
We  know  that  the  Arabic  root  hadatha,  c--a-^,  corresponds  exactly  to  the 
Hebrew  hadash  'ffi'in.""  The  Adasa  of  P'  Maccabees  and  of  Josephus  must 
have  been  one  of  these  HadasJias :  the  translation  'ASacra,  with  loss  of  the 
initial  aspirate,  being  perfectly  regular.  This  granted,  I  propose  locating  on 
the  site  of  our  Hadetheh  the  place  which  was  made  famous  by  the  defeat  of 
Nicanor  by  Judas  Maccabeus.  The  various  sites  suggested  for  this  by 
different  authorities,  from  the  Onoinasticon  downwards,  in  nowise  fulfil  the 
conditions  of  the  problem,  as  Adasa,  according  to  Josephus,  was  thirty  stadia 
from  Beth-horon,  where  Nicanor  pitched  his  camp  after  leaving  Jerusalem  in 
order  to  effect  a  junction  with  another  portion  of  the  Syrian  army  that  was 
coming  to  reinforce  him.  Now  Hadetheh  is  just  at  this  distance  from  Beit  'Ur 
et  tahta.  Besides,  it  lies  just  on  the  road  between  Beth-horon  and  Gezer,  and 
we  know  that  the  Syrian  army  was  pursued  by  the  Jews  from  Adasa  to  Gazara. 

*  From  observing  this  philological  point,  I  have  been  enabled  to  identify,  with  certainty  I 
think,  the  city  of  Judah  called  Hadasha  (Joshua  xv,  37)  mentioned  along  with  Migdal  (Gad),  and 
sought  in  vain  up  to  the  present  day,  with  the  modern  village  Ha/la,  to  the  east  of  Mejdel  and 
Ascalon.      This  name  in  fact  is  nothing  but  a  quite   normal   assimilation  of   Ilad/ka,  Hattlia 

(U.5^  =  Uji5^).  The  transition  form  is  already  seen  in  the  Hebrew  Hazor-Hadattah,  "  New 
Hazor."  This  village  Haifa  appears  to  me  to  occur  in  a  medieval  Act,  dated  1155,  of  which  the 
original  unhappily  is  lost,  a  donation  made  to  the  Hospitallers  by  Amaury,  Count  of  Ascalon,  of 
four  casals  situated  in  the  domain  of  Ascalon  :  Bethfafe,  Habde,  Betliamamin,  and  Fhaliige  (Dela- 
ville  Leroulx,  Cartul.  General  des  Hospitallers,  No.  232).  I  have  no  hesitation  in  identifying  the 
first  and  two  last  as  Beit  ^Affeh,  Kh.  Beit  Mch/itri,  and  el  Falujeh,  three  villages  lying  in  a  group 
to  the  east  of  Ascalon.  As  for  Habde,  I  am  persuaded  that  it  is  none  other  than  Hatteli,  Haifa, 
which  forms  a  quadrilateral  with  the  three  other  villages ;  Habde  is  certainly  a  copyist's  error  on 
the  part  of  the  author  of  the  inventory ;  the  original  probably  had  the  reading  Hatte,  perhaps 
even  Hadte.  The  same  etymology  seems  to  me  to  recur  in  the  name  of  Kh.  Kefr  Haifa,  lying 
a  little  to  the  north  of  Medjdel  Yaba. 

Tour  from  Jerusalem  to  Jaffa  and  tlie  Country  of  Sa>nson.  7  7 

Thus  by  its  name,  Its  distance  and  its  strategic  position,  Hadetheh  appears 
to  me  to  fulfil  all  requirements,  and  I,  in  my  turn,  beg  to  propose  a  new 
candidate  for  the  disputed  site  of  Adasa. 

Bir  el  MdiJi. — We  quickened  our  pace,  and  finally  reached  Bir  el  Ma'in 
at  sunset.  Here  we  found  our  little  camp  set  up  by  our  servant,  who  had 
come  from  Abu  Ghosh  by  the  straight  road  in  five  hours. 

There  was  still  daylight  enough  for  us  to  distinguish  at  our  feet,  through 
a  gap  in  the  mountains,  the  town  of  Ramleh,  a  white  spot  in  the  middle  of  the 
deep  yellow  plain,  and  beyond  it,  the  sandy  belt  of  dunes. 

The  inhabitants  received  us  admirably,  with  every  token  of  good  will. 
The  iidtfir  of  the  village  did  us  numberless  small  services  in  the  way  of 
drawing  water,  buying  eggs  and  milk,  etc.  Every  large  village  in  these  parts 
has  its  natur,  literally  "guardian."  The  word,  which  has  an  ancient  Aramaic 
physiognomy,""  comes  from  the  root  natar  \^-j,  "to  watch,  guard,"  whence 
likewise  the  widespread  geographical  term  Munldr,  and  also  the  name  of  the 
village  el  Airiln,  LatrCin,  in  its  authentic  primitive  form  Ndteriin.  The 
natur,  whom  I  have  also  sometimes  heard  called  ndtilr  es  sd/ia,  "guardian  of 
the  open  space,"  is  a  sort  of  municipal  watchman  paid  by  the  village  in  kind, 
mostly  in  grain,  and  corresponding  pretty  nearly  to  our  "garde-champetre,"  + 
except  that  he  has  no  legal  status.  On  him  devolves  the  duty  of  seeing  to 
the  wants  of  the  travellers  and  guests  who  are  housed  in  the  iiied/id/eh,  an 
institution  which  no  self-respecting  village  is  without. 

The  medhafeh  ("place  where  guests  are  received,"  from  d/icif,  d/iuyuf) 
is  sometimes  a  separate  room  set  apart  for  this  purpose,  furnished  simply  with 
a  mat  crawling  with  vermin  ;  at  other  times,  indeed  as  a  general  rule,  it  is  the 
mosque  or  wely  of  the  place.  One  of  the  chief  functions  of  the  ndtur  consists 
in  preparing  the  coffee  which  is  offered  to  guests  by  the  village,  and  which 
nowadays  in  several  places  has  become  a  means  of  extracting  a  small 
baksheesh  from  the  traveller. 

Various  Localities. — At  supper  I  conversed  with  the  kindly  villagers,  and 
was  told  of  Beit  Ntishef,  between  Beit  Likia  and  Beit  Sira,  also  of  Kh.  el 
Eb'idr,  where  a  stone  sandiik  (sarcophagus)  was  to  be  found,  and  a  kddus  (a 
large  vase  ?) ;  and  of  a  mountain  called  el  Koka'  to  the  east  of  Yalo  (which 
they  pronounce  Yalu)  ;  of  Kh.  Hiba  to  the  west  of  the  latter  village,  etc.,  etc. 

*   Cf  N"^^132,  Hebr.  Taliii.  t  A  sort  of  rural  constable  in  France. 

78  Archcsological  Rcseai'ches  in  Palestine. 

Next  followed  some  curious  legends  : — 

Legend  of  Neby  Main  and  his  sisters. — The  mosque  of  Bir  el  Ma'in  is 
consecrated  to  Neby  Main,'-'  a  prophet  and  the  son  of  Jacob,  who  must  be 
the  same  as  Beliavtin,  otherwise  called  Benjamin.  He  is  buried  there  in  a 
cave  surmounted  by  a  wooden  tabbfit^  or  sarcophagus.  He  it  was  that 
founded  Bir  el  Ma'in,  which  is  sometimes  also  called  Deir  el  Main.  No 
scorpion  can  enter  his  sanctuary  without  straightway  dying. 

When  Neby  Ma'in  died,  his  five  sisters  hastened  to  come  from  the 
Jiser  Bendt  Ydkfib,  or  "  Bridge  of  the  Daughters  of  Jacob,"  which  is  on  the 
Jordan  to  the  south  of  Lake  Hiileh,  in  order  to  be  present  at  his  funeral. 
They  all  however  died  before  reaching  their  destination,  at  different  places  in 
the  neighbourhood,  where  their  tombs  are  still  the  object  of  veneration  : — 

1.  Hanndneh  or  Handya,  whose  makam  to  the  south-west  of  Neby 
Ma'in  is  simply  indicated  by  trees  [Sarris  and  ballfit),  a  mysterious  force 
having  overthrown  every  structure  that  it  was  attempted  to  build  upon  it : — 

2.  Zahra,  buried  at  a  spot  some  few  minutes  to  the  north  of  Bir  el  Ma'in  ; 

3.  Mennda; 

4.  Hilriyeh,  at  Kefcr  Lilt  or  Refer  Rfit  ; 

5.  Farha,  to  the  north  of  el  Burj. 

These  five  daughters  of  Jacob,  sisters  of  Neby  Ma'in,  are  venerated  as 
holy  women,  and  all  receive  the  title  of  Sitt-nd,  "  Our  Lady."  I  noticed  before 
in  1871I  a  few  traces  of  this  singular  tradition:  among  others,  that  Neby 
Ma'in  had  a  brother  Neby  Sira,  like  him  the  son  of  Jacob,  and  buried  at  Beit 
Sira  ;  but  the  details  I  gathered  three  years  later  at  Bir  el  Ma'in,  fill  it  in  and 
considerably  extend  it. 

This  region  moreover  teems  with  memories  of  Jacob  and  his  more  or 
less  fabulous  descendants,  whom  the  fellahin,  as  their  manner  is,  attach  to 
some  particular  place  through  its  name  :  as  Neby  Dan  or  Ddnen,  at  Neby 
Danian;  Neby  'Ur,  at  Beit  'Ur;  Tarfin,  at  Beit  Niiba ;  Rubin  and  Yiida,  at 
Neby  Rubin  and  el  Yehiidiyeh ;  Neby  Kanda,  in  the  parts  about  Yebna,  etc.§ 

*  The  name  ought  really  to  be  spelt   _,j^\.^  Main,  rather  than    .,Ajt,«,  if  I  may  trust  my 
ears  and  also  the  form  given  in  the  official  list  of  the  local  government,  which  is  in  my  possession, 
t   Tabbut  cuS'J   is  the  same  word  as  the  Hebrew  /eba/i  nan ,  a  sarcophagus. 

I  See  t'n/ra,  Appendix. 

§  All  these  nebys,  I  was  told  by  the  fellahin  of  Bir  el  Ma'in,  when  I  pressed  them  on  the 
subject,  are  either  the  sons  of  Ya'kub,  or  descended  from  him  (/ni/i  zurriyeto).  They  quoted  as 
further  instances  :  Neby  Yihlid  at  Eshu\  and  Neby  Tdiy. 

Tour  from  Jerusalem  to  Jaffa  and  the  Country  of  Samson.  79 

I  think  there  would  be  great  interest  in  comparing  these  legends  with 
the  traditions  in  the  genealogical  lists  of  the  Books  of  Chronicles,  which  often 
have  a  genuine  topographical  import.  This  work  is  particularly  valuable, 
from  this  point  of  view,  in  relation  to  Ephraim,  for  it  allows  us  partially  to  fill 
up  the  unfortunate  silence  of  the  Book  of  Joshua  concerning  the  cities  that 
fell  to  this  tribe. 

I  proved  thus  much  some  time  ago  by  a  few  cases  of  place-names,  that 
topically  exemplify  this  method  and  exhibit  its  usefulness  : — • 

Be'enna,  a  place  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Lydda,  represents  one  of  the 
Bible  personages  called  Ba'ana,  or  BdanaJi ; 

ArsfJ {Apo/lonia,  in  the  Syro-Macedonian  epoch)  represents  a  descendant 
of  Ephraim  called  Resheph,  which  name,  on  the  other  hand,  is  identical  with 
that  of  the  Phoenician  god  Rcshepk  or  Reshnph,  appearing  as  the  equivalent 
of  Apollo  in  Greco-Phoenician  bilingual  inscriptions  ; 

Beit  Sira,  with  its  Neby  Sira,  a  son  of  Jacob,  represents  the  town  of 
Uzzen  Sheerah,  "the  ear  of  Seerah,"  daughter  of  Ephraim,  etc. 

It  would  be  easy  to  multiply  these  examples  by  extending  this  method 
to  other  regions,  and  to  other  genealogies  than  that  of  Ephraim.  The  land 
of  Moab  presents  a  whole  series  of  anthropo-chorographic  assimilations  of  the 
same  kind.  I  have  noted  the  most  remarkable  found  in  this  quarter  in  the 
Revue  arcJidologique}' 

To  return  to  our  Arab  legend  of  the  five  daughters  of  Jacob,  I  am 
inclined  to  think  it  closely  related  to  the  Biblical  tradition  oi^O-five  daughters 
of  Manasseh,  or  rather  of  the  five  female  descendants  of  Manasseh,  by  his 
sons  Zelophehead,  Hepher,  Gilead  and  Machir,  who  came  to  Moses  and 
Joshua  to  claim  a  share  of  the  land.t  These  five  daughters  are  named  : 
Mahlalh  Noah,  Hoglah,  Milcah,  and  Tirzah  (n2~in,  Txh^,  rh'xn,  HiTi,  rhxyd). 

One  of  these  names,  No'ah,  shows  some  signs  of  likeness  to  that  of  one 
of  the  daughters  of  Jacob,  namely  Menna'a  {T\V^,  IAj^^),  but  this  does  not 
suffice  to  settle  the  identity  of  the  two  personages.  I  arrive  at  this 
conclusion  by  considerations  of  a  more  general  nature. 

We  should  remark,  at  the  outset,  that  the  Bridge  of  the  Daughters  of 
Jacob,  whence  the  five  sisters  started,  according  to  the  Arab  legend,  lies  in 
the  direction  of  the  territory  of  the  tribe  of  Manasseh,  to  the  south  of  Lake 

*  March,  1877.     Gomorrhe,  Segor,  ct  lesfilles  de  Lot. 

t  Numbers,  xxvi,  33;  xxvii,  i  ;  xxxvi,  10;  Joshua  xvii,  2. 

8o  Archceolorical  Researches  in  Palestine. 


Huleh.  This  most  remarkable  bridge  is  on  the  high  road  that,  for  ages  past, 
has  united  Damascus  with  the  main  artery  which  crosses  cis-Jordanic  Palestine 
from  north  to  south,  from  Nazareth  to  Hebron,  and  from  which  branch  forth 
the  principal  roads  that  intersect  the  country.  The  idea  of  the  travels  of  the 
five  daiigliters  of  Jacob  has  surely  been  inspired  by  these  geographical 

This  bridge  has  been  built  hard  by  an  old  ford  of  the  Jordan,  which  is 
called  by  Latin  writers  of  the  Middle  Ages  the  Vadjini  Jacobi,  and  in 
Mussulman  tradition  the  whole  legend  of  the  passage  of  the  Jabbok  by  Jacob 
is  connected  with  it.  The  nearness  of  the  territory  of  Manasseh,  and,  on  the 
other  hand,  the  fact  that  the  memory  of  Jacob  has  become  firmly  attached  to 
this  neighbourhood,  show  how  the  confusion  arose  between  the  five  daughters 
of  Zelophehad,  Manasseh's  descendants,  and  the  five  daughters  of  Jacob. 
Besides,  the  name  and  personality  of  Manasseh  are  hardly  familiar  to  the 
Arabs  ;  those  of  Zelophehad  still  less,  as,  considering  the  popularity  of  Jacob 
among  them,  it  is  quite  natural  that  they  should  have  transferred  to  him  a 
story  that  related  to  the  descendants  of  his  grandson.  Such  transferences 
constantly  occur  in  the  folk-lore  of  the  Judaea  fellahin.  They  get  hold  of 
three  or  four  celebrated  Bible  names,  and  use  them  as  pegs,  so  to  speak,  on 
which  they  invariably  hang  the  shreds  of  tradition  they  have  preserved. 
Among  these  names,  that  of  Jacob  occupies  a  front  place,  especially  in 
questions  of  genealogy.  This  is  why,  for  instance,  Sheerah,  daughter  of 
Eph^-aini,  the  eponymous  heroine  of  the  town  of  Uzzen-Sheerah,  loses  both 
sex  and  parentage  in  their  tradition,  and  is  transformed  into  Neby  Stra,  son 
of  Jacob.  What  we  should  especially  consider  here,  is  the  group  of  the 
five  sisters. 

I  will  conclude  by  pointing  out  another  fact  which  tends  to  confirm  this 
identification.  We  have  seen  that  the  object  of  the  five  sisters  in  starting 
on  their  journey  was  to  be  present  at  the  funeral  of  their  brother  Neby  Ma'in, 
whom,  as  I  have  said  above,  the  fellahin  take  to  be  Benjamin.  Now 
Benjamin,  we  know,  is  connected  in  the  Bible  with  Manasseh  in  the  closest 
manner;  Machir,  the  eldest  son  of  Manasseh,  marries  a  Benjaminite  ;'"  it  is 
from  Jabesh  Gilead,t  a  town  of  Manasseh,  that  the  women  are  taken  as  wives 
for  the  four  hundred  out  of  the  six  hundred  Benjamites  that  had  escaped  the 
general  massacre  of  the  tribe  at  Gibeah,  and  so  on. 

*  I  Chronicles  vii,  15. 

t   Cf.  the  name  of  the  son  of  Machir,  which  also  is  the  name  of  a  country,  Gilead. 

Toti,r  f  1-0/1/  Jer/isalc///  lo  Jaffa  a//d  the  Co/i//tiy  of  Sa///so//.  8 1 

Finally,  there  is  a  point  about  the  five  more  or  less  fabulous  descendants 
of  Manasseh,  which  invests  their  names  with  that  unmistakable  to/>/V  character 
which  we  noted  in  those  of  the  five  daughters  of  Jacob.  The  names  of 
four  of  them  are  actually  identical  with  the  names  of  four  Palestine  towns, 
thus : — 

Mahlah  recalls  Abel  Alcho/ah,  a  town  of  Issachar; 

Noah  recalls  Neah,  a  town  of  Zebulon  ; 

Hoglah  recalls  Beth  Hoglah,  a  town  of  Benjamin  ; 

Tirsah  corresponds  to  the  famous  Tirzah,  the  first  capital  of  the  kingdom 
ot  Israel  ; 

Mtlcah  is  the  only  one  that  has  no  ancient  place-name  corresponding  to 
it,  at  least  as  far  as  one  can  see. 

Fro//i  B/r  el  Md/n. — We  passed  a 
wretched  night,  tormented  by  mosquitos. 
Apparently  the  power  of  Neby  Ma'in,  the 
dreaded  of  scorpions,  does  not  extend  to  these 
intolerable  little  creatures — they  are  beneath 
him.  Next  morning  we  had  a  look  over  hi? 
sanctuary,  where  we  noticed  a  fine  Byzantine 
capital,  with  its  four  corners  scooped  out,  and 
adorned  on  each  of  its  four  sides  with  a 
Greek  cross  surrounded  by  a  circle. 

The  programme  for  the  day  included  a  series  of  small  e.xplorations  in 
the  neighbourhood  of  Bir  el  Ma'in,  where  I  had  decided  to  return  for  the 
night.  We  started  in  the  company  of  our  faithful  Ibrahim  Ahmed  and  the 
sheikh  of  the  village,  the  latter  riding  his  mare.  I  envied  him  this  excellent 
little  animal,  for  my  own  horse  from  Jerusalem  had  gone  lame,  and  played 
me  sorry  tricks  at  every  other  step.  There  was  no  help  for  it  but  to  put  up 
with  this  torture,  which  was  to  last  another  fortnight,  and  did  not  conduce  to 
make  the  excursion  agreeable. 

El  Iib'idr. — I  turned  my  steps  first  of  all  towards  Kh.  el  J^b'tdr, 
attracted  by  the  presence  of  the  sarcophagus  we  had  been  told  of  the  evening 
before.  We  arrived  there  after  about  three  quarters  of  an  hour.  The  place* 
is  situated  about  ten  minutes  walk  to  the  north  of  Umm  el  'Eumdan 
('Amdan)  ;   it    presents    a    few    architectural    remains,   large   unhewn   blocks, 

BIR    EL  MA  IN. 
A  Capital  in  the  Wely. 

*  I  do  not  find  it  marked  on  the  Map.     Here  are  its  bearings  as  I  took  them,  but  I  do  not 
guarantee  their  correctness  :  Kefireh,  120°;  Latrun,  197";  the  Wely  of  el  Jezery,  250'. 



ArchcTo/oQica/  Researches  in  Palestine. 

levellings,  and  foundations,  about  ten  cisterns,  square  vats  cut  in  the  rock. 
We  went  down  into  one  cistern  that  had  the  shape  of  an  elHpse,  with  the 
opening  at  the  end  of  the  major  axis.  The  alleged  sarcophagus  is  a  sort  of 
chest  or  vase  carved  in  stone,  broken,  and  built  into  the  top  of  the  wall.* 

Kh.  e/'Einiiddn. — At  Kh.  el  'Eumdan  the  ruins  look  more  important, 
and  comprise  remains  of  various  buildings,  in  the  shape  of  numerous  well- 
hewn  blocks,  lintel  with  a  small  six-leaved  piece  of  rose-work  carved  in  the 
middle,  mill-stones,  cisterns,  and  columns  or  fragments  of  columns,  which 
have  gained  for  the  place  its  name  of  "  Mother  of  columns.  '  The  diameter 
of  the  columns  is  about  o^'ss  ;  one,  a  complete  one,  measures  2'"'96  in 
length.  In  the  middle  of  these  various  remains  we  noticed  five  bases  or 
tambours  of  columns,  standing  in  situ  at  equal  distances  apart,  and  parallel  to 
a  wall  of  which  the  foundations  alone  remained  ;  and,  at  right  angles  to  the 
wall,  a  fragment  of  another  wall,  in  the  same  condition,  and  intended  evidently 
to  join  it.  Between  the  line  of  the  colonnade  and  the  wall  were  quantities  of 
mosaic  cubes,  showing  that  the  ground  had  been  originally  paved  with  them. 

ra  n  n  'iTr^ir-^itti'tHmwf't^sima^  %^^ 

O        0      yO         3         @ 



O        0 

o      o 

fSs  m  a  C2  a  m   iraBaiaaBi 

CHURCH  (?)    AT   UMM    EL  'EUMDAN.      Scale,  ^J^;. 

Considering  the  orientation  of  the  colonnade  and  the  relative  positions  of 
these  various  objects,  which  are  all  in  situ,  I  think  we  have  here  a  small 
ancient  church..  We  may  restore  the  missing  parts  symmetrically  and 
represent  it  as  above. 

*  Sketch  lost. 

Tour  from  Jerusalem  to  Jeijfa  and  the   Country  of  Samson. 


A    TRESS   AT   UMM   EL     EUMDAN. 

Scale  ^TH-,. 

There  is  not  a  trace  of  the  medijeval  tool  marks. 

Further  on  appear  two  large  square  blocks,  scooped  on  their  inner  side, 
and  imbedded  in  the  rock.  At  first  sight  these  would  be  taken  for  the  two 
jambs  of  a  door.  I  rather  think,  however,  that  they  are  the  two  pillars 
of  a  press,  similar  to  those  that  we  observed 
some  while  later  on  in  the  district  of  Beit 

Bezka. — At  Bezka,  on  the  final  undula- 
tion of  a  hill,  a  birket  of  masonry,  some  scat- 
tered blocks,  ruins  of  houses,  mill-stones  and 
numerous  cisterns,  a  quantity  of  workings  in 
the  rock,  rectangular  vats  of  presses,  for  wine 
or  oil. 

Misled  by  a  confused  recollection  of  a 
passage  in  the  Arab  chronicler  Mujir  ed  Din, 
I  thought  I  recognized  in  Bezka  a  locality 
mentioned  by  him,  but  on  consulting  the  text,  I  saw  my  error. f 

Kefertd. — After  passing  the  wely  of  Sheikh  S'liman  (Suleiman)  and 
again  satisfying  ourselves  that  the  name  given  to  the  neighbouring  ruin  is 
really  Kefertd,\  and  not,  as  M.  de  Saulcy  has  asserted,  Kufur  Tab,  we  arrived 
at  Kubab. 

Kubdb. — Kubab  is  certainly  a  place  of  some  antiquity,  but  its  real  identity 
has  not  yet  been  determined.  It  is  mentioned  by  Mujir  ed  Din§  under  the 
name  ol  Kariet  el  Kubab,  as  a  village  of  the  district  of  Ramleh  punished  in 
898  A.ii.  by  Janbulat,  governor  of  Jerusalem,  in  consequence  of  a  revolt  of 
the  fellahin.  Hence  followed  a  struggle  for  power  with  his  colleague  the 
governor  of  Gaza,  who  declared  that  the  village  was  under  his  dominion. 
This  was  the  prelude  to  the  affair  of  Tell  el  Jezer,  the  account  of  which  put 
me  on  the  track  of  my  discovery  of  Gezer.  The  inhabitants  of  Kubab  declare 
that  the  former  name  oi  Kjibdb  was  Kabbun  ^^.-V'  ^"'^  that  this  is  the  form  in 
which  it  appears  in  the  "books  of  the  Christians."  Were  it  not  for  the 
radical  difference  between  the  two  k?,,  one  would  incline  to  believe  that  this 
legend  has  reference  to  the  CJiabbon  of  Joshua  xv,  40. 

*  See  iiifra. 

\  I  find  noted  in  my  pocket-hook  a  suggestion  which  has  since  been  made,  for  the  identifi- 
cation of  Bezka  and  the  Bezek  of  the  Bible. 

1  See  Ajjpendix.  S  Bulak  /Xrabic  text,  p.  696. 

.M    2 

84  Archceological  Researches  in  Palestine. 

Roman  Inscription. — While  I  was  looking  at  the  houses  of  the  village,  a 
peasant  brought  me  a  small  piece  of  stone  (a  limestone  flag)  inscribed  with 
Latin  characters.  Ibrahim  Ahmed  had  already  told  me  of  the  existence  of 
this,  and  brought  me  a  rough  copy  of  it  to  Jerusalem 
'C'Hf^4)lH  ^"^  April.  (I  mention  it  in  my  Report  No.  11.)  I 
tN  Q\  y\d%\  obtained  possession  of  it  for  a  few  piastres.  All  that 
)V''i^' V^"^  I  '^f  could  be  made  out  on  it  was  the  remains  of  two  lines, 
™  f      cut  with   some  care,   but   too   much    mutilated    for  any 

satisfactory  result  to  be  arrived  at.  The  traces  of  the 
ruled  lines  that  regulated  the  height  of  the  characters  are  still  apparent. 
Length  of  the  fragment,  o""'30. 

The  characters  appear  to  be  of  the  Roman  period  ;  the  reading  of  the  first 
line  may  perhaps  be  c{o)/io{rs)  IX,  "ninth  cohort."  In  the  second  line  the 
first  character  is  perhaps  a  sign  denoting  the  century,  followed  by  AR,  or 
ARV.  .  .,  which  may  be  regarded  as  the  beginning  of  the  name  of  the 
centurion,  accompanied,  perhaps,  by  the  number  of  the  century,  V  =  5  ;  then 
a  repetition  of  the  sign  of  the  century,  followed  by  H  or  EI  (?  ?).  However 
this  may  be,  it  is  tolerably  apparent  that  the  inscription  proceeded  from  a 
detachment  of  the  Roman  legions  garrisoning  Palestine  and  guarding  the 
road  from  Jerusalem  to  Jaffa.  It  was  perhaps  the  same  as  the  corps  quartered 
not  far  from  there  at  'Amwas  {Emmaus — Nicopolis),  where  I  discovered,  a 
few  years  later,  various  fragments  of  Roman  inscriptions,  among  others  one 
mentioning  a  soldier  of  the  Fifth  Legion  (Macedonica).'" 

To  this  fragment  found  at  Kubab  I  add  the  copy  of  another  fragment, 
which  I  quite  believe  has  a  similar  origin,  though,  from  a  gap  in  the  notes 
in  my  field  book,  1  am  unable  to  say  for  certain.  This  also  is  a 
piece  of  a  Roman  inscription.  In  the  second  line  apparently  it 
is  necessary  to  restore:  [.  .  .  v4;//^]///;//^2/[_^z^i'//]  (?),  and  perhaps 
in  the  first:  \_kgio~\  X  F\i^etensis'\  An\toniniana  .  .  .](??).t  In 
this  case  we  should  have  a  new  inscription  relating  to  the 
famous  Tenth  Legion  (Fretensis),  about  the  time  of  Caracalla,  or,  at  the 
latest,  Heliogabalus. 

*  For  this,  see  in  Vol.  I  my  remarks  on  Bettir  and  the  Roman  inscription  which  I  discovered 
there,  which  mentions  the  Fifth  Legion  (Macedonica)  and  the  Eleventh  (Claudia). 

t  We  know  from  various  monuments,  notably  from  an  inscription  from  Jerusalem  (Zeitsclirift 
des  deutsclien  Palastina-Vereins,  X,  49,  and  XI,  138),  that  the  Tenth  Legion  (Fretensis),  like  many 
others,  had,  in  fact,  received  the  surname  of  Antoniniana,  in  honour  of  Caracalla. 

Tour  from  JcntsalcDi  to  Jajfa  and  the  Country  of  Samson. 


Ancient  Sepulchre. — After  lunching  beneath  a  figtree  near  the  block- 
house of  Kubab,  we  went  to  examine  a  fine  tomb  quite  near,  which  I  had 
already  had  occasion  to  study  in  1871. 

We  took  an  exact  plan  of  it. 

A. — Perspective  Sketch. 


B.— Plan.     Scale  tttti- 

For  the  description  and  other  details  I  beg  to  refer  the  reader  to  my  account 
in  the  Appendix.* 

*  There  will  also  be  found  in  the  Appendix  a  sketch  I  made  of  a  piece  of  a  "donkey-back  " 
sarcophagus  lid,  which  has  since  disappeared. 


Arclucological  Researches  in  J'a/es/ine. 

It^l  .■^-■■"■';i  I  iHi|(fe,-/ .  -  „-  .^■■•r-('i.-.'  ir''i| 

C. — Section  on  A  B. 

D. — Section  on  C  D.     Scale  -j-nx;. 

Tell  el  Jezer — discovery  of  the  first  inscription. — After  lunch  we  started 
to  see  the  inscription  at  Nejniet  el  'Ades  between  Kubab  and  Tell  el  Jezer, 
not  far  from  'Ain  Yardeh  (Yerdeh),  which  Ibrahim  Ahmed  had  told  me  of 
in  March.  On  that  occasion  he  brought  me  a  very  rough  copy,  mentioned 
in  my  Report  No.  lo;  but  I  could  only  make  out  the  Greek  letters 
AAIKION,  or  something  like  it,  followed  by  other  puzzling  characters.  I 
had  an  inkling  of  the  importance  of  this  text,  and  my  curiosity  concerning 
it  was  keen.  This  impression,  as  will  be  seen,  was  well  founded.  I  lay 
stress  on  this  small  matter,  as  it  shows  what  care  ought  to  be  observed 
in  gathering  and  verifying  the  smallest  items  of  information  supplied  by  the 
peasants  of  Palestine,  without  giving  way  to  discouragement  at  the  deceptions 
they  so  often  involve.*  To  neglect  them  is  sometimes  to  miss  archaeological 
discoveries  of  the  greatest  importance,  as  I  shall  now  proceed  to  show. 

The  heat  was  overpowering,  and  the  barghash  drove  us  and  our  animals 
to  frenzy.     At  last  we  arrived  at  the  little  hill  called  Ahjniet  el  'Ades,-[  simply 

*  On  reading  over  my  note  books  again,  I  find  that  I  myself  have  failed  to  observe  this 
principle.  Ibrahim  Ahmed  told  me  at  the  same  time  of  an  inscription  at  £eit  Naki'iba,  to  the 
east  of  Abu  Ghosh,  and  quite  near  it.  I  neglected  to  go  and  verify  the  matter  on  the  spot.  I 
acknowledge  my  transgression,  and  recommend  this  desideratum  to  tlie  attention  of  future 

t  Nejin,  ncjiHih,  which  in  literary  Arabic  means  "stars,"  in  peasant  speech  signifies  "hill, 

To7ir  from  [cnisa/cm  /o  Jaffa  and  the  Country  of  Samson.  87 

from  the  fact  that  the  fellahin  sow  lentils  l^ades)  there  ;  it  is  a  sort  of  large 
hump  of  rock.  Here  we  had  to  search  a  long  while  for  the  inscription, 
Ibrahim  not  remembering  exactly  where  it  was.  Finally,  we  saw  it  all  of  a 
sudden,  not  far  from  the  entrance  of  a  small  rock-hewn  tomb.  The  ridge  of 
rock  on  which  it  was  cut  was  flush  with  the  ground,  lying  east  and  west,  and 
almost  horizontal,  having  a  slight  dip  at  the  south  end.  In  order  to  read  the 
characters  in  their  proper  direction,  one  must  stand  facing  the  north.  On 
taking  the  position  of  the  place  wath  the  compass,  we  got  the  following  results  : 
the  block-house  at  Latriin,  128°;  block-house  at  Kubab,  79°;  Deir  Abu 
Mesh'al,  40".  I  calculated  that  we  must  be  about  half  an  English  mile  to 
the  east  of  the  Wely  el  Jezery,  which  was  not  visible. 

The  inscription  was  composed  of  five  Greek  letters  and  six  square 
Hebrew  letters,  of  large  size,  arranged  in  a  single  line  i"''85  in  length. 

I  at  once  made  out  the  Greek  name  AAKIO,  followed  by  the  Hebrew 
name  for  Geser,  "IW.  As  for  the  other  Hebrew  characters,  I  confess  I  could 
not  decipher  them  at  the  time.  It  was  only  after  some  days,  on  reading  over 
at  Jaffa  the  copy  taken  down  in  my  note  book,  that  I  all  at  once  recognized  the 
word  DUn,  for  mnn,  tc/iiim,  "boundary."  I  need  not  say  what  were  my 
feelings  at  discovering  graven  on  the  rock  itself,  the  decisive  confirmation  of 
the  identification  which  I  had  proposed  three  years  before  to  establish 
between   the  town  of  Gezer  and  this  place.     (See  Appendix.) 

Of  course  I  took  good  care  not  to  betray  to  the  fellahin  accompanying 
us  what  value  I  attached  to  this  precious  text.  I  confined  myself  to  taking  an 
exact  copy  of  it,  intending  to  come  back  after  our  tour  was  over  to  study  the 
ground  thoroughly,  and  clear  up  the  various  questions  that  might  be  raised  or 
settled  by  this  discovery.  The  inscription  was  too  large  to  admit  of  our 
taking  a  squeeze  of  it  with  the  rudimentary  appliances  at  our  disposal. 
Meanwhile  M.  Lecomte  was  kind  enough  to  take  a  drawing  of  it  by  means  of 
the  camera  lucida.  Accurate  reproduction,  together  with  some  more  ex- 
planatory details,  will  be  found  in  Chapter  V,  which  deals  w'ith  Gezer. 

Local  Hints. — We  made  rather  a  long  halt  at  Nejmet  el  'Ades.  It 
was  a  quarter  to  six  when  we  left  the  spot  where  the  inscription  was. 
However  our  day  had  not  been  wasted. 

I  gathered  the  following  information  in  conversation  with  the  fellahin  : — 

The  Tamuir  of  the  Deluge  is  between  'Ain  Yardeh  and  Abu  Shiisheh 
(the  village  of  Tell  el  Jezer)  ; 

A  carved  inscribed  stone  was  to  be  found  in  the  wely  of  Mfisa  Ta/i'a 
(not  far  from  Abu  Shusheh  to  the  south)  ; 

88  Arclucokwical  Researches  in  Palestine. 


At  el  Burj  (which  we  were  to  visit  next  day)  were  some  "  bronze  cups  " 
which  had  been  found  in  the  earth  ; 

About  a  quarter  of  an  hour's  journey  before  you  get  to  Budros  (to  the 
north  of  el  Medieh),  there  were  paintings  (frescoes)  representing  "a goose 
and  a  serpent ;" 

At  Beit  Nettif  there  was  a  cave  with  an  inscription  above  the  entrance 
and  some  ancient  pottery. 

Bab  el  Haim. — On  our  way  back  to  Bir  el  Ma'in  we  passed  by  Bab 
el  Hatoa,  close  to  and  to  the  west  of  Kk.  Bai-ada,  and  noticed  there  a 
millstone  and  a  sort  of  press  of  a  quite  remarkable  round  shape  with  tv/o 
basins  (?)  hollowed  in  the  rock. 

K/i.  Barada. — At  Kh.  Barada  (a  few  minutes  from  'Ajenjul)  is  a  low, 
flat  hill  ;  on  the  top,  a  small  birkeh  hewn  in  the  rock,  and  some  extensive 
ruins  comprising  corners  of  the  foundations  of  houses,  rough  blocks,  cisterns 
hollowed  out  in  the  rock,  large  surfaces  marked  out  by  walls,  rubble 
cores  of  walls,  mosaic  cubes,  and  a  rock-hewn  sepulchre.  Also,  the 
foundations  of  a  building  which  in  its  original  shape  probably  assumed 
an  octagonal  or  hexagonal  form.     Three  sides  of  this  were  recognizable. 

Kh.  es  Sider. — To  the  south,  about  twenty  minutes  from  Bir  el  Ma  in, 
is  the  ruin  of  Kh.  es  Sider  (^,a>-!V). 

Btr  el  Main. — The  night  we  spent  at  Bir  el  Ma'in  was  hardly  better 
than  the  one  before  it.  Next  morning  I  opened  and  examined  a  tomb, 
situated  not  far  from  the  wely  to  the  north-east.  It  was  a  chamber  of 
irregular  shape  hollowed  out  in  the  rock,  with  two  burial  troughs  constructed 
with  the  aid  of  well  cut  slabs.  The  two  troughs  are  not  placed  parallel,  but 
making  an  angle  of  about  50  degrees.  In  the  middle  of  the  troughs  is  a 
column  roughly  hewn,  surmounted  by  a  rough-carved  chapter,  and  resting  on 
a  base  of  more  careful  workmanship,  the  whole  being  intended  to  support 
the  roof.  Above  it  on  the  outside  the  rock  bears  marks  of  cutting. 
Some  fukkhdr  (lamps  or  vases  of  terra  cotta)  are  said  to  have  been  found 

Varions  Local  Notes. — After  this  we  took  leave  of  our  hosts  at  Bir  el 
Ma'in,  but  not  before  I  had  gathered  some  items  of  information,  which 
I  here  append.     One  of  them,  as  will  be  seen,  is  of  uncommon  interest : 

Between  Kesla  and  Deir  el   Hawa,  at  E'rak    Isma'in    is    an    enormous 

cave ; 

Between  'Amwas  and  Deir  Aiyub  is  a  ruin  called  Kh.  el'Aked;  near 
Deir  Aivub,  to  the  east,  are  the  ruins  of  Kh.  Inkib ; 

Tour  from  Jcrusaloii  io  Jaffa  and  the  Coiiiilry  of  Samson.  89 

To  the  south  of  Deir  Aiyub  are  cl  Khanimdra  and  el  K/iatilie/i,  with  a 
number  of  presses. 

To  the  west  of  Beit  Mahsir  is  Dcir  Selldm ; 

Further  on,  el  Metsiyeh  or  el  Meiydseh. 

Ethnic  Names. — As  my  custom  is,  I  collected  a  number  of  ethnic  names. 
I  had  long  since  noted  the  extreme  importance  of  these  names,  which  have 
often  preserved  for  us  forms  more  archaic  than  the  names  of  the  places 
themselves.  This  subject  has  been  hitherto  entirely  neglected,  but  it  is  of 
the  highest  importance,  as  we  shall  see. 

I  was  told  that  the  people  of  Abu  Ghosh  were  called  'Enbdwy  {yiX^); 
in  the  plural,  'Etiawbeh  (<u.Uj;).  So  far  there  is  nothing  extraordinary  ;  the 
ethnic  is  evidently  taken,  in  regular  fashion,  from  the  real  name  of  the  village, 
which  is  Kariet  cl  'Enab. 

But  being  curious  enough  to  inquire,  in  speaking  of  this,  the  ethnic  name 
of  the  inhabitants  of  el  Medieh,  where  I  intended  to  go  in  order  to  clear  up  the 
question  of  Modin  and  the  tomb  of  the  Maccabees,  I  was  told  :  Midndvjy 
(i-^jl)j*.<)  ;  in  the  plural,  Meddwneh  (aj.lj*^).  This  name,  as  may  well  be 
supposed,  made  me  prick  up  my  ears,  showing  us  as  it  does  an  archaic  form 
of  the  place-name,  which  could  not  have  been  suspected  from  its  modern 
shape  Mediek ;  Midndwy  and  Meddwneh  have  preserved  with  great  exactness 
the  old  name  Modin  with  the  n  that  is  wanting  in  Medieh.  This  is  assuredly 
a  decisive  and  important  argument  in  favour  of  identifying  this  locality  with 
the  town  of  Modin.  Henceforth  I  shall  note  carefully,  as  I  proceed  with 
these  researches,  all  ethnic  names  I  may  succeed  in  collecting,  I  earnestly 
beg  future  explorers  to  follow 'this  example,  and  thus  to  furnish  materials 
for  a  complete  list  of  the  ethnics  of  Palestine.  I  feel  sure  it  will  afford 
instruction  ;  occasionally,  even  a  revelation. 

Here  are  a  few  to  begin  with,  that  I  gathered  at  Bir  el  Ma'in  itself,  when 
the  conclusion  which  that  of  el  Medieh  had  suggested  to  me  had  put  me  in  a 
humour  for  the  search  : — 

Beit  Niiba  :  Nubdny,  plural  Nawdb'neh. 
Beit  Likia  :  Likidny,  plural  Lekdineh. 
Bir  el  Ma'in  :  AJi'day,  plural  Meyd"tieh. 
el  Burj  :   Barrdjy.  jjlural  Barrdjeh, 

go  ArchicoloQ;ical  Researches  ni  Pa/esfiue. 

Berfilia  :  nerfily,  plural  Fcchdk'leh* 

Deir  Aiyub  : plural  Deyarheli. 

Kesla :  Kesldwy,  plural  Sekdwnelt  or  Sekkdzone/iA 

Sif/iid  Zahra.  —  \  sent  the  servant  on  ahead  to  Lydda  with  the  tent,  and 
we  set  off. 

We  first  went  to  have  a  look  at  the  rather  unimportant  niakam  Sittnd 
Zahra,  which  lies  quite  near  the  village  on  the  north.  1  have  already  narrated 
the  legend  which  attaches  to  it.  From  here  we  deviated  southwards  in  the 
direction  of  Yalo,  as  I  wished  to  make  a  detailed  inspection  of  that  place. 

Legend  of  el  Fdrdeh. — W'e  again  passed  through  Barada.  A  few 
minutes  to  the  south  is  the  ridge  of  a  tell,  covered  with  blocks  of  Bint  and 
fragments  of  the  same  stone  arranged  in  small  heaps,  and  called  cl  Fdrdeh. 
The  fellahin,  if  I  rightly  understood  their  explanations,  take  this  to  mean 
"the  wedding  party. "J  I  append  the  quaint  legend  attached  to  it;  though, 
as  it  is  not  easy  to  relate  in  decent  language,  I  hope  I  shall  be  excused  for 
taking  refuge  in  allusion.  It  has,  however,  its  interest,  as  it  belongs  to  a 
cycle  of  traditions  widely  spread  in  Palestine,  relating  to  peoples  changed  into 
stone.  A  young  girl  from  the  mountain  of  Abu  Ghosh  was  once  conducted 
to  the  Jaffa  country  to  be  married,  accompanied  by  all  her  belongings,  men, 
women,  and  children.  The  nuptial  caravan  halted  on  arriving  at  el  Far'deh. 
There  a  young  child  was  obliged  to  satisfy  a  certain  natural  want,  and  its 
mother  had  the  strange  idea  of  using  a  rghif  (the  thin  fiat  bread  of  the 
Arabs)  for  the  purposes  of  a  napkin. 

The  Almighty,  angered  at  this  sacrilege,  changed  the  whole  caravan  into 
fiint.  All  the  blocks  that  are  to  be  seen  in  the  vicinity  are  the  people 
metamorphosed  by  this  miracle.  The  Arab  legend  employs  for  "  metamor- 
phose "  the  verb  sakhat,  and  this  throws  light  on  the  etymology  of  names  like 
maskhTtta,  inasdkhit,  which  are  lound  attached  to  several  localities  in  Palestine. 

*  Here,  as  sometimes  happens,  the  plural  of  the  ethnic  must  have  been  taken  from  another 
locality.  In  this  case  it  is  a  valuable  indication  of  old  migrations  of  the  indigenous  populations, 
who  have  taken  along  with  them  the  names  of  their  place  of  origin.  'J'he  importance  of  this  fact 
is  easy  to  grasp ;  it  has  to  be  taken  seriously  into  account  in  considering  the  possibility  of  a 
place-name  having  been  transferred  from  another  locality. 

t  The  same  remark  applies.  Further  on  will  be  found  the  historical  explanation  of  this 
instructive  anomaly. 

X  It  is  projjerly  "the  wedding  procession"  Cf.  i  Maccabees,  ix,  36,  se<].,  the  tragic 
episode  of  the  wedding  procession  of  the  sons  of  Janibri  of  Medaba. 

Tour  from   fern salcvi   to  Jaffa  and  the   Country  of  Samson.  91 

It   is   probable    that    these    form  the   subjects  of   similar   legends.       I    found 
almost  the  same  tradition  localized  in  the  environs  of  Mal'ha  {see  Vol.  I).* 

Ydlo.—On  reaching  Yalo,  or  Yalu,  I  went  straight  to  the  hill  of  el  Kok'a 
(Kokah),  as  its  name  and  position,  after  all  the  fellahin  had  said  to  me  about 
it,  kept  me  in  a  state  of  expectation. 

El  Kok'a. — The  original  form  of  the  name,  it  appears  to  me,  was 
el  Kok'a,  with  an  'ani  at  the  end  certainly,  but  I  am  not  sure  whether  it  was 
h6,:  or  i^<^<.  It  is  a  mound  of  earth  like  a  regular  tell,  seeming  to  have  been 
subjected  to  human  action,  even  if  it 
is  not  entirely  artificial.  It  is  in  the 
shape  of  a  truncated  cone,  with  a  plat- 
form on  the  top.      It  overlooks  Yalo 

towards  the  south-east,   and,  as  seen  from  Yalo,  presents   an   outline  pretty 
nearly  corresponding  to  this  hasty  sketch  that  I  took  of  it. 

I  think  that  some  interesting  excavations  might  be  made  there,  and  might 
perhaps  afford  some  evidence  as  to  the  identity,  a  very  probable  one,  between 
Yalo  and  Ajalon.  On  the  side  of  the  hill  on  which  the  mound  is,  a  number 
of  entrances  to  caverns,  of  more  or  less  regularity,  are  visible.  Some  fukli- 
khdrs,  the  inhabitants  say,  have  been  found  there. 

'Ai7t  el Ixubbeh.  —  Running  to  the  east  from  the  foot  of  the  hill  that  bears 
the  Tell  of  el  Kok'a,  is  a  little  valley  called  Wddy  Kubbeh,  containing  an 
important  spring  covered  in  with  a  series  of  vaults.  The  building,  of  which 
these  form  part,  is  almost  entirely  gone  in  its  upper  part,  but  the  substructure 
is  well  preserved. 

It  is  a  vast  reservoir  built  of  fine  w^ell-dressed  blocks  of  ancient  appear- 
ance. The  vaults  are  covered  on  the  outside  with  large  slabs,  on  which  there 
was  doubtless  erected  the  building  which  to-day  is  in  ruins.  The  three 
arches  are  pointed,  with  key-stones.  At  the  back  are  seen  three  semicircular 
ones,  doubtless  of  older  date  and  contemporary  with  the  walls.  If  you 
descend  into  the  reservoir  by  the  staircase  constructed  at  one  corner,  the 
spring  is  visible  on  the  right,  issuing  from  beneath  a  smaller  arch  also  semi- 
circular. This  forms  the  end  of  a  conduit  by  which,  so  the  fellahin  say,  it 
communicates   with    another   spring   further   to   the   south,   called   el  Beiydra 

*  This  same  legend  was  afterwards  noted,  with  details  that  vouch  for  its  accuracy,  by 
Mr.  Baldensperger  in  his  excellent  study  of  the  folk-lore  of  Palestine  {Quarterly  Statement,  1893, 
p.  209.  Cf.  p.  211).  It  is  a  curious  fact  that  the  characteristic  feature  of  the  "petrified  wedding 
parties''  is  not  unknown  in  Western  folk-lore  {cf.  Reriic  are/ieotogit/iie.  May-Jime,  1893,  p.  356). 

N    2 

92  Arclurolooical  Researches  in  Pales  fine. 

("the  garden  watered   by  a  well").     The  former  is  called  'Ain  el  Kitbbeh, 
evidently  deriving  its  name  from  the  vaulted  structure  {Imbbeh,  "cupola"). 

Accordinsj  to  the  inhabitants  the  reservoir  had  been  full  of  water,  but 
about  ten  days  before  our  visit  it  got  lower.  This  had  laid  bare  the  inner 
walls,  covered  with  traces  of  reddish  infusoria  like  those  I  observed  two 
months  before  at  Bir  el  Helii,  which  at  first  sight  have  the  deceitful  appearance 
of  small  odd  shaped  characters  written  in  red  ink. 


Seclion  on  A-B. 

Stction  on  r-D 

SPRING    IN'    \V.    KUBBEH,    AT   YAI,i">.      Scale -jJ;^. 

The  Beiydra. — The  Bciydra,  which  we  next  visited,  is  a  splendid  wide- 
mouthed  well  of  spring  water,  circular  in  shape,  and  built  of  hewn  stones. 
It  is  precisely  similar  to  Bir  el  Helu,  which  lies  in  the  direction  of  Latrun, 
consequendy  quite  near  this  one.  The  two  wells  display  the  same  mode  of 
construction  and  must  be  of  the  same  date.  According  to  the  fellahin,  there 
is  a  subterraneous  communication  between  the  Beiyara  and  the  Kal'ah,  that  is 
now  to  occupy  our  attention. 

El  Kal'ah. — We  looked  over  the  village  proper  to  find  the  Kal'ah,  "the 
fortress  "and  the  "  prison "  of  the  Kuffars  that   I  had   been  told  of.     Local 

Tour  froDi  fcriisalciu  to  fnffci    and  tJic   Country  of  Samson.  93 

tradition  has  it  that  Yalo  was  formerly  completely  surrounded  by  a  wall  {sur), 
and  I  was  shown  some  fine  large  blocks  said  to  have  formed  part  of  this,  and 
appearing  in  some  cases  to  be  in  situ.  I  only  noticed  one  stone  at  Yalo  that 
bore  the  mediaeval  tool-marking  of  the  Crusading  epoch. 

We  were  taken  to  the  Habes  bint  el  nielek,  as  it  is  called,  or  "  the  prison, 
or  cell  of  the  King's  Daughter."  It  is  at  the  present  day  an  underground 
structure  of  carefully  dressed  stone,  with  double  semicircular  arches.  On  the 
ground  itself  are  still  visible  thick  cores  of  masonry  stripped  of  their  covering 
of  hewn  stone.  In  the  courtyard  of  the  adjacent  houses  are  some  large  pillars, 
and  two  courses  of  a  thick  wall.  The  whole  of  this,  so  the  fellahin  say. 
formed  part  of  the  ancient  Kascr  or  "castle."  In  this  "castle"  lived  a 
"  Christian  "  king,  the  King:  of  Yalo.  The  Mussulmans,  under  the  command 
of  el  Melek  ed  Dhaher  (the  Sultan  Beibars)  came  and  besieged  him  there. 
The  daughter  of  the  king  advised  him  to  take  earth  from  below  to  make 
bastions  for  the  cannon  {sic)  on  el  Kok'a.  It  was  unfortunate  that  I  could 
only  get  an  imperfect  account  of  this  legend,  for  it  probably  contains,  in 
rudimentary  shape,  some  useful  indications.  In  any  case,  it  seems  to  point 
to  the  construction  of  works  on  the  tell  of  el  Kok'a,  and  this  corresponds  to 
my  impression  that  this  tell  is  in  part  at  any  rate  of  artificial  origin. 

Various  N'otcs. — The  inhabitants  confirmed  a  tradition  that  I  picked  up  for 
the  first  time  in  1871,  and  which  had  been  repeated  to  me  later,  that  Yalo 
was  called  Lii/ich  by  the  Christians  ;  here  I  was  told  Lftlo. 

Four  different  sanctuaries  were  nientioned  as  being  in  the  village:  Sheikh 
Isniatn,  Sheikh  EU retch  {^Sj  -0'  Sheikh  Gharib,  and  the  mosque  of  el  'Aniery. 

To  the  south  of  Yalo  is  seen  a  brow  of  a  mountain  called  JVar  Krcikur. 

In  the  same  direction,  a  protuberance  on  the  hill  where  the  tell  is  pro- 
duces a  kind  of  rocky  knoll  called  el  Ek'meilcmeh. 

Further  on,  and  above  el  Ek'meik'meh,  is  iha  Jebel  I\  reikilr,  bounded  on 
the  east  by  the  road  that  starts  from  the  south  of  Yalo,  and  on  the  west  by  the 
Jchcl e.z  Zelldka  {}Sl-\ 

To  the  west  between  the  Zellaka  and  Yalo  lies  el  Mostdh,  a  small  hill  of 
slight  elevation,  devoted  to  the  growing  of  vines  and  fig  trees.  A  little 
further  on,  to  the  west,  is  Kh.  el  Hawd. 

As  we  left  Yalo,  my  attention  was  called  to  Bir  el  Jebbdr,  to  the  south- 
west. Here  was  a  small  arch,  of  no  great  antiquity  apparently,  with  steps 
underneath  leading  down  to  the  water. 

Between  Yalo  and  Kh.  Hiba,  to  the  right  of  our  road,  we  noticed  a  place 
where  the  rocks  were  thrown  about  in  confusion  and  shivered  into  fragments. 


Arch(coloo;ical  Researches  in  Palestine. 

The  spot  is  called  Bassat  'Abbas,  and  is  said  to  have  been  struck  by  lightning 
some  ten  years  before.*  This  fact,  if  true,  may  serve  perhaps  to  explain  the 
disordered  state  of  the  rocks  at  dilferent  places  in  Palestine. 

At  Kh.  Hiba  were  broken-down  walls,  foundations,  rock-hewn  caves,  and 
a  large  well  built  of  masonry,  after  the  manner  of  those  at  el  Beiyara  and  el  Held. 

Here  I  dismissed  my  old  friend  Ibrahim  Ahmed  of  Abu  Ghosh,  as  he 
had  got  rather  tired  out.  We  arranged  to  pick  him  up  when  we  came  through 
Bir  el  Ma'in  on  our  way  back.  I  took  for  guide  a  fellah  Ibrahim  Mahmud, 
from  Yalo,  where  we  came  across  him  in  the  fields  harvesting.  He  had  donned 
a  great  leather  apron,  and  looked  rather  like  a  kind  of  European  peasant,  it 
did  one  good  to  look  at  him.  He  was  a  very  good  fellow,  extremely  quick 
and  helpful. 

Rds  el  Ekra'.  —  He  conducted  us  to  the  Rds  el  Ekrci  (;  j^Jl),  pronounced 
almost  Rds  lekra\  a  hill  situated  quite  near  'Amwas  to  the  north-north-east  of 
it,  and  separated  from  it  by  the  KlialFt  el  Hainiiidin.  This  rocky  hill  contains 
several  ancient  tombs,  and  seems  to  have  been  one  of  the  burying-grounds  of 
old  Nicopolis. 


*  Cf.  supra,  p.  69,  where  the  same  fact  is  mentioned,  relating  perhaps  to  the  same  place 
(called  by  the  inhabitants  of  Beit  Thiil,  Dhahr  el  Hiiteh). 

Tour  from  /cr/isa/ciii  lo  fiifja  iind  the   Country  of  Samson. 


_3Vii^.a<2>it;."'"  4ii.«^jjjia!>'*i- 


Ancient  Sepulchre. — One  of  these  tombs  is  quite  remarkable.'"  The 
engraving  above  will  give  an  idea  of  its  external  aspect. 

The  tomb  has  a  small  square  door  cut  in  the  rock,  which  is  still  almost 
entirely  closed  by  an  enormous  flat  stone,  i"'6o  high  and  proportionately 
thick,  made  to  slide  vertically  along  the  side  of  the  rock,  like  a  regular  trap- 
door, concealing  or  e.xposing  the  opening  as  required.  This  stone  is  square 
at  the  base  and  rounded  at  the  top.  In  the  upper  portion  it  is  pierced  with  a 
large  round  hole  to  admit  the  rope  or  the  lever  by  which  it  was  worked.  In 
front  of  it  is  a  kind  of  narrow  passage  without  a  top,  consisting  of  two  rows 
of  blocks  carefully  hewn,  and  leading  to  the  vestibule,  which  is  hollowed  out 
in  the  side  ot  the  hill  and  to  the  entrance  proper.  The  trajxloor  was 
meant  to  slide  between  the  blocks  and  the  rock  itself. 

It    was    slightly    raised 
above  the  ground.  By  dint  of  •  •       .  ,    V 

great  exertions  we  managed 
to  crawl  on  our  stomachs, 
between  it  and  the  threshold. 
The  opening  was  only  o™'30 
high,  and  the  feat  was  ren- 
dered the  more  arduous  by 
the  earth  heaped  up  outside. 
Passing  through  a  small 
gallery  of  no  great  length, 
we  descended  two  steps  cut 
in  the  rock,  and  found  our- 
selves inside  a  chamber,  an 
irregular  trapezoid  in  shape. 
The  staircase  brings  you  to 
one  of  the  corners. 

The  first  objects  we  distinguished  by  the  light  of  our  candle  were  a 
fine  scorpion  and  a  monster  of  a  spider.  These  we  hastened  to  slay.  The 
establishment  being  cleared  of  these  inmates,  we  were  able  to  look  about  us 
more  calmly.  The  left  wall  forms  a  right  angle  with  that  at  the  back,  but  the 
right  wall,  on  the  contrary,  forms  with  it  an  angle  of  considerable  acuteness, 


-ri.AN    ON    IIIK    I.IMC    .\    1!,    Al    THE    HEIGHT   uF    K. 
Scale  Jn- 

*  I  cannot  indicate  its  position  with  precision,  there  being  no  landmarks  in  sight.  However, 
I  noted  one  bearing,  viz.,  of  300°  with  the  wely  of  Sheikh  S'liman  (Suleiman)  (to  the  north  of 


Arclueolooical  Researches  in  Palestine. 


B. — GENliKAL    I'LA.N. 

C. — SECTION    ON    A  B. 

1). — SECTION    ON    CI).       Scale  -fx[(f. 

Tour  frovi  Jerusalem  to  Jaffa  and  the  Country  of  Samson.  97 

and  a  right  angle  with  the  fourth  wall.  This  is  very  short,  and  joins  the 
staircase  in  a  slanting  direction. 

In  each  of  the  walls  is  hollowed  out  an  arcosolium,  covering  a  burial- 
recess.  In  the  recesses  some  bones  were  still  to  be  seen.  The  floor  of  the 
chamber  was  filled  up  with  earth,  to  what  depth  we  were  unable  to  make  out. 
The  tomb  must  have  been  rifled  by  treasure-seekers,  who  have  left  indications 
of  their  presence  in  the  shape  of  marks  of  tools  on  the  walls. 

All  the  inner  walls  are  covered  with  a  very  thick  layer  of  excellent  plaster, 
a  sort  of  concrete  mixed  with  pebbles.     This  is  covered  with 
a  coat  of  red  paint.     All  round  the  top  of  the  walls  there 
rims  a  cornice  of  moulded  mortar.      I  give  here  a  profile  of  it. 

On  examining  the  back  of  the  arcosolium  opposite  the 
entrance,  at  the  point  marked  n  on  the  plan,  I  discovered  a 

line  of  Greek  characters,  which  appear  to  have  been  engraved         V____ 

while  the  mortar  was  still  fresh.  They  remind  one  very  much  of  i\\&  graffiti 
in  the  Tombs  of  the  Prophets  already  mentioned.*  The  line  is  about  a  yard 
in  length.      I  took  a  squeeze  and  a  copy. 

The  characters  are  very  difiicult  to  decipher,  especially  at  the  beginning 
of  the  line,  as  the  plaster  is  in  such  a  bad  state.  The  end  alone  can  be  read 
with  certainty,  ....  ev;^^  Travre^  Xeyovcnv  " .  .  .  .  prayer,  all  say."  Ev^t  is  an 
iotacism  for  ev)(y],  "prayer,"  or  ev)(-§,  "at  prayer,"  or  ev^rj,  "prayers."  The 
latter  form,  though  ev-^o?  is  rather  rare  in  prose,  would  have  the  advantage  of 
giving  an  immediate  object  to  the  verb.  At  the  beginning,  I  sometimes  feel 
inclined  to  read  Ke,  X,  aKove  to.  ...  .  "  Lord,  Christ,  hear  the  prayers  ....;" 
but  this  is  very  doubtful.  I  ought  to  mention  that  the  engraving  does  not 
always  reproduce  exactly  the  outlines  of  the  original,  which  are  confused 
enough.  In  any  case  the  inscription,  from  the  shape  of  the  characters,  is 
certainly  Christian,  and  dates  from  the  time  when  this  ancient  tomb  was 
converted  and  its  present  decoration  added. 

K/i.  en  Neby  Main. — From  here  we  returned  to  Bir  el  Ma'in,  where  we 
picked  up  Ibrahim  Ahmed,  with  the  view  of  going  to  el  Medieh  by  way  of 
el  Bjirj. 

*  Vol.  I. 


Archa:ological  Researches  in  Palestine. 


ON   A   I.INTEL   IN   A    HOUSE  AT   EL   BURJ. 

About  twenty  minutes  to  the  north-west  of  Bir  el  Ma'in  is  Kh.  en  Neby 
McCtn,  containing  some  considerable  ruins.  I  was  told  that  a  stone  with  an 
inscription  was  to  be  found  there,  but  we  did  not  come  across  it. 

El  Burj. — The  real  name  of  el  Bmj  \s  BtirJ  el  Main,  and  the  village  is 

closely    connected   with    that    of    Bir    el 
Ma'in.      It    contains    several   sanctuaries, 
among  others  that  of  the  patriarch  Seth 
{Neby  Skil),   the    ruins    belonging    to    a 
fortress    and    called    Tauiura,    and    the 
remains  of  a  tower  and    fortress   appa- 
rently of  the  time  of  the  Crusades.     We 
also  noticed  a  fine  Byzantine  lintel  with  a 
Greek  cross    inscribed    in    a    circle,  and 
having  its  four  arms  ornamented  with  a 
curious  triangular  facet-work. 
The  people  brought  us  a  cup  and  a  small  vase,  both  of  bronze,  said  to 
have    been    found    in   a   neighbouring  tomb.      But  the  price    asked   was  so 
extravagant  that   I  gave  up  the  idea  of  acquiring  them.     I  much  regret  that 
we  were  not  able  even  to  make  a  drawing  of  them. 

El  Medieh. — At  el  Medieh  we  made  a  fruitless  search  for  an  inscription 
I  had  been  told  about.  I  saw  that  it  was  impossible  to  undertake  at  the  time 
the  digging  operations  I  had  projected,  as  all  the  corn  was  still  standing,  and 
not  a  sod  could  be  turned  before  harvest  was  over.  I  made  all  the  necessary 
arrangements  for  proceeding  with  the  excavations  later  on,  while  joining  the 
fellahs  at  their  meal  of  roasted  grain  {f'rika),  which  is  reckoned  a  delicacy 
among  them,  and  recalls  a  custom  mentioned  in  the  Bible  (Leviticus  ii,  14; 
xxiii,  14). 

After  this  I  dismissed  my  two  guides,  and  we  set  out  for  Lydda, 
accompanied  by  a  small  boy  from  el  Medieh.  After  a  while,  however,  when 
he  saw  the  sun  setting,  he  left  us,  saying  he  was  afraid  of  being  eaten  by  the 
hyenas  on  the  way  back.  It  was  pitch  dark  when  we  got  to  Lydda,  where 
we  found  our  tent  at  the  Sd/ia  el  Gharbiyeh,  near  the  sdkia,  which  was 
surrounded  by  herds  brought  there  for  water. 

At  Lydda  we  made  a  halt  of  four  days,   which  we  spent  in  making  a 
detailed  study  of  the  ancient  churches,  the  bridge  of  Beibars,  the  mosque  and 
ancient  church  of  Ramleh,  etc.  ;  in  looking  up  certain  remains  of  antiquity,  and 

Tour  from  Jcnisalem  to  Jaffa  and  the  Coiintry  of  Samson.  99 

in  gathering  information  from  the  inhabitants.  I  came  across  my  old  friend 
the  camel-driver,  Abu  Hanna  Daud  el  Hausary.  He  had  been  very  useful  to 
me  when  I  first  stayed  at  Lydda,  and  on  this  occasion  also  he  did  me  great 
service,  with  never  failing  intelligence. 

Miscellaneous  Notes. — I  shall  begin  here  by  giving,  for  what  they  are 
worth,  such  small  observations  as  I  was  enabled  to  make  from  my  intercourse 
with  the  natives  of  Lydda.  They  relate  in  some  cases  to  Lydda  itself,  or 
the  country  round,  in  others  to  more  distant  localities  : 

The  ancient  name  of  Lydda  was  Elcfeir  el  Leudd  II!  I  ^^r^;* 

A  saying  of  the  natives  of  Lydda  (with  a  pun  on  the  name  Lendd)  :  El 
Leudddwiyeh  nndaddedeh,  "the  people  of  Lydda  are  quarrelsome"  (?)  ; 

The  well  of  Bir  el  Talak  (jil?) ,  which  lies  behind  the  church,  is  said  to 
be  connected  with  it  by  a  subterraneous  passage  ; 

A  few  minutes  south-east  of  the  church  a  house  is  shown  where  el 
Khadkcr  (St.  George)  is  said  to  have  been  born  ; 

In  a  garden  where  there  is  a  large  well,  about  two  hundred  and  twenty 
yards  to  the  south-west  of  the  minaret  of  the  mosque,  local  tradition  points 
out  the  site  of  an  ancient  Convent  of  St.  Michael  {Deir  Mar  Mikai'l) ; 

People  told  me  of  a  Bir  Mar  Elyds,  "  well  of  St.  Elias,"  without  giving 
precise  indications  of  its  position  ; 

To  the  south  of  the  mosque  is  a  pond  called  el  Manka  Ua-*  ; 

The  well  with  a  sebil,  situated  about  half-way  between  Lydda  and 
Ramleh,  is  called  Bir  ez  Zibak  (jjoj!\),  '"  the  well  of  quicksilver  ;  " 

The  ancient  building  el  M'zeira  is  the  sanctuary  of  Neby  Yakia  (St. 
John  the  Baptist) ; 

At  Medjdel  Yaba  there  is  a  large  stone  covered  with  unknown  writing  ; 
one  Anthimos  is  said  to  have  copied  it  in  part ; 

To  the  north-west  of  Lydda,  at  about  an  hour's  distance,  is  a  certain 
KJi.  Snbtai'a  (ijlkx-:)  on  a  small  tell ; 

About  half-an-hour  to  the  east  of  Lydda  is  a  locality  called  Kh.  ed/i 
DJiheiriyeh ; 

Between  'Akkur  and  Kesla  is  a  place  called  Beit  Sakkaya.  The  people 
of  Kesla  originally  came  from  there,  and  that  is  why  their  ethnic  name  is  in 
the  plural  Sakkmvneh,\  while  the  singular  is  regularly  formed,  Kesldicy  ; 

*  See  further,  for  another  legend  connected  with  this  name, 
t  See  above,  p.  90. 

O    2 


Archccolog-ical  Researches  in  Palestine. 

The  ethnic  of  Na'hn  is  N a  liny,  in   the   plural  Nddr-we  ;  that  of  Jaffa  is 

Mindwy  ;* 

The  ancient  name  of  el  K'ntseh,  to  the  north  of  Lydda,  was  Kufiirjennis ; 
There  is  another  Sarfand  about  an  hour  to  the  south-west  of  the  present 
villao-e  of  that  name.  It  is  called  Sarfand  el  Khardb,  "Sarfand  the  ruined." 
According  to  native  tradition  Sarfand  is  a  modern  name,  the  old  name  having 
been  Sarf  el  mdl,\  "  the  money  expense  or  exchange "  (,_j^),  or  Beled  es 
Sardrfeh,  "  the  country  of  the  money-changers."  This  curious  legend  must 
point  to  the  ancient  name  and  an  ancient  ethnic  of  Sarphat.  There  is  also 
the  pronunciation  Snrfand ; 

About  an  hour  and  a  half  or  two  hours  to  the  west  of  Sarfand,  forty 
minutes  from  Yazur,|  are  the  ruins  of  "Ayiin  Kara  (l^U).  "the  springs  of 
Kara."  It  was  an  important  town,  and  once  the  seat  of  a  bishopric,  according 
to  Greek  local  tradition.      It  lies  on  the  old  road  to  Gaza  ; 

At  el  Bireh  (to  the  north  of  Jerusalem)  there  is  an  ancient  inscription 
built  into  the  base  of  the  south  wall  of  the  ruined  church.      It  is  hidden  by  a 

large  pomegranate  tree. 

Various  Antiquities. — I   now  arrive  at  my  archseo- 
/ 1  logical  researches  properly  so  called. 

Near  our  encampment,  to  the  west  of  the  church, 
in  the  keran  of  'Osman,  five  or  six  stone  sarcophagi 
had  been  found,  of  different  lengths.  We  saw  one  that 
had  been  overturned,  with  a  bee-hive  upon  it.  The  sar- 
cophagi were  grouped  so  as  to  form  a  square.  Lamps 
and  vessels  of  terra-cotta  and  glass  phials  have  been  dis- 
covered there  ;  and  in  one  of  them  an  iron  pick.  The  owner  has  had  a  new 
handle  put  to  this  latter,  and  uses  it,  though  it  is  terribly  rusty. 

IRON    riCK. 

*  From  mind,  "a  harbour,"  which  is  nothing  but  the  Greek  word  \t/iijv  (pronounced  /i/nin), 
which  has  passed  into  Arabic  through  the  Aramaic  n:0^,  NJ'C^  =  Iaa^II  ;  I'miiia,  erm'ina.  In  this 
word,  by  a  popular  error,  the  cl  has  come  to  be  regarded  as  the  article,  and  so  a  separable  portion 
of  the  word,  El-mina.  YakOt  gives  the  ethnic  Yafihiy,  which  takes  us  directly  back  to  the 
Hebraic  form  Japho. 

t  See  further,  what  is  said  of  the  use  of  this  expletive  word  iiuil  in  other  place-names  in 
Palestine.  On  the  other  side  of  the  Dead  Sea,  between  Wady  Mojeb  and  Karak,  is  another 
place  of  the  same  name,  Sarfat  el  tiidl.  This  also  must  be  probably  an  ancient  Sarphal  of  the 
Moabites,  which  has  more  faithfully  kept  to  its  primitive  name. 

%  Sic.     These  estimates  of  distance  are  erroneous,  as  will  be  seen  further  on. 

Tour  from  Jcrttsalcni  to  Jaffa  and  the  Country  of  Samson.  loi 

I  came  across  a  piece  of  carving  that  I  had  seen  in  1871,*  built  in 
over  the  door  of  the  house  of  Jiries  el  Hakura;  M.  Lecomte  made  a  drawing 
of  it. 


BASE   Ul"    MI.I.AR. 



He  likewise  drew  a  large  moulded  base  which  I  noticed  among  the  build- 
ing materials  gathered  together  in  view  of  the  enlargement  of  one  of  the 
soap-works  {^masbana)  of  the  town. 

In  the  Greek  convent  two  fine  small  marble 
columns  have  been  placed  at  the  top  of  the  staircase. 
Their  shafts  are  ornamented  with  delicate  carving 
from  end  to  end  three-quarters  of  the  way  round. 
These  must  have  been  dwarf  angle-columns  belonging 
to  a  small  structure  such  as  a  baptistery  or  a  ciborium. 
They  come,  they  assured  me,  from  the  convent  of  St. 
John  on  the  banks  of  the  Jordan.  Here  is  a  sketch 
showing  the  scheme  of  the  ornamentation. 

I  saw  a  score  or  so  of  fine  Byzantine  gold  coins 
in  the  possession  of  an  inhabitant  of  Lydda,  one 
Mehfuz  Habesh,  which  must  have  formed  part  of 
some  great  find  at  Lydda  or  in  the  neighbourhood. 
In  spite  of  the  reserve  maintained  by  the  owner,  I 
should  not  be  surprised  if  this  find  were  the  one  that 
was  mentioned  to  me,  with  an  air  of  mystery,  in  1871, 
by  a  fellah  of  Neby  Danian  who  served  me  as  guide.* 


See  further,  Appendi.\. 

I02  Archccoloo;ical  Researches  in  Palestine. 


The  Mosque  and  Churches  of  Lydda. 

On  first  visiting  Lydda,  in  March,  1870,  I  had  made  various  archa;o- 
logical  observations  of  great  importance  in  the  ancient  Crusaders'  church, 
then  in  ruins,  and  in  the  mosque  adjoining.  These  observations  were  the 
more  noteworthy  at  the  time,  as  it  would  have  been  possible,  by  their  aid, 
to  decide  bej'ond  doubt  between  the  contradictory  assertions  of  the  Greek 
and  Latin  communities  at  Jerusalem  as  to  the  origin  of  this  church,  and  the 
historical  arguments  for  attributing  it  to  one  or  other  of  these  two  communities. 
I  discovered: — (i)  A  series  of  masons'  marks  and  tracks  of  the  mediaeval 
tool-marks  on  all  the  stones  of  the  church,  which,  putting  aside  all  considera- 
tions of  style,  was  material  proof  that  it  has  been  built  from  top  to  bottom  by 
the  Crusaders ;  (2)  that  there  existed,  incorporated  in  the  structure  of  the 
adjacent  mosque,  an  ancient  Byzantine  church  of  earlier  date  than  the 
mediaeval  church,  which  latter  had  its  south  wall  touching  it ;  (3)  a  long 
Greek  inscription  cut  on  one  of  the  columns  of  the  mosque,  and  belonging  to 
the  Byzantine  church  aforesaid. 

I  had  also  proved  historically,  with  the  aid  of  a  passage  from  Mujir 
ed  Din,  which  hitherto  had  been  misunderstood,  that  the  church  of  the 
Crusaders  had  been  destroyed  by  Saladin,  while  the  Byzantine  church  had 
been  respected,  at  least  in  part,  and  had  been  transformed  into  a  mosque,* 
a  high  minaret  being  added. 

This  minaret  is  the  one  that  is  visible  at  the  present  day  ;  it  is  built 
over  one  of  the  embedded  pillars  of  the  south  aisle  of  the  mediaeval  church 
(m  on  the  plan  which  will  be  given  further  on).  Here  follows  a  drawing 
of  it  made  by  M.  Lecomte,  from  the  top  of  the  terrace  of  the  mediaeval 
church  of  St.  George. 

This  church  has  been  restored  by  the  orthodox  Greeks,  to  whom  it  was 
finally  handed  over  by  the  Ottoman  government,  although,  from  the  strictly 
historical  point  of  view,  it  was  the  mosque  itself,  formerly  a  Byzantine  church, 
which  they  might  have  been  justified  in  claiming,  and  not  the  church  called 
after  St.  George,  which  is  indubitably  of  Western  origin. 

On  examining  the  engraving,  the  reader  will  notice  at  the  base  of 
the  minaret  the  remains  of  one  of  the  arches  of  the  south  aisle  of  the  church 
of  the  Crusaders,  which,  as  I  have  said,  abutted  on  the  north  wall  of  the 
Byzantine  church. 

*  Mujir  ed  Din  says,  in  no  many  words,  that  the  mosque  was  an  ancient  church  "  of  Greek 
structure  "  (w/«  bind  cr  Ri'im). 

Tour  from  Jerusalem  to  Jaffa  and  f he  Cojiutry  of  Samson.  roj 



Archceological  Researches  in  Palestine. 

Here  are  clearly  distinguishable  : — 

(i)  A  piece  of  wall  containing  a  pointed  arch,  now  filled  in,  with  a 
chamfered  label-mould,  resting  on  a  moulded  cornice,  the  whole  having 
doubtless  formed  part  of  the  inner  side  of  the  southern  boundary-wall  of  the 
mediaeval  church.  There  is  still  distinguishable,  in  the  tympanum  of  the 
arch,  the  right-hand  reveal  of  an  original  window  formed  in  it,  and  looking 
on  to  the  southern  outer  wall,  together  with  the  base  of  one  of  the  dwarf 
columns  which  must  have  been  on  either  side  of  it. 

(2)  At  right  angles  to  this  wall,  the  springing  stones  of  a  transversal 
massive  rib  of  the  south  aisle.  This  also  has  a  label-mould,  and  rests  on  the 
same  moulded  cornice,  which  turns  at  right  angles.  One  can  still  distinguish 
the  capitals  of  the  half-column  which  takes  this  arch. 

The  cornice,  the  capitals,  the  shape  of  the  column,  and  the  mouldings 
are  identically  the  same  as  those  seen  in  the  remainder  of  the  church  before 
the  disfigurement  caused  by  the  restoration. 

I  give  here  a  side  and  front  elevation  of  the  middle  part  of  this  minaret 
(an  old  buttress,  or  belfry),  together  with  some  cor- 
bels (of  a  watch-tower). 

In  order  to  throw  as  much  light  as  possible  on 
the  whole  question,  we  made,  with  the  greatest 
care,  a  general  plan  of  the  church  and  the  mosque 
with  its  outbuildings.  This  plan,  and  the  letterpress 
accompanying  it,*  absolve  me  from  entering  into 
further  explanations. 

Neglecting  the  two  parts  that  are  more  lightly 
shaded,  and  represent  the  portions  added  in  ancient 
times  by  the  Mussulmans,  and  quite  recently  by  the 
Greeks,  the  two  old  churches  are  seen  at  a  glance 
lying  side  by  side.  Any  one  with  a  sense  of  sym- 
metry can  supply  the  missing  portions  :  characteristic  traces  of  them  are 
to  be  found  in  different  parts,  even  in  the  courtyard  of  the  mosque.t 

Front  view. 

Side  ' 


Scale  -_l^. 

*  Compare  the  plan  published  in  the  Revue  Archcologiqiie  for  March-April,  1892,  p.  226, 
by  M.  Mauss,  whose  conclusions  coincide  nearly  with  ours. 

t  In  addition  to  the  half-column  of  the  southern  boundary-wall  of  the  mediaeval  church, 
underneath  the  minaret,  and  the  remains  of  three  other  similar  features  in  the  northern  boundary- 
wall,  shown  on  the  plan,  in  the  courtyard  of  the  mosque,  I  find  in  my  note-book  an  entry  tending 
to  show  that  beneath  the  Arab  pillar  of  one  of  the  three  arched  chambers  which  extend  along 
the  west  side  of  the  courtyard,  there  are  also  apparently  remains  of  a  medieval  pillar;  this 
pillar  (s)  is  in  a  line  with  the  southern  row. 



Medi/eval  Church  ofS"^George 
Byzantine  Church  &  Mosque. 

A  Colwma.  ui^  Greek  Inscription. 

6  Month  of  a.   CCstem. 

C  Traces  of  a^ UtfJf' Jpsis  oCwliirh  apart  of 

the  ktilf  (hpoLa   still  aci^Ls. 
U^^tairs  l^cuhng  t<:>  the    Oypt   of  the   Church- 
F  Entrance  to  the  Chiu^ch 
G  -Entrance  to  the  Mosq^ue  . 


Scale    330 

Toitr  from  [ci-iisakm  to  Jaffa  and  the  Count rv  of  Samson.  lO; 

The  most  interesting  spot,  and  the  one  to  which  I  would  more  particu- 
larly direct  attention,  is  that  near  the  point  m,  together  with  the  adjacent 
portions  of  the  building,  for  this  is  where  the  Byzantine  and  the  mediaeval 
church  can  be  seen  touching,  and  even  partly  running  into  one  another.  At 
M  also  there  is  visible,  overlooking  the  courtyard  of  the  mosque,  a  fragment  of 
the  inner  side  of  the  southern  boundary-wall  of  the  mediaeval  church,  still 
preserved  to  a  considerable  height  with  the  column  entire,  comprising  base, 
the  half-engaged  shaft,  capital,  cornice,  and  springs  of  the  arch  of  the  bay  with 
label-mould.*      I  give  an  elevation  and  a  plan  of  the  base  of  this  half-pillar. 


.,   v.^\ 

.    :                  1             ' 

Mm  ^ 



KASES   OF    PILLARS   AT   LYDPA.      Scale  ■^. 

I  give  for  comparison  the  elevation  and  plan  of  the  base  of  the  pillar  (o) 
of  the  middle  northern  row  (composed  of  two  engaged  columns).  The  pillar 
itself  has  recently  been  restored  by  the  Greeks. 

It  will  be  noticed  that  the  diagonal  mediaeval  tool-marking  is  very  con- 

This  portion  of  mediaeval  structure  is  connected  with  an  ancient  wall  (ii), 
certainly  of  earlier  date,  which  extends  eastward  from  the  half-pillar  in  the 
same  straight  line.  This  wall  is  made  of  stones  splendidly  dressed,  showing 
no  trace  of  mediaeval  tool-marking,  and  is  pierced  by  a  large  square  door, 
two-thirds  of  which  have  been  closed  up  with  rough  masonry. 

This  door   leads   to  a  large  chamber  built   in   the  shape  of  an  oblong 

*  Compare  above    (p.    103)   the  drawing  of  the  minaret,  which  is  partly  founded  on  this 
fragment  of  wall. 


Archceological  Researches  in  Palestine. 

square,  and  vaulted  with  pointed  arches.     The  whole  of  the  east  wall  of  this 
chamber  and  the  inner  side  of  the  south  wall,  but  this  only  to  a  certain  depth. 

are  of  mediceval  construction,  as  is  shown  by 
the  cutting  of  the  blocks.  The  eastern  wall 
is  pierced  by  a  high  narrow  door,  blocked 
up  by  rubble  of  modern  date  two-fifths  of  the 
way  up,  and  surmounted  by  a  loophole  win- 
dow. Here  follows  a  tranverse  section 
of  this  chamber  from  p  to  Q,  showing  the 
details  of  the  eastern  side. 

The  southern  face  is  not  of  mediaeval 
construction  ;  the  dressing  of  the  stone  is 
Byzantine,  I  believe,  but  not  so  old  as  that 
on  the  north  side  where  the  large  door  is. 
Here  is  the  elevation  of  part  of  the  north 
side  seen  from  the  inside  of  the  chamber,  together  with  the  detail  of  the 
pilasters  supporting  the  lintel,  and  a  section  of  the  lintel  itself: — 


4;.,  .  ■pi>//,-^y///, 

A.  Elevation  of  the  door. 

B.  Detail  of  the  left  pilaster. 

C.  Detail  of  the  right  pilaster. 

D.  Cross  section  of  the  lintel  marked  L  (in  the  engraving  A). 

Scale  ^V- 

As  appears  from  the  plan,  three  different  styles  of  dressing  the  stone  meet 
and  intersect  at  the  north-east  corner  of  this  chamber, 
corresponding  to  three  periods,  and  probably  to  three 
distinct    buildings:    (i)    the    ancient    proto-Byzantine 
style  ;  (2)  the  deutero-Byzantine  ;  (3)  the  mediceval. 

On  the  western  and  southern  sides  of  this  chamber 
there  rest  the  deutero-Byzantine  constructions,  now 
merged  in  the  mosque  proper.  They  belong  to  a 
church  with  a  deep  apse,  which  is  characteristic  of  the  Greek  cult,  lit  by  a 
window  opening  on  the  east,  as  the  ancient  Christian  rite  required.  I  give  a 
longitudinal  section  of  this  apse,  taken  from  K  to  l. 

'  ii    Hi       h  \ 


'^cale  4{>do  • 

Tovr  from  Jerusalcv!  to  Jaffa  and  the   Country  of  Samson.  107 


To  the  south  of  this  central  apse  we  found,  at  c  (plan),  at  the  side  of  the 
main  apse,  traces  of  a  smaller  one,  having  a  part 
of  the  half  cupola  still  existing.     The  following 
elevation,    from   i   to  j,    shows  the  aspect    and 
relative  position  of  the  large  and  small  apses.  | 

West  of  the  apse,  and  south  of  an  Arab    ~': 
pillar,  one  can  still  perceive  in  the  flags,  at  the 
point  marked  b,  an  orifice  which  may  belong  to  a  cistern,  or  perhaps  to  a 
crypt  like  the  one  under  the  transept  of  the  mediaeval  church. 

The  Greek  inscription  that  I  discovered  in  1870  is  carved  on  the  shaft 
of  one  of  the  twin  columns  at  the  point  marked  a  on  the  plan.  These  are 
monoliths  of  marble,  engaged  in  a  square  Arab  pillar,  and  are  probably  /« 
sitti,  like  the  two  others  found  imbedded  in  the  other  pillar  that  lies  to  the 
west  of  this  latter  and  in  the  same  line  with  it.  They  are  surmounted  by 
capitals  in  the  degenerate  Corinthian  style. 

The  inscription,  which  consists  of  nine  lines,  is  carved  right  at  the  top  of 
the  shaft,  immediately  below  the  capital,  and  is  difficult  to  make  out  from 
below,  the  more  so  as  it  has  been  hammered  over.  Furthermore,  the  ends  of 
the  lines  are  concealed  by  the  Arab  pillar  in  which  the  column  is  imbedded. 
With  some  difficulty  I  obtained  authorization  to  take  to  pieces  a  part  of  the 
Arab  pillar,  on  condition  of  setting  it  up  again  immediately  afterwards  as  it 
was  before.  In  this  way  I  managed  to  uncover  the  inscription  completely 
and  took  a  tolerably  good  squeeze  of  it. 

The  following  reproduction  of  the  inscription  has  been  executed  from 
this  squeeze  and  the  copy  that  I  made  in  1871  and  completed  in  1874. 






+  Oi  /xev  TTpo- 
dcrreo';  TraXai 
rov  'KpLCTTokajj.- 
Tr{p)ov  Tov  Be  crep.i'o- 
[t^ov  Se  TOV  Xap.- 
[^rrpjov  So/xoj'. 

*   Cf.  the  analogous  but  obscure  compound  acfii'ojjo'/mov,  Waddington,  Iitscript.  grecqiies  et 
/atiiies  de  la  Syn'e,  No.  2443. 


Arch(eological  Re  scare  lies  in  Palestine. 

"  The  worshipful  pastors  who  sit  at  the  head  of  this  city,  for  long  time 
past  illuminated  by  Christ  (of  this  old  and  illustrious  Christian  city),  having 
adorned  this  illustrious  temple." 

In  XpicTToXajjiTTpov  the  cutter  of  the  stone  has  omitted  the  second  p; 
KaWoTTLo-avreq  is  for  KaWwiricrapTei;.  The  inscription  shows  a  marked  attempt 
at  poetical  expression.  It  seems  complete,  though  there  appears  no  verb  in  the 
preterite  in  the  sentence.  Still  one  may  well  inquire  if  it  was  not  followed 
by  other  lines.  1  found  no  trace  of  any  on  the  column,  but  it  is  not  impossible 
that  the  sequel  was  cut  on  some  other  column,  and  contains  exacter  information 
as  to  the  date  and  character  of  the  adornments  spoken  of,  which  certainly  refer 
to  the  Byzantine  church,  and  are  a  final  j^roof  of  the  existence  of  that  edifice. 

To  finish  off  the  description  of  the  material,  I  will  give  a  reproduction  of 
two  fragments  built  into  the  wall  of  the  mosque,  which  are  ornamented  with 
rosettes,  one  of  them  cruciform,  carved  in  the  Byzantine  style. 


'h  7/:,m 

For  the  masons'  marks  noticed  on  the  blocks  of  the  Crusaders'  church,  see 

the  Special  Table  in  \'ol.  I. 

Here  likewise  are  a  few  small  sketches  show- 
ing the  details  of  the  capitals  of  the  clustered  dwarf 
columns  in  what  is  left  of  the  mediaeval  church. 

The  Legend  of  St.  George. — The  cult  of  St. 
George  at  Lydda  appears  to  have  been  introduced 
there  very  early,  and  contains  certain  most  curious 
elements  of  Pagan  origin.  This  question  I  have 
treated  in  detail  in  a  monograph  published  some 
eighteen  years  ago,  so  I  can  only  refer  the  reader  to 
it.*  At  the  time  of  the  conquest,  the  Arabs  found  a 
sanctuary  of  St.  George  at  Lydda,  in  the  shape  pro- 
bably of  the  Byzantine  church  which  I  have  shown 
to  have  existed,  and  which  had  perhaps  taken  the 



*  Horns  et  St.   Georges,  1877.      Cf.  also  my  Etudes  d'Air/icologie  Orientate,  Yo\.  ],  fasc.  I, 

p.  78. 

Tour  from  J  cm  sale  III  to  Jaffa  and  the  Country  of  Samson.  109 

place  of  another  and  more  ancient  church,  the  remains  of  which  appear  to 
be  at  M  on  the  plan.  The  Mussulmans  in  turn  took  possession  of  the 
Christian  legend,  and  that  in  a  very  singular  manner,  depending  on  what 
I  have  proposed  to  call  iconology,  that  is  to  say  the  formation  of  myths  from 
the  sight  of  pictorial  or  plastic  representations.  It  is  recounted  in  a  tradi- 
tion which  makes  an  early  appearance  in  their  hadiths  and  speedily  became 
popular,  that  Jesus  zvi/l  kill  the  Dajjdl  at  (ala)  the  gate  of  Lydda,  or  even  at 
the  door  of  the  church  of  Lydda.  This  is  nothing  but  an  arbitrary  interpre- 
tation of  some  group  of  figures,  a  bas-relief  or  what  not,  which  may  be 
supposed  to  have  existed  on  the  gate  of  the  town  or  the  door  of  the 
sanctuary  dedicated  to  St  George,  and  to  have  vividly  impressed  the  Arabs. 
St.  George  became  in  their  eyes  Jesus,  and  the  dragon  the  Dajjal,  a  monster 
who  is  the  personification  of  the  Mussulman  antichrist.  The  name  of  Dajjal 
is  simply  that  of  the  old  Philistine  god  Dagon,  which  has  been  preserved 
in  the  name  of  the  neighbouring  city  Beth  Dagon,  concerning  which  I  shall 
have  more  to  say.*  A  variant  of  the  legend  adds  that  Jesus  shall  also  slay 
the  "wild  pig,"  that  is  to  say  the  boar,  "on  the  gate  of  Jerusalem."  This  last 
touch  may  indicate  some  representation  of  the  same  sort ;  the  boar  was  the 
emblem  of  the  Xth  Legion  (the  Fretensis),  which  was  in  garrison  at  Jerusalem, 
and  the  sigiiuin  of  the  legion  had  been  placed  on  the  gate  of  Jerusalem 
so  as  to  forbid  the  Jews  to  enter,  according  to  St.  Jerome.t 

*  The  process  by  which  the  Christians  themselves  had  already  formed  their  legend  of  St. 
George  and  the  Dragon  was  similar.  It  was  taken  from  a  popular  Egyptian  representation  of  late 
date  where  the  god  Horus,  with  his  hawk's  head,  riding  on  horseback  in  the  uniform  of  a  Roman 
tribune  or  cavalry  officer,  is  seen  piercing  with  his  lance  the  god  Set-Typhon  in  the  shape  of  a 
crocodile.  The  fact  that  the  Emperor  Constantine  had  himself  depicted  in  this  same  allegorical 
form  must  have  helped  to  popularise  this  representation  in  the  early  ages  of  Christianity.  The 
starting  point  of  the  legend  appears  to  have  been  an  Alexandrine  representation  of  Diocletian 
(Jovius),  in  the  form  of  Jupiter-Horus,  on  horseback,  piercing  with  his  lance  the  crocodile  Typhon- 
Set,  as  I  have  pointed  out  in  a  recent  article  {Sur  im  bas-relief  de  Soueuia  represejttant  un  episode 
de  la  gigantonachie  et  sur  la  ville  de  Maximanoupolis  d' Arable  ;  Comptes  rendiis  de  I'Academie  des 
Inscriptions,  12,-20  Ji/illef,  1894;  cf.  my  Etudes  d^ Arch.  Or.,  I,  p.  178). 

t  This  legend  likewise  recalls  the  celebrated  prophecy  concerning  Diocletian,  that  he  should 
become  emperor  as  soon  as  he  should  have  slain  the  "  boar."  The  prophecy,  which  was  probably 
thought  of  after  the  event,  was  deemed  accomplished  when  Diocletian  killed  with  his  own  hand 
the  prefect  of  the  pretorium  Apcr,  whose  name  signifies  "  Boar."  This  decisive  event  in  the  life 
of  Diocletian  might  have  formed  the  subject  of  figured  representations,  which,  becoming  popular, 
like  that  of  Constantine  slaying  the  dragon,  might  have  furnished  this  new  feature  to  the  legend 
as  picked  up  by  the  Arabs  on  arriving  in  Palestine.  It  must  not  be  forgotten  that  Diocletian  had 
founded  a  city  in  Palestine  called  after  him  Diocletianoupolis,  but  its  identity  has  not  hitherto 
been  established.  The  memory  of  the  popular  boar  of  Diocletian  has  moreover  impressed  itself 
deeply  on  the  Talmudic  traditions,  which  call  him  "  Diocletian  the  Boar"  (xTtn). 


Archcvolooical  Researches  in  Palest 


Thk  Bridge  at  Lvdda.* 

The  fine  church  erected  by  the  Crusaders 
in  honour  of  their  much-venerated  Saint,  by 
the  side  and  at  the  expense  of  the  Byzantine 
church,  was,  as  I  have  said,  destroyed  by 
Saladin.  Though  history  is  silent  as  to  its 
later  fate,  it  still  had  one  most  strange  experi- 
ence. As  I  thought  I  noticed  already  in  1871, 
part  of  the  material  used  in  building  it  was 
carried  in  the  thirteenth  century  to  the  distance 
of  a  mile,  and  set  up  again  to  build  a  bridge 
over  the  wad)-  which  runs  to  the  north  of 
Lydda,  and  joins  the  numerous  wadys  that 
have  their  outlet  at  Jaffa. 

Wishing  to  determine  with  exactness 
under  what  circumstances  this  removal  took 
place,  I  resolved  to  make  a  detailed  plan  of  this 
bridge.  I  enjoyed  the  aid  of  M.  Lecomte  in 
this,  and  was  very  glad  to  have  his  valuable 
opinion  on  many  technical  points.  This 
thoroughly  bore  out  my  own  conclusions. 

This  bridge,  above  30  m.  long  and  about 
13  m.  broad,  is  composed  of  three  pointed 
arches  nearly  equal  in  height,  a  central  arch 
about  6" '50  across,  and  two  lateral  ones  about 
5  m.     The  bed  of  the  wady  over  which  it  is 

*  See  the  special  memoir  that  I  hive  devoted  to 
this  question  in  my  Recueil  d'Archeologie  orientak  (1888, 
pp.  261-279;  cf.  pp.  396-399). 

Since  then  M.  Max  van  Berchem,  to  whom  I 
pointed  out  various  desiderata  that  I  had  not  had  time  or 
means  to  verify,  has  been  kind  enough  to  repair  these 
omissions  in  the  course  of  an  exploration  of  Palestine,  made 
for  the  purpose  of  studying  Arab  archaeology.  He  has  been 
so  good  as  to  authorise  me  to  make  use  of  the  excellent 
photographs  he  has  taken,  as  well  as  the  sketches  of  certain 
details,  together  with  his  personal  observations.  I  shall  indicate  as  we  go  along  the  additional 
information  for  which  I  am  indebted  to  him,  and  here  beg  him  to  accept  my  best  thanks, 

Tour  from  Jcrusaloii  lo  Jaffa  and  the   Country  of  Samson. 

1 1 1 

thrown  is  entirely  dry  in  summer,*  but  a  considerable  volume  of  water  passes 
along  it  at  the  period  of  the  winter  rains.  It  is  to  some  extent  blocked  up 
by  patches  of  alluvial  earth,  on  which  there  grow  prickly-pear-trees  [saber). 

On  the  side  facing  up  stream,  the  two  central  supports  are  protected  by 
two  pointed  cut-waters  intended  to  break  the  force  of  the  current,  which  must 
be  very  violent  in  time  of  flood. 

BRIDGE  AT  LYDDA. — Elevation  of  the  side  looking  up  Stream.     Scale  tj+t,  • 

Above  the  central  arch,  in  a  rectangular  slab,  that  is  sheltered  by  a  pro- 
jecting marble  cornice,  is  an  Arabic  inscription  of  four  lines,  Hanked  by  lions. 

-■-■,-=;.-■  ,ii,->;s>  ^■.-*-"r^ 

Tat-  ■  V?,-_.V-T  _     ^      ■    ._      ■ . 


*  In  searching  the  soil  close  by  the  lower  end  of  the  bridge,  I  found,  at  some  depth, 
thousands  of  little  eels  of  microscopic  size  wriggling  about  in  the  damp  mud,  and  quite  unaffected 
by  the  heat.     It  was  in  mid  June,  it  should  be  remembered. 

112  A  rchccological  Researches  in  Palestine. 

On  the  other  side  (looking  down  stream)  of  the  same  central  arch  is  set 
another  Arabic  inscription  of  three  Hnes,  a  repetition  almost  word  for  word  of 
the  preceding,  barring  a  few  slight  variations  ;*  it  is  likewise  sheltered  by  a 
marble  cornice  and  flanked  by  similar  lions.  Here  follows  the  transcription 
and  translation  of  the  first. 

j.<\  (2)  ^K)LA.^\  'Ua.w^  j,.«>ij.c  l'j.A~:  ^_jli  cOl_jL>j  *J^J^  cr*"*^''  '"^^  •^'   ^'-^ 

^.a!1   J^.  y,m    ^<Sx\   f^'i\   ^U^\   U:<^c   CJj^\  j^\    \sj,   i^,U*. 

^U  J^J.\  (-nc)  ^\   ^U^\   \:\.  ^^..   ^A  ^J  ^]\   Ju^   (3)    ^.'   0-1^' 

J\  ^\  jjoJI  cL:!_j.   cJlS.  (4)  U2  /J:.  U>^,U.l  .dll  ^;^1  J^  I^^j  ^..jJl 

"  In  the  name  of  the  kind  and  merciful  God,  \yhose  blessings  be  on  our 
Lord  Mahomet,  on  his  family,  and  on  all  his  companions !  The  building  of 
this  holy  bridge  was  ordered  by  our  master,  the  very  great  Sultan  el  Malek 
edh-Dhaher  Rukn  ed  Din  Beibars,  son  of  'Abd  Allah,  in  the  time  of  his  son 
our  Lord  Sultan  el  Malek  es  Sa'id  Naser  ed  Din  Berekeh  Khan,  may  God 
glorify  their  victories  and  grant  them  both  His  grace.  And  this,  under  the 
direction  of  the  humble  servant  aspiring  to  the  mercy  of  God,  'Ala  ed  Din 
'Aly  es  Sawwak,+  to  whom  may  God  grant  grace  as  also  to  his  father  and 
mother;  in  the  month  Ramadan,  the  year  671." 

The  month  Ramadan,  671  a.h.,  corresponds  to  March-April,  1273  of  our 
era.  The  famous  sultan  Beibars  had  only  four  years  before  associated  his  son 
Berekeh  Khan  with  him  in  the  kingly  power ;  hence  the  mention  of  him  in 
our  inscription  along  with  his  father,  while  he  does  not  appear  on  the  inscrip- 
tion of  Beibars  at  Ramleh,  dated  666  ;  the  act  of  taklid,  investing  the  young 
Berekeh  Khan  with  the  royal  power,  having  been  first  promulgated  a  year 
later,  in  667. 

The  two  inscriptions  are  flanked  by  a  pair  of  low  bas-reliefs  poorly  cut, 
each  displaying  a  lion  seen  in  profile,  enclosed  in  a  rectangular  frame. 

The  two  animals,  which  are  similar  on  either  side  of  the  bridge,  face  one 
another  in  the  same  attitude,  "passant"  and  "  Idopard^"  to  speak  heraldically. 
They  are  indifferently  executed  in  pure  Arab  style.     The  lion  on  the  right 

*  The  formula  are  generally  cut  shorter,  and  the  date  is  omitted. 

t  The  second  inscription  adds  the  patronymic  hoi  'Omar,  "son  of 'Omar." 

Tour  from  /cnisahiii  to  fujjii  unci  the  Coiiiitiy  of  Samson. 

1 1 

has  his  right  paw  raised  ;  in  front  of  him,  beneath  the  threatening  claws,  sits 
a  tiny  quadruped,  seen  in  profile,  which,  from  its  pointed  nose  and  ears  as 
well  as  its  long  tail  bent  vertically  along  its  back,  can  only  be  taken  for  a  rat 
or  squirrel,  or  perhaps  a  jerboa  (?).  The  little  creature  has  its  front  paws 
stretched  out  towards  the  lion,  apparently  in  an  attitude  of  entreaty. 

The  lion  on  the  left  is  lifting  his  left  paw.  In  front  of  him  is  a  small 
quadruped,  obviously  a  repetition  of  the  former  one.  The  characteristic  long 
tail  of  the  animal  does  not  appear  in  the  drawing,  but  exists  in  the  original  ; 
only  in  this  case  it  is  bent  back  between  the  hind  paws  and  lies  along  the 
right  thigh. 

These  representations  recall  those  oriental  apologues  wherein  the  lion 
and  the  rat  appear,  and  perhaps  contain  some  allusion  to  the  repeated  victories 
of  Sultan  Beibars  over  the  Crusaders,  whom  he  crushed  in  several  encounters, 
and  successively  deprived  of  Cresarea,  Arsuf,  Safed,  and  lastly  Jaffa,  the 
neighbour  town  to  Lydda.  Can  there  be  some  play  in  the  words  far  (  ,Uj 
"rat"  and  knj/ a  r  (jlii).''  "  the  infidels  ?"  or  is  it  intended  to  caricature  the 
lion  rampant,  the  device  of  the  Lusignans,  kings  of  Cyprus  and  Jerusalem, 
by  representing  it  as  a  rat?""' 

In  any  case,  these  lions  are  of  singular  interest  for  the  history  of  heraldry 
among  the  Mussulmans.  We  know  from  Arabic  writers  that  the  rank\  or 
"heraldic  emblems"  of  Sultan  Beibars  was  a  lion,  and  I  have  found  that 
animal  on  numerous  structures  in  Syria  and  Egypt  raised  by  that  sovereign. 
It  is  also  represented  on  his  coins,  both  gold,  silver,  and  bronze. 

*  'J'he  question  also  occurs  whether  it  was  intended  to  travesty  the  leopard  of  the  Eiiglith 
royal  arms  ;  for  the  bridge  of  Lydda,  as  I  shall  explain  later  on,  was  built  just  at  the  time  when 
Beibars  was  in  conflict  with  Prince  Edward.  The  western  name  leopard  transliterated  into 
Arabic,  ilij-i-!)  presented  an  opportunity  for  a  play  on  Jar,  the  name  for  a  rat,  and  thus  jxrhajis 
gave  rise  to  the  contemptuous  allusion. 

t  From  the  Persian  raiii:;,  "colour." 

114  A rch(FoIogica/  Researches  in  Palestine. 

Beibars  was  a  great  bridcje-builder.  I  have  noted  in  Arabic  chronicles 
quite  an  imposing  number  of  these  structures  executed  by  his  orders.  That 
at  Lydda  is  expressly  mentioned  by  the  anonymous  author  of  the  Life  of 
Beibars,*  who  speaks  of  "two  bridges  built  by  Beibars  in  672,  in  the  neigh- 
bourhood of  Ramleh,  to  facilitate  the  passage  of  troops."  The  agreement  of 
the  dates  denotes  that  one  of  the  two  bridges  is  ours.  Another  remains  to  be 
discovered  in  these  parts.  My  first  thought  was  of  ihejisr  es  Sildd,  which  is 
three  miles  further  to  the  north,  but  I  now  incline  to  another  opinion,  which  1 
will  enunciate  latent  The  chiefly  strategic  object  of  these  two  bridges  proves 
that  they  were  intended  to  ensure  a  permanent  communication  along  the 
highway  between  Egypt  and  Northern  Syria,  which  passed  through  Ramleh 
and  Lydda,  and  was  cut  up  by  numerous  wadys  originating  in  the  Judaean 

It  was  especially  important  to  Beibars,  as  the  requirements  of  war  and 
politics  continually  summoned  him  from  one  end  of  the  kingdom  to  another 
during  his  victorious  struggle  against  the  Crusaders  and  his  native  rivals,  and 
he  had  need  of  solid  bridges  to  secure  a  way  at  all  seasons  across  the  wadys 
that  intersected  his  route,  not  only  for  men  and  horses  but  also — which  was 
most  important — for  baggage  and  siege  artillery  [inanjdnik). 

In  the  case  of  the  bridge  of  Lydda,  Beibars  had  an  immediate  and 
special  interest  in  making  safe  the  north  road  from  Lydda,  so  that  his  troops 
could  move  rapidly  forward  and  cover  Ramleh,  Lydda,  and  the  plain  as  far  as 
Carmel,  in  cast!  of  a  hostile  movement  on  the  part  ot  the  Crusaders.  In 
1 27 1  Prince  Edward  of  England  had  pushed  a  daring  raid  as  far  as  Kakun, 
thus  threatening  Lydda.  Here  was  a  danger  to  be  guarded  against,  more 
especially  as  Prince  Edward  had  refused  in  person  to  subscribe  to  the  truce  of 
Csesarea  formed  in  1272  by  Beibars  with  King  Hugh,  thinking  to  renew  the 
incursions  that  he  had  found  so  profitable.  Beibars  adopted  two  measures, 
first  he  tried,  in  1272,  to  get  rid  of  the  English  Prince  by  assassination,  and 
oddly  enough  it  was  ihtt  Emir  of  Rani/ek\  who  prompted  him  to  this  base 
attempt,  which  was  disavowed  by  Beibars,  after  its  failure,  as  an  excess  of 
zeal.  Secondly  (in  1273)  he  built  the  bridge  of  Lydda.  The  coincidence  in 
date  between  these  two  occurrences  is  most  significant,  and  points  to  a  close 
relationship  between  them. 

*  An  Arabic  MS.,  as  yet  unpublished,  in  the  BibHoth^ue  Nationale  :    Supplement,  No.  803. 

t  See  further  on,  p.  173,  my  account  of  the  bridge  of  Yebna. 

X  For  fuller  details  of  this  dramatic  episode,  see  my  remarks  further  on  about  Yebn;i,  p.  175. 

Tour  from  Jcnisali-iii  to   Jaffa  and  tlic   Cointfrv  of  Samson. 


Apparently  then  everything  concurs  to  persuade  us  that  the  bridge  of 
Lydda  was  of  pure  Arab  origin  ;  and  yet,  as  I  have  already  pointed  out,  a 
close  examination  reveals  a  most  unexpected  archaeological  fact — the  greater 
part  of  the  materials  of  the  bridge  of  Beibars  are  of  IVestei^i  origin. 

The  stones  display  the  mediaeval  slanting  tool-marks,  an  infallible 
indication  of  the  work  of  the  Crusaders ;  moreo\'er,  many  of  them  bear 
masons'  marks  that  are  absolutely  conclusive.  For  instance,  several  stones 
of  the  central  arch  have  the  W-  In  the  special  Table  of  Vol.  I  will  be  found 
a  series  of  these  marks  which  I  noted,  and  there  are  certainly  plenty  more  that 
must  have  escaped  me.  They  may  all  be  found  on  the  stones  of  the  church 
of  Lydda  that  have  remained  in  their  old  position. 

The  outline  of  the  mouldings  of  the  marble  cornices  that  overhang  and 
protect  the  bas-reliefs,  and  the  Arabic  inscriptions,  are  anything  but  Arab  in 
style.  We  could  not  take  a  drawing  of  these,  so  as  to  compare  the  outlines 
with  that  of  the  mouldings  in  the  church  at  Lydda.  We  ought,  likewise,  to 
have  satisfied  ourselves  that  it  did  not  display  the  mediaeval  tool-marking. 
Happily,  I  am  in  a  position  to  fill  up  this  lacuna,  thanks  to  the  kindness  of 
M.  van  Berchem,  who  has  been  so  good  as  to  verify  this  detail  carefully  at 
my  request.  I  cannot  do  better  than  to  transcribe  here,  in  a  shortened  form, 
the  notes  that  he  has  sent  me  : 

"  The  cornice  over  the  inscription  (on  the  side  looking  up  stream)  appears  to  be 
Latin,  but  it  is  smooth,  and  made  of  polished  marble  without  strins  (a).  This  cornice 
is  of  different  workmanslu'p  from  the  one  with  the  inscription,  and  from  the 
lions  ;  it  is  of  marble,  instead  of  the  coarse-grained  limestone  worked  by  the 
Arabs.     The  corresponding  cornice  on  the  down  side  has  a  profile  Hke  this  (b). 


^      -f 

A. — Approximate  Profile. 

The  surface  has   strix  very  slightly  slanting,  and    almost  horizontal,  having 
their  direction  determined  by  the  concave-convex  surface  of  the  doucine.* 

*  In  conformity  witfi  the  general  rule  set  forth  above  for  the  dressing  of  mcdiaival  Western 
origin.  The  profile  of  one  of  these  cornices  recalls  in  striking  fashion  that  of  the  moulding 
over  the  abacus  of  the  capitals  of  the  mediaeval  church  of  Lydda.  (See  the  sketch  given  above 
[p.  108],  and  Plate  XX\TT,  in  Vogiie's  jtglises  d:  la  Terrc  Saintc) 

0    2 


Ai'chceological  Researches  in  Palestine. 

Lastly,  the  central  pointed  arch,  instead  of  having  a  keystone,  as  is  the 
case  with  all  Arab  ogives,  has  the  vertical  joint  passing  through  the  middle.'"' 
Now  it  is  a  matter  of  common  knowledge  that  the  vertical  joint  is  the  mark  of  a 
specific  difference!  between  the  arch  of  the  Westerns — three-centered — and  the 
Arab  arch.  From  a  statical  point  of  view  the  two  arches  are  constructed  on 
quite  different  principles.  The  Arab  pointed  arch,  with  its  keystone,  is  in  a 
sense  an  imitation  semi-circular  arch.  While  we  are  dealing  with  this  matter, 
I  should  like  to  draw  attention  to  a  curious  point  of  relation  hitherto  unnoticed. 
The  tiers  point  or  three-centered  arch,  commonly  called  now-a-days  by 
F"rench  architects  the  ogive,  sometime  also  in  mediaeval  language  went  by  the 
name  of  five-centered  arch  or  quint  point. \  Now  when  I  was  at  Jerusalem 
I  heard  natives — men  engaged  in  the  trade — call  the  pointed  arch,  as 
opposed  to  the  semi-circular  arch,  KImnies,  "fifth"  ((^^..^...^o^),  which  answers 
exactly  to  the  mediaeval  name  of  quint  point  ox  five-ccntered.\ 

I  will  add  a  few  more  remarks  which  I  owe  to  M.  van  Berchem,  and 
which  are  a  further  confirmation  of  the  preceding,  or  serve  to  make  them  more 

"The  two  "heads"  of  the  middle  arch  consist  of  striated  blocks,  much  better  set 
up  than  those  of  the  main  part  of  the  bridge.  The  latter  is  of  small  tufous  rubble, 
mixed  with  striated   blocks.     The  two   side  arches  are  also  of  small  rubble  (Arab 

dressing) ;    however,  these   arches  also  present 

a  vertical  joint,  like  the  middle  arch,  with  the 

exception  of  that  on  the  west,  which  has  on  the 

north  side  an  Arab  keystone  .  .  .    The  central 

arch  (Crusaders'  materials)  shows  all  along  its 

edge    a    quadrant-shaped    moulding;!!    now    on 

several  of  the  blocks  of  the  head  of  the  arch  this 

moulding  occurs  again,  not  only  on  the  outside, 

at    a,  but  also   on   the  inner  edge  at   Ij,   in  the  intrados,  which   proves  that  they 

original!}'    formed  part    of  an  "  arc  doubleau "  or    a    Gothic    rib,  and  would   tend 

to  confirm  your  hypothesis,  which  appears  to  me  altogether  probable." 

*  This  difference,  however,  is  not  invariable,  for  the  Crusaders  have  not  infrequently 
employed  in  Palestine  the  Arab  system  of  arches  with  keystones. 

t  M.  Lecomte's  drawing  takes  no  notice  of  this  important  detail,  but  I  have  since  been 
able  to  assure  myself  of  it  beyond  a  doubt,  from  a  photograph  that  I  had  made  in  1887,  with 
the  kind  assistance  of  Frere  Lievin  and  M.  Bonfils.  I  have  given  a  photograph  of  this  already 
(p.  III). 

\  See  Villard  de  Honnecourt's  Album. 

%  The  origin  of  these  names  would  furnish  abundant  material  for  discussion.  I  intend  to 
return  later  on  to  this  important  question,  and  have  collected  a  quantity  of  notes  concerning  it. 

II  See  the  engraving  already  given  (p.  1 1 1). 

Tour  from  fcntsalciii  to  /af/a  ami  the   Count rv  of  Samson.  1 1  7 

Though  the  materials  are  of  mediaeval  origin,  it  was  certainly  not  the 
Crusaders  who  built  this  bridge.  The  patches,  bad  joins,  unevennesses,  and 
faulty  dressing  of  the  stone  which  are  visible  in  the  setting  up  of  these 
heterogeneous  materials  betray  the  process  of  working  up  that  they  have 
evidently  been  through."  Besides,  the  bridge  is  nowhere  mentioned  in  the 
annals  of  the  Crusaders,  and  Beibars  loudly  claims  the  honour  of  having  built 
it.  He  speaks  truly,  but  what  he  omits  to  say  is  that  the  person  charged  by 
him  to  construct  with  all  speed  this  much  needed  bridge,  hit  upon  the  idea  of 
making  a  quarry  of  the  ruins  of  the  Crusaders'  church  demolished  by  Saladin 
nearly  a  century  before.  The  central  arch  of  the  bridge,  at  any  rate,  is  simply 
one  of  the  arches  of  the  church,  indifferently  set  up.  In  the  main  part  of  the 
structure  there  are  even  tambours  of  half-columns  imbedded  in  the  pilasters, 
with  their  masons'  marks  on  each  tambour.  Thus  the  bridge  of  Lydda  forms 
a  necessary  complement  to  the  church,  which  explains  why  I  have  thought  it 
desirable  to  submit  it  to  a  detailed  examination  from  an  historical  as  well 
as  an  archaeological  standpoint. 

This  bridge  goes  by  the  name  of  "Bridge  of  Jindas"  [/isr  findds)  among 
the  natives,  from  the  name  of  a  small  village  lying  quite  near  it  to  the  east. 
According  to  a  local  tradition  which  I  heard  at  Jindas  itself,  the  origin  of  the 
village  only  dates  back  to  the  construction  of  the  bridge,  that  is  to  say  to  1273. 

This  tradition  seems  at  first  sight  to  be  in  flagrant  contradiction  with  a 
Latin  charter  of  1129,  which  mentions  the  "casal"  of  Geiidas  in  the  territory 
of  Lydda,  t  most  certainly  identical  with  our  Jindas.  This  is  144  years  before 
the  building  of  the  bridge  by  Beibars. 

However,  the  tradition  may  be  perfectly  well  founded,  and  not  incom- 
patible with  fact. 

The  truth  is,  it  strikes  me  as  more  than  probable  that  the  bridge  itself 
is  not,  any  more  than  the  stones  which  to-day  compose  it,  the  work  of  Arabs 
in  the  first  instance.  I  discovered  inside  one  of  the  small  lateral  arches 
(that  on  the  right  as  you  look  at  the  side  facing  up  stream)  the  remains  of  a 
ruined  arch  of  still  earlier  date.  The  springs  of  it  are  marked  A-B 
on  geometrical  elevation  (see  above,  p.  1 1 1 ).     This  arch  was  semi-circular. 

*  Thus,  for  instance,  the  central  arch  of  the  down  side  has  been  so  badly  re-set  that  the 
joint  at  the  top,  originally  vertical,  varies  appreciably  from  the  normal  vertical,  and  inclines  to  the 
right,  as  may  be  seen  from  a  photograph  of  it  taken  by  M.  van  Berchem. 

t  Delaville  Le  Roulx,  Cartiilaire  generat  des  Hospitaliers,  No.  84  ;  cf.  No.  225  (act  of  the 
year  1154):  "in  territorio  Liddensi." 

ii8  Arclurological  Researches  iu  Palestine. 

as  appears  from  a  calculation  of  the  curve.  The  keystone  must  have  been 
more  than  13  feet  below  the  intrados  of  the  ogive  arch  which  surmounts  it  at 
the  present  day.  This  difference  in  level  is  the  result  of  the  gradual  filling-up 
of  the  bed  of  the  wady  by  alluvial  deposits,  which  would  point  to  a  considerable 
interval,  certainly  some  centuries,  between  the  construction  of  these  two 
bridges,  quite  different  in  form. 

It  may  well  be  supposed  that  long  before  the  thirteenth  century,  perhaps 
as  early  as  the  Roman,  or  at  least  the  Byzantine  period,  there  was  already 
a  bridge  at  this  point,  which  lies  on  an  important  highway  of  Palestine,  that 
uniting  Lydda  (Diospolis)  and  Csesarea  by  way  of  Antipatris.  The  Arab 
bridge  was  founded  on  the  remains  of  this  ancient  one,  and  probaby  at  one 
time  or  another  the  hands  of  the  Byzantines  also  were  busy  with  the  latter. 

It  is  not  impossible  that  the  old  bridge  of  Lydda  is  the  place  alluded  to 
in  the  Talmud,  in  speaking  of  the  copy  of  the  Torah  that  was  burnt  by  the 
sacrilegious  Apostomos,  that  is,  if  we  really  must  follow  the  commentators  in 
rendering  the  words  "171  ^^nili^Q  Ma'abartha  de  Lod,  by  "the  bridge  of  Lydda." 

In  any  case  these  facts  enable  us  to  understand  how  the  inhabitants  of 
Jindas  can  assert,  without  grievous  error,  that  their  village,  though  mentioned 
at  least  as  early  as  the  twelfth  century,  was  contemporary  with  a  bridge  which 
at  first  one  would  not  suppose  to  have  existed  before  the  end  of  the  thirteenth, 
since  this  bridofe  dates  back  much  earlier  than  the  thirteenth  or  even  the 
twelfth  century.  Jindas  therefore  may  very  well  be  contemporary,  as  local 
tradition  has  it,  with  this  ancient  Byzantine  or  Roman  bridge. 

This  name  Jindas  has  not  an  Arab  or  even  a  Semitic  appearance. 
Possibly  it  may  be  merely  a  corruption  of  the  male  name  Te.vvahio'i,  which 
was  common  enough  in  the  Byzantine  era.  Gennddios,  or  Gennddis  (FevmSts), 
as  the  pronunciation  was  in  Syria  at  that  period,  would  be  regularly  trans- 
literated into  Arabic  as  Jenddis  ^^^jjU^  ;  there  exists  about  ten  miles  from 
Lydda,  to  the  north-east  and  quite  near  'Abbud,  a  locality  bearing  the  latter 
name.  I  allude  to  the  Mng/ir  Jinddis  of  the  Map  (.Sheet  XIV,  kq). 
Jenadis  looks  like  a  plural  form  of  Jindas,  but  it  is  quite  within  the  bounds  of 
possibility  that  it  was  just  this  look  which  produced  the  corrupt  {orm  Jindas, 
and  that  this  later  on  was  artificially  constructed  as  a  singular  out  of  the 
primitive  type  Jenddis,  which  has  the  air  of  a  plural.  So  Jisr  Jindas  may 
mean  simply  the  bridge  of  Gennadios,  some  more  or  less  official  personage  of 
the  Byzantine  period,  who,  we  may  suppose,  attached  his  name  to  the  con- 
struction or  reconstruction  of  the  bridge  of  Lydda  and  from  the  bridge  the 
name  may  have  passed  on  to  the  neighbouring  village. 

Tour  from   [cniui/ii/i  lo  fafia  ami  the  Country  of  Samson. 


Mosque  of  Ramlkh. 

During  our  stay  at  Lydda  we  went  to  see  the  Mosque  at  Ramleh,  which 
also  is  an  old   mediaeval  church  converted.       Being  aware   that  the   Survey 
Party  had  made  a  special  study  of  it  some  months  before,  I  confined  mysel 
to  noting  a  few  details. 

In  the  reveal  of  the  window  above  the  modern  door  on  the  right  hand 
side  is  a  masons'  mark  twice  repeated. 

In  the  embrasure  of  the  window  of  the  right  apse,  and  to  the  right  and 
left  sides,  are  three  or  four  different  masons'  marks.  (See  the  Special  Table 
in  Vol.  I.) 

Above  the  door  of  the  stairs  leading  to  the  minaret,  a  fine  block  of 
marble,  carved  on  three  sides,  has  been  let  in  to  do  duty  as  a  lintel.  Un- 
fortunately it  has  been  mutilated  by  the  cutting  to  which  it  has  been  subjected 
to  fit  it  to  its  new  purpose.  Here  are  four  sketches  showing  the  position  and 
general  shape  of  the  lintel,  looking  at  the  various  sides  accessible. 

Outer  face. 

Inner  face. 





TT^.TT-//-  -'.7/ 

-/////^/y/yy//////,.'  /A' 


Mosque  at  Kami.kii.      IJetails— Scale  ,',-.. 




Arclurolooical  Researches  in  Palestine. 

I  took  some  very  good  squeezes  of  the  three  sculptured  sides  that  were 
visible.      Here  follow  exact  drawings  made  by  M.  Lecomte  from  the  squeezes. 


^m^iMS/,:w..  '^? 


-" — yyy/^M)^//y^y/'imj 

1^1  __:  .AM 

A  — Two  fantastic  horned  quadrupeds  facing  one  another,  to  the  right  and 
left  of  a  mystic  vase,  from  which  emerge  two  vine  plants  laden  with  leaves 
and  fruit,  enveloping  the  animals.  Above,  a  denticulate  border.  It  will  be 
noticed  en  the  left  that  the  lower  border,  which  is  moulded,  rises  to  form  a 
semi-circle  enclosing  a  part  that  has  been  slightly  scooped  out,  or  considerably 
hammered  down,  with  a  view,  probably,  to  remove  some  central  subject 
enclosed  within  it.  The  restoration  of  this  semi-circle  is  an  evident  necessity  : 
it  is  indicated  by  a  dotted  line  in  the  engraving  (page  1 19).  It  shows  that  the 
block  in  its  original  state  must  have  been  much  longer,  as  the  semi-circle 
must  mark  the  middle  of  it.      It  is  to  be  presumed  that  there  was  a  sculptured 

Toiir  fr-oni  Jerusalem  to  Jaffa  and  the  Country  of  Savtson.  121 

scene  to  the  left  of  the  semi-circle  of  the  same  extent  as  the  one  on  the  right, 
and  forming  a  symmetrical  pendent  to  it.  The  block  must  have  been  cut  to 
the  length  required  to  convert  it  into  a  lintel.  From  these  various  considera- 
tions I  estimate  the  original  length  of  the  stone  at  2"''  60. 

B — The  rear  face  of  the  lintel  presents,  in  its  upper  part,  the  same  line 
of  toothed  border  as  the  front  face  ;  the  same  moulded  border  likewise  existed, 
no  doubt,  in  the  lower  part,  but  has  disappeared,  the  stone  having  been  cut 
away  and  chopped  off  in  parts.  Here  the  decorations  consist  of  three 
medallions,  so  to  call  them,  formed  by  interlacing  foliage,  separated  by 
three  flowers  clustered.  On  the  two  medallions  to  the  right  and  left  are 
carved  two  more  or  less  fantastic  birds  (storks  ?  or  ostriches  ?),  with  long 
bending  necks,  and  bills  pointing  downwards.  The  centre  medallion  doubt- 
less presented  another  subject,  but  has  been  so  carefully  hammered  out  as  to 
be  undistinguishable.  I  suspect  that  it  was  some  emblem  of  Christianity 
of  a  more  marked  character  than  the  mystic  vase  on  the  front  face,  which 
particularly  shocked  the  orthodoxy  of  the  Mussulmans.  To  the  left  of  the 
left  medallion  is  an  ornament  consisting  of  a  lozenge  inscribed  in  a  rectangle 
with  a  knob  in  the  centre  ;  this  motive  must  have  been  symmetrically  repeated 
on  the  right,  and  then  immediately  next  the  lozenge,  which  is  intact,  came  the 
part  corresponding  to  the  semi-circle  on  the  front  face,  which  marks  the 
middle  of  the  lintel  in  its  primitive  condition.  To  the  right  of  this  semi-circle 
likewise  appeared,  we  may  suppose,  a  scene  forming  a  pendent  to  that  on 
the  left. 

c — Finally,  the  under  surface  of  the  lintel  is  also  carved  ;  but  a  portion 
of  the  carving  has  disappeared  in  course  of  the  cutting  made  to  receive  the 
top  of  the  doorway.  The  subject  represented,  of  which  only  the  lengthwise 
half  remains,  was  a  cross  inscribed  in  a  crown  encircled  by  a  fillet,  with  either 
end  terminating  in  an  ivy  leaf,  the  whole  being  within  a  moulded  rectangular 
frame.  Here  again  there  must  have  been,  at  the  other  end  of  the  lintel, 
and  perhaps  at  the  centre  also,  one  or  two  subjects  forming  a  pendent  to 
this  latter. 

The  sculptures  are  in  good  Byzantine  style  ;  and  the  subjects  belong  to 
Christian  symbolism.  It  is  difficult  to  fix  the  architectural  function  of  a  long 
narrow  block  like  this,  which  must  have  measured  2'"' 60  by  o'""2  7,  and  was 
intended  to  lie  horizontally  and  be  seen  on  three  sides.  It  was  certainly  not 
an  ordinary  lintel ;  its  length  would  have  been  excessive  considering  its 
height.  Possibly  it  was  supported  at  the  middle  by  an  upright  that  divided 
into  two  parts  the  opening  over  which  it  was  placed.      Certainly  it  must  have 

122  ArchtToIogical  Researches  in  Palestine. 

belonged  to  a  magnificent  building,  which  was  not  at  Ramleh,  but  rather  at 
Lydda,  the  great  episcopal  town,  which  possessed  in  addition  to  the  old 
Basilica  of  St.  George  some  other  fine  churches,  two  of  which,  notably,  were 
dedicated  to  the  Virgin.* 

It  has  been  supposed  that  the  minaret  might  be  the  ancient  belfry  of  the 
Crusaders.  The  thing  is  possible  ;  the  chief  arch  above  the  lintel,  with  its 
vertical  joint  in  the  middle,  must  be  mediaeval  in  its  materials,  if  not  in  the 
arrangement  or  re-arrangement  of  them,  but  in  any  case  this  belfry  must  have 
been  re-constructed,  at  least  in  part,  by  the  Mussulmans.  In  fact,  I  noticed 
over  the  lintel  described  above  an  Arabic  ta^'ikh,  which  I  unfortunately 
omitted  to  copy  in  full,  saying  that  this  minaret  was  built  in  the  year  714''' 
(=  1 3 14  of  our  era),  in  the  reign  of  Sultan  Naser  ed  Dunia  u'd  Din,  son  of 
el  IMelck  el  Mansur  Kelawun.  To  this  epoch  perhaps  we  should  refer  the 
mutilation  and  appropriation  of  the  carved  lintel. 

At  Ramleh  I  saw  a  small  tessera  of  terra-cotta  in  the 
hands  of  an  Arab,  and  managed  to  acquire  it.  It  is  square 
and  slightly  concave;  the  side  measures  o'""035.  One  of 
its  sides  bears  a  representation  rudely  carved  in  relief,  in 
which  one  can  make  out  a  bird  with  outspread  wings 
pouncing  on  a  running  quadruped.  This  is  probably  the 
traditional  subject  of  the  eagle  attacking  the  hare. 
A  Greek  inscription  said  to  exist.  —  I  had  been  told  in  1869  J  by  a  native 
of  Jerusalem  that  there  was  at  Ramleh,  at  the  house  of  a  Mussulman 
named  Jaber,  a  kerb  of  a  well  with  a  Greek  inscription.  According 
to  other  information  acquired  about  the  same  time,  this  object  was  at 
Lydda,  with  the  Christian  servant  of  Rabah  Effendy  el  Huseiny.  I  had 
not  the  leisure  to  verify  these  indications,  but  wish  to  point  them  out  to 
future  explorers. 

*  I  find  them  mentioned  in  a  synodal  letter  of  836,  published  a  few  years  back  by  Sakkelion. 
One  of  these  two  churches  must  have  been  still  in  existence  at  the  end  of  the  12th  century,  to 
judge  by  a  passage  in  "Aly  el  Herewy  quoted  by  M.  le  Strange  without  further  comment :  "  Here 
too,  is  the  house  of  Maryani,  and  this  the  Franks  hold  in  great  veneration."  {Palestine  under  tlie 
Moslems.,  p.  494.)    . 

t  I  am  not  sure  as  to  the  last  of  the  three  figures.  Naser  ed  Dunia  ii'd  Din  is  the  same 
as  the  Sultan  to  whom  Mujir  ed  Din  expressly  attributes  the  building  of  the  great  tower  of 
Jame'  el  Abiadh,  which  was  completed  in  718  a.h. 

1    1869,  Garnet  III,  p.  12. 

Tour  from  Jerusalem  to  Jaffa  and  the  Country  of  Samson.         123 

Between  Lydda  and  Jaffa. 

We  left  Lydda  for  Jaffa  on  the  morning  of  June  loth.  We  took  a  direct 
route  for  Sarfand  (Surafend),  and  were  not  able  to  visit  Safiriyeh.  The  name 
of  the  latter  is  pronounced  Sdjriyeh.    The  ethnic  is  Sifi-dny,  plural  Sdfarneh. 

At  Sarfand  we  found  the  fellahin  for  the  most  part  living  in  huts  of 
branches  i^arish),  recalling  the  sukkoth  of  the  Bible.  Had  it  not  been  for  the 
difference  of  the  season,  we  might  have  imagined  ourselves  at  the  Feast  of 

In  the  village  we  went  to  see  the  sanctuary  dedicated  to  Neby  Lokjiidii 
el  Hakim  and  his  son.  In  the  interior  of  the  Kubbeh  is  a  large  white-washed 
cenotaph,  having  an  orientation  quite  different  from  that  of  the  square 
chamber  in  which  it  is  placed,  lying  diagonally  across  it.  I  noticed  some 
fragments  of  columns  near.  Some  people  say,  I  was  told,  that  this  is  the 
genuine  tomb  of  Lokman,  others  that  it  is  merely  his  makdm  or  sanctuary. 
A  similar  division  on  this  point  was  early  manifested  in  the  written  tradition 
of  the  Mussulmans.  Mujir  ed  Din  speaks  of  the  tomb  of  Lokman  as  existing 
in  the  village  of  Sarfand,  and  adds  that,  according  to  Kotada,  the  tomb  is  at 

It  has  been  proposed,  with  much  ingenuity,  to  recognize  in  Lokman  not 
only  the  personality  but  also  the  name  of  Bala'am,  on  account  of  the  identity 
existing  between  the  two  roots  lakam  in  Arabic  and  hala'  in  Hebrew,  which 
both  signify  "  to  swallow." 

It  is  undeniable  that  in  the  Mussulman  legend  of  Lokman  a  number  of 
features  have  been  evidently  borrowed  from  the  story  of  Bala'am  ;  but  it  is 
equally  certain  that  many  others  are  borrowed  from  the  story  of  /Ksop, 
including  the  fables  ascribed  to  Lokman.  The  old  Arab  writers  themselves 
appear  to  have  recognized  two  distinct  personages  in  Lokman  :  Lokman  the 
'Adite  and  Lokman  the  sage.  I  am  moreover  of  opinion  that  there  lurks 
beneath  their  Lokman  a  third  personality,  namely,  \k\^  prophet  Gad,  who  jDlays 
such  an  important  part  in  the  history  of  David.  The  question  would  be  too 
long  to  discuss  in  this  place,  but  any  one  can  easily  convince  himself  of  what  I 
say  by  considering  all  that  the  hadiths  say  about  the  relations  between 
Lokman  and  David.  It  is,  I  think,  this  third  aspect  of  the  heterogeneous 
personality  of  Lokman  that  is  the  subject  of  the  local  traditions  of  Sarfand.* 

*  I  need  not  remind  my  readers  that  Bala'am  himself  became  in  the  eyes  of  the  Talmudists 
an  cpigraniatic  personification  of  Jesus,  and  was  the  germ  of  the  Jewish  notion  of  the  anti-Christ, 
wliich  wah  taken  u])  by  the  Mussulmans  and  ai)[)licd  to  the  Dejjal. 

R    2 

124  Archceologicixl  Researches  in  Palestine. 

The  inhabitants  of  Sarfand,  who  appear  very  proud  of  their  makam  of 
Lokman,  informed  me  that  his  son  was  called  Mtishkidm. 

I  saw  near  the  village  several  fine  pieces  of  white  marble  newly  unearthed, 
comprising  a  carved  capital,  a  fragment  of  a  Kufic  inscription,  and  an  Arabic 
inscription  of  great  size  inscribed  on  a  magnificent  abacus.  I  could  not  copy 
it  on  account  of  the  unamiable  attitude  of  the  inhabitants,  who  said  to  me 
ironically,  "This  inscription  signifies,  Mal'iin  ibn  ei-ma/'nn  elly  bikaddeni  'ala 
hal-beled  cl-niMdesch,  which  is  to  sa)- :  "  Cursed  son  of  a  cursed  father  is  he 
who  comes  into  this  country  to  make  plans."  I  took  the  application  to  myself, 
and  did  not  press  them  further,  being  rather  anxious  not  to  alarm  their 
susceptibilities,  as  I  wanted  to  ask  them  for  a  guide  to  take  me  to  the  places  I 
am  about  to  speak  of. 

I  noticed  some  curious  transpositions  of  letters  in  the  dialect  of  the 
fellahin  of  Sarfand.  For  instance  they  say  bukbd  and  kdby  instead  of  bubkd, 
bdky  (  Ja.'  +  t_;,    ^l').  "he  remains,  remaining." 

I  obtained  the  desired  guide  after  some  trouble,  and  we  set  off.  As  we 
went  along,  the  fellah,  who  was  at  the  outset  uncommunicative,  was  pleased 
to  break  silence,  and  I  sfot  some  information  out  of  him. 

He  confirmed  me  in  two  points  I  had  noted  already  at  Lydda,  the 
pronunciation  Siirfand  for  Sarfand  and  the  legendary  name  of  the  village 

He  told  me  that  at  Kubeibeh  (near  Yebna)  there  was  a  Xeby  ShemoM 
(Simeon).  To  the  east  of  Sarfand  and  quite  near  it,  is  a  low  mound  of  small 
size,  called  Dhahrat  Bnscileh,  where  it  would  appear  a  great  quantity  of 
squared  stones  have  been  found.  Possibly  this  is  where  those  above-mentioned 
came  from.  Formerly  this  place  was  called  Ddr  Melek  'Akds,  "  the  house  of 
King  'Akas." 

Sarfand  el  Khardb. — After  fifty  minutes  or  so  we  arrived  at  Sarfand  el 
Khardb,  "  Sarfand  the  Ruined,"  lying  to  the  south-west  of  the  present  village, 
which,  for  distinction's  sake,  is  surnamed  "The  Inhabited"  [Sarfand  el 
'Amdr).  I  find  this  double  nomenclature  repeated  in  the  official  lists  of  the 
local  authorities,  which  certainly  are  copied  from  older  lists.  Here  there 
is  an  authentic  instance  of  the  transference  of  a  locality,  along  with  its  name, 
to  another  spot.  It  only  shows  how  careful  one  has  to  be  in  making  geogra- 
phical identifications  in  Palestine. 

The  place  presents  unmistakable  signs  of  antiquity.  We  contented 
ourselves  with  a  hasty  glance  at  it,  just  noting  a  few  more  or  less  significant 
names  given  to  various  parts  of  the  ruins  :    el  Bauberiyeh.  el  Habes,  Tdhnnl 

Tour  from  Jerusalem  to  Jaffa  and  tJie  Country  of  Samson.  1 2  5 

el  Hawd*  Sarfand  el  Kharab  is  probably  of  older  date  than  Sarfand  el 
'Amar,  and  ought,  I  think,  to  come  in  for  a  share  of  the  many  identifications, 
more  or  less  plausible,  that  have  been  suggested  for  the  latter.  Native  tradition 
attributes  its  destruction  and  subsequent  desertion  to  Ibrahim  Pasha,  but  I 
think  it  must  date  much  farther  back  than  that. 

Lft/iek. — About  half  an  hour  to  the  south-west  they  say  is  Kh.  Liilieh^ 
with  ruins  of  considerable  extent.  There  used  to  be  at  Lulieh  a  Kasr  bent 
Abu  S/iarbaj\t^  "  the  castle  of  the  daughter  of  Abu  Sharbaj."  The  princess's 
name  was  Lii/tek.  Her  father  had  shut  her  up  in  his  castle.  She  secretly 
desired  to  marry.  Each  day  she  asked  her  father  for  water  from  a  new  source  ; 
each  day  the  king  had  a  new  well  dug.  At  last  it  was  told  him  :  "  What  she 
wants  is  a  husband,"  and  then  he  gave  her  in  marriage.  This  is  the  origin 
of  the  "thirty  wells  "  that  are  to  be  seen  at  Khurbet  Lulieh. 

'Aynn  Kara. — However,  I  hastened  to  verify  the  statement  furnished  me 
at  Lydda,  that  there  was  in  these  parts  a  spot  called  A'yfm  Kara.  Either 
from  ignorance  or  ill-will  on  the  part  of  our  guide  from  Sarfand,  we  had 
endless  trouble  in  discovering  the  real  place,  but  in  the  end  we  got  there. 
The  spot  is  marked  by  a  number  of  holes  in  some  sand-dunes,  with  fresh 
water  welling  up  in  them,  and  forming  a  little  verdant  meadow  all  round.  We 
ascended  a  high  dune  near,  from  which  the  "  Back '''  of  Jaffa  (a  ver)-  small  part 
of  it)  can  be  seen  over  another  dune.  Some  ten  minutes  to  the  east  of  the 
springs  is  a  certain  Khiirbet  Kara,  which  has  given  its  name  to  the  springs,  or 
else  borrowed  it  of  them.  The  whole  chain  of  sandy  dunes  bordering  the 
road  from  Gaza  on  the  west  till  the  beiydra  of  Shahin  Agha  is  called  Wdtdt 
el 'Aynn,  or  Wddy  'Ay  fin  Kdrd. 

*  I  also  find  a  Birket  Hauran  written  down  in  my  field  book,  but,  from  the  indefinite 
character  of  the  entrj',  I  cannot  tell  whether  this  name  is  appUed  to  one  of  the  two  birkeh  \-isible 
at  Sarfand  el  Kharab,  or  to  one  of  the  places  in  the  vicinity  afterwards  mentioned. 

t  See  above,  where  the  same  name,  Lulieh,  is  ascribed  by  local  tradition  to  Yalo. 

X  I  am  not  sure  as  to  the  exact  form  of  the  name,  or  rather  word,  which  appears  in  this 
appellation.  Can  it  be  Charbaj,  for  Karbaj  1  Kurbaj  signifies  a  wine-seller's  shop.  I  wonder 
whether  Luheh,  which  is  employed  as  a  woman's  name  in  the  legend  of  the  peasants  of  Sarfand, 
may  possibly  correspond  with  Julia  ('Ioi/X<'a,  '\ov\iTf)  ?  It  is  weU  known  (and  I  shall  recur 
to  this  later  on)  that  the  Hellenising  Jews  had  a  habit  of  changing  initial  /  into  /  in  foreign 
names,  such  as  Julianus  (Luliani).  We  have,  perhaps,  in  Lulieh  a  survival  of  this  phonetic 
permutation,  possibly  engendered  by  the  presence  of  the  /  at  the  beginning  of  the  second 
syllable.  It  will  be  noticed  that  precisely  the  same  phonetic  conditions  are  present  in  the  case 
of  Yalo=Lulieh.  Many  towns  of  antiquity  bore  the  name  of  Julia :  in  Palestine  even  Bethsaida 
had  received  from  Herod  the  name  of  'XovXia",  in  honour  of  Julia,  daughter  of  Augustus.  Another 
town  of  Peraea  {Betharamtha)  bore  the  same  name. 

126  ArcJurological  Researches  in  Palestine. 

The  presence  of  the  springs  justifies  the  supposition  that  there  must  have 
been  an  ancient  settlement  here;  but  what  was  it?  I  have  mentioned  that, 
according  to  native  Greek  tradition,  Kara  would  have  been  once  a  bishopric. 
There  are  several  places  in  the  old  ecclesiastical  lists  of  Palestine,  such  as 
Onous,  Sozousa,  etc.,  which  have  not  yet  been  identified,  and  perhaps  one  of 
them  corresponds  to  our  Kara. 

The  idea  also  occurred  to  me — I  put  it  forward  with  all  reserve — that 
Kara,  with  its  remarkable  springs,  might  be  the  Uanite  city  Me-Jarkon,  "the 
green  or  yellow  waters,"  near  Jaffa.  This  would  involve  the  supposition 
of  a  change  from  pp-|"i  to  \J^-,  by  syncope  of  the  yod,  aphaeresis  of  the 
termination  on,  and  metathesis  of  koph  and  irsch,  which  are  all  common 
phonetic  phenomena  in  Arabic.  If  the  town  of  Rakkon,  mentioned  imme- 
diately after  Me-Jarkon  in  the  Book  of  Joshua,  is  only  a  doublet  of  this,  as 
some  commentators  suppose,  the  identification  with  Kara  will  be  still  more 
seductive.  But  this  I  repeat  is  simple  guess-work.  Moreover,  I  am  quite 
aware  that  Tell  er  Rekkeit,  to  the  north  of  Jaffa,  may  also  lay  claim  to  be 
identified  with  Rakkon  if  not  with  Me-Jarkon. 

DdjAn. —  I  next  went  in  quest  of  the  Khiirbet  Ddjun,  the  name  of  which 
made  a  great  impression  on  me  when  I  heard  it  at  Lydda.  We  discovered 
it  upon  a  small  oblong  tell,  lying  between  'Ayun  Kara  and  Beit  Dejan,  called 
Dhalirat  Ddjiln,  not  far  from  the  wely  of  Sittnd  Nefiseh.  Though  the  ruins 
are  not  particularly  conspicuous,  I  have  no  doubt  that  the  tell  corresponds  to 
the  site  of  an  ancient  town,  more  ancient  probably  than  Beit  Dejan,  which  has 
adopted  its  name  in  a  form  slightly  different,  and  further  removed  from  the 
original.  Apparently  the  same  process  has  been  gone  through  here  as  in  the 
case  of  Sarfand  el  Kharab  and  Sarfand  el  'Amar,  a  transference  from  the  south 
to  the  north.  The  cause  was  doubtless  the  same,  the  desire  of  the  inhabitants 
to  quit  a  too  remote  locality  for  one  on  the  road  between  Jaffa  and  Ramleh. 
In  the  case  of  Dajun  there  was  perhaps,  in  addition,  the  danger  of  encroach- 
ment from  the  ever  progressing  sand  of  the  dunes  lying  to  the  south  of  Jaffa. 

It  would  be  obviously  convenient  to  transfer  to  Dajun  the  identifications 
suggested  for  Beit  Dejan,  namely,  with  the  Kaphar  Dagon  quoted  by 
Ono7nastieon,  and  the  Beth  Dagon  of  the  tribe  of  Judah. "'•  Kaphar  Dagon 
is  marked  as  an  important  Kajx-q  between  Diospolis  and  Jamnia,  whereas  it  is 
impossible  to  say  as  much  of  Beit  Dejan,  which  is  between  Lydda  and  Jaffa, 

*  The  name  of  the  town  mentioned  in  Joshua  xv,  41,  seems  to  me  to  be  really  Gederoili-Bclh 
Dcfvn,  and  ought  iieihaps  to  be  looked  for  further  south. 

Tour  from  Jcnisalcin  to  Jaffa  and  fJic  Conniry  of  Samson.         127 

and  not  between  Lydda  and  Yebna.  The  difficulty  is  far  from  being  fully 
removed  by  locating  Kaphar  Dagon  at  Dajun,  but  it  is  somewhat  lessened, 
as  Dajun,  from  its  more  southerly  position,  comes  nearer  the  line  joining 
Lydda  and  Yebna.*  It  should  further  be  noted  that  Eusebius  and  St. 
Jerome  employ  the  somewhat  vague  expression  "between,"  instead  of 
reckoning,  as  their  manner  is,  by  the  milestones  that  marked  out  the  routes 
in  their  day.  This  would  tend  to  show  that  Kaphar  Dagon  was  not  actually 
on  the  road  uniting  Diospolis  and  Jamnia.t 

If  the  Kaphar  Dagon  of  the  Onoiuasticon  really  answers  to  the  Beth 
Dagon  of  the  Bible,  it  is  at  Dajoun  that  the  two  of  them  should  be  located. 
By  combining  the  more  modern  name  Beit  Dejan  and  the  archaic  name 
DdJTin,  which  have  belonged  at  different  periods  to  a  village  that  has  gone 
through  a  process  of  removal,  we  get  all  the  onomastic  material  needed 
to  reconstruct  a  name  Beit  Ddjiin.  This  exactly  corresponds  to  Beth 
Dagon,  including  the  class-name  "Beth,"  "house,"  which  was  replaced,  at 
the  time  when  the  Onoinasticon  was  compiled,  by  the  class-name  Kaphar, 
"  village." 

I  attach  particular  importance  to  this  agreement  of  names,  as  the 
equation  Dagon  =  Ddjiin  =■  Dcjan  completely  justifies  an  identification  which 
I  have  for  other  motives  attempted  to  establish  between  the  god  Dagon  and 
the  monster  Dajjdl  of  Arab  legend. ;[: 

Mukaddasi  tells  us  that  there  is  near  Ramleh  a  town  called  Ddjdn,  with 
a  mo.sque,  and  that  it  is  principally  inhabited  by  Samaritans.  This  is 
beyond  a  doubt  our  Ddjun,  which  consequently  was  still  flourishing  in  the 
tenth  century  of  our  era.  Yakut  even  mentions  a  celebrated  Mussulman 
doctor  who  came  from  this  town  and  was  called  cd  Ddjmiy.\ 

*  Especially  if,  as  is  probable  enough,  the  Onoinasticon  is  alluding  to  the  Jamnia  on  ttie 
sea-coast,  that  is  to  say,  the  ancient  port  of  Yebna,  at  Minat  Rubin.  Truth  to  say,  the  place 
which  by  its  position  would  strictly  answer  to  the  definition  of  the  Onoinasticon  is  neither  Kh. 
Dajun,  nor,  still  less,  Beit  Dejan,  but  Sarfand  cl  Kharab,  of  which  I  have  just  spoken.  It  is 
curious  to  note  that  the  terms  of  the  problem  are  exactly  the  same  for  the  undiscoverable  Pe/c'tin 
or  Bekiin  (pypB,  fV'pa),  to  which  the  Talmud  assigns  the  same  position,  half-way  between  Lod  and 

t  A  fact  which  seems  to  lend  weight  to  this  remark  is,  that  the  existence  of  a  Roman  way 
between  these  two  towns  is  attested  by  a  line  in  the  Peutinger  Table. 

+  It  is  of  course  a  familiar  fact  that,  at  the  end  of  words  especially,  /  and  n  are  constantly 
interchanged  by  the  Arabs  of  Palestine. 

§  And  also  er  Rain/y,  clear  proof  that  our  Dajun  is  really  the  place  meant,  since  it  is  close 
by  Ramleh, 

128  Archcvoloncal  Researches  in  Palestine. 


The  existence,  at  this  early  period  and  in  these  parts,  of  an  important 
Samaritan  settlement,  is  a  most  interesting  fact.  The  statement  of 
Mukaddasi  is  fully  confirmed  by  a  passage  in  the  Samaritan  chronicles 
El  Tholidoth,  which  speaks  of  a  certain  Abraham,  son  of  Ur,  who  came 
from  Dagun  (p)l^^"l).*  We  may  henceforward  expect  that  excavations  at 
Dajun  will  lead  to  the  discovery  of  Samaritan  antiquities. 

Mukaddasi  further  says  that  one  of  the  gates  of  Ramleh  was  called  the 
"gate  of  Dajun."  Evidently  it  got  this  name  from  being  the  starting-point 
of  the  road  from  Ramleh  to  Dajun.  The  names  of  the  eight  gates  of 
Ramleh,  as  given  by  the  Arab  geographer,  are  susceptible  of  a  like  explana- 
tion ;  the  gate  of  (the  mosque  of)  'Anndbeh  ;  the  Jerusalem  gate;  the  Jaffa 
gate  ;  the  Lydda  gate  ;  the  Egypt  gate  ;  the  Dajun  gate.  Two  only  remain 

The  first  is  the  gate  of  Bir  el'Asker,  "the  soldiers'  well."  We  ought 
perhaps  to  understand  by  this  the  great  covered  cistern  of  el  'Aineiziyeh, 
situated  about  ten  minutes  to  the  north  of  Ramleh.  In  fact,  Yakut  says  that 
'Asker  was  the  name  of  a  quarter  of  the  town. 

The  next  is  the  gate  of  Bil'a ;  at  least,  this  is  how  the  name  is  read  by 
Mr.  Guy  Le  Strange.  The  latter,  after  M.  de  Goeje,  the  first  and  learned 
editor  of  Mukaddasi,  fancies  he  can  identify  it  with  a  certain  "church  of  Bali'a" 
(situated,  it  seems,  not  far  from  Ramleh  and  Lydda),  and  inclines  to  connect 
the  two  of  them  with  the  Baalah  of  the  Bible  (Joshua  xv,  19).  This  conjecture 
seems  to  me  inadmissible,  for  several  reasons.  In  the  first  place,  according 
to  this  view,  the  "  Bira  gate"  and  the  "Jerusalem  gate"  would  be  the  same 
thing  twice  over,  since  Kariet  el  'Enab,  which  is  the  place  indicated  in  the 
hypothesis,  lies  just  on  the  road  from  Ramleh  to  Jerusalem.  Then  again, 
there  is  nothing  to  show  that  Bali'a,  .ulb,  and  ajtl^.',  Bil'a,  are  the  same 
name.  I  question,  even,  whether  bali'a  is  a  proper  name  at  all,  and  not  rather 
a  simple  epithet  qualifying  the  "church"  (luIL  ?).  What  is  certain,  at  any 
rate,  is,  that  the  manuscripts  do  not  agree  in  the  readings  of  the  name  of  the 
"Bil'a"  gate.  A  MS.  of  Mukaddasi,  that  I  had  occasion  to  consult  in  1872 
on  this  and  many  other  points,  gives  aAx-s   without  diacritical  marks,  which 

*  The  same  document  shows  that  there  were  also  Samaritans  established  at  Gaza,  and  this  is 
confirmed  by  the  discovery  at  Gaza  of  a  Samaritan  inscription  which  I  saw  there  a  few  months 
later.  At  'Amwas  likewise,  not  long  ago,  a  Samaritan  inscription  was  found,  which  reveals 
the  presence  of  Samaritans  at  Emmaus,  and  may  explain  how  the  author  of  the  bilingual 
inscription  on  the  Byzantine  capital  discovered  at  'Amwas  (in  18S0)  managed  to  get  a  model  for 
the  archaic  Hebrew  character  used  in  it. 

Tour  from  Jcrusalcni  to  Jaffa  and  the  Country  of  Samson.  1 29 

leaves  room  for  many  readings.*  I,  in  my  turn,  will  propose  another,  which 
has  the  advantage  of  satisfying  at  least  the  geographical  requirements  of  this 
small  problem,  viz.,  .ULC',  and  even  IxIj-j.  I  find  in  these  the  name  of  the 
modern  village  of  Nfdneh  (Naaneh  on  the  Map),  to  the  south  of  Ramleh, 
the  name  of  which  is  now  written  in  various  ways,  among  others,  thus  :  .u.,A:..f 

The  shifting  of  the  ''ain,  in  combination  with  the  two  «'s,  was  almost 
unavoidable  considering  the  phonetic  habits  of  the  fellahin.j 

The  subjoined  diagram  will  show  the  relative  positions  of  the  eight  gates 
of  Ramleh  in  the  loth  century,  together  with  the  origin  of  the  names  they 
received,  according  to  the  quarters  of  the  horizon  towards  which  the  roads 
leading  from  them  were  directed  (see  p.  130). 

My  only  hesitation  is  about  the  Bir  el  'Asker  gate,  which  may  have  been 
in  a  quarter  quite  different  from  the  'Aineziyeh  cistern.  One  is  occasionally 
tempted,  out  of  regard  for  symmetry,  to  look  for  a  point  intermediate  between 
the  roads  leading  to  Egypt  and  Dajun.  Everything  depends  on  the  position 
of  the  quarter  of  'Asker  which  had  given  its  name  to  the  cistern,  and  is 
perhaps  still  existing  to-day. 

*  This  is  MS.  B  of  M.  de  Goeje's  edition  :  of  the  other  two  MS3.,  C  has  ajiLw  and  A  .uL»-' . 
This  last  reading  is  the  one  adopted  by  the  editor,  which  does  not  make  it  the  right  one.  As 
for  the  name— if  name  it  be— of  the  church,  the  MSS.  have  a.t!lj  and  .iUtlb  (iL.joi'  ^).  M.  de 
Goeje  says,  quite  rightly,  that  the  place  mentioned  by  Yakvit,  aUIb  '' Bdti'a,"  in  the  Belka, 
part  of  the  region  of  Damascus,  is  out  of  the  question.  I  must,  however,  point  out  to  the 
reader  a  somewhat  singular  coincidence.  The  Arab  geographer  mentions  this  Bali'a,  a  place 
far  distant  from  the  region  now  occupying  our  attention,  as  being  the  place  where  Balaam 
("  Bal'am,  son  of  Ba'ura  ")  alighted.  This  legend  is  evidently  the  result  of  identifying  the  name 
of  the  place  and  that  of  the  person.  Now  we  have  seen  that  the  legend  of  Balaam  (under  the 
popular  name  of  Lokman)  was  localized  at  Sarfand ;  so  it  may  be  asked  whether  the  church  of 
Bali'a  mentioned  by  Mukaddasi  might  not  be  some  church  erected  at  Sarfand.  But  in  this  case 
the  same  objection  would  be  encountered,  namely,  the  existence  of  a  gate  at  Ramleh,  named 
after  Sarfand,  would  clash  with  the  existence  of  another  gate  called  after  Jaffa,  Sarfand  being  on 
the  road  from  Ramleh  to  Jaffa. 

t  Name  Lists,  p.  272.  The  name  by  no  means  signifies  "the  i)lant  mint;"  the  word  that 
has  this  meaning  is  .,_kxj ,  nana'.  Sir  Charles  Warren  proposes  to  identify  this  village  with  the 
Naamah  of  Joshua.  This  is  ingenious  and  attractive — the  change  of  the  Hebrew  ;//  to  an 
Arabic  n  is  quite  admissible.  I  question,  however,  whether  the  position  of  Nianeh  does  not  take 
us  a  little  too  far  north  for  this  hypothesis.  There  is  a  place  more  to  the  south  which  it  seems 
to  me  may  have  preserved  the  name  of  this  Naamah  in  a  still  closer  form— I  mean  A'rak  Na'tndn 
and  Deir  Na'man,  between  Tell  es  Safy  and  K'zazeh.     The  vicinity  would  suit  perfectly  well. 

X  It  may  even  be  that  the  third  radical  was  a  lam,  and  that  the  reading  of  the  MSS.  was 
correct  on  this  point.  This  /  must  easily  have  changed  to  n  in  the  speech  of  the  fellahin.  This 
would  take  us  to  a  primitive  name  Ntl'a. 


130  Archaolo^ical  Researches  in  Palestine. 

In  any  case,  that  puts  it  beyond  all  doubt  that   there  really  existed  an 
ancient  town  of  the  name  of  Dajun  on  the  site  that  I  discovered. 

The  straight  lines  indicate  the  distant  places  to  which  the  roads  lead,  the  dotted  lines 
show  the  real  position  of  the  roads. 

Kh.  Jaliis. — On  the  completion  of  this  little  reconnaissance,  we  went 
back  to  Yazur  on  the  high  road  to  Jaffa.  We  made  a  slight  deflection  to  the 
north,  so  as  to  take  in  Selemeh  (Selmeh),  where  I  discovered  a  place  called 
Kh.  Jaliis,  quite  near  the  village  to  the  east,  and  finally  arrived  at  Jaffa. 


Ancient  Jeivish  Necropolis. — During  the  few  days  we  spent  at  Jaffa 
I  particularly  busied  myself  with  studying  the  ancient  necropolis,  the  site  of 
which  1  had  only  b(;en  able  to  reconnoitre  hastily  the  previous  November.* 

At  this  first  visit  I  found  and  brought  away,  as  related  above,  a  Judceo- 
Greek  inscription  ;  a  reproduction  and  explanation  of  it  will  follow  here 
immediately.  The  inscription  is  of  great  importance,  as  it  forms  a  key,  so  to 
speak,  to  a  whole  group  of  related  texts. 

See  above,  p.  3. 

Tour  from  Jcriisalein  to  Jaffa  and  the  Cotintry  of  Samson.  131 

I  first  of  all  made  my  way  to  the  little  hamlet  called  Saknet  Abu  K'bir, 
which  formed,  as  near  as  I  could  judge,  the  centre  of  the  region  to  be 
explored.  It  lies  about  1,500  m.  from  the  gate  of  Jaffa  to  the  east-south-east, 
and  is  inhabited  by  a  body  of  Mussulman  Arabs  of  Egyptian  origin,  who  have 
given  it  the  name  of  Abu  K'bir  in  memory  of  the  so-called  Egyptian  place 
they  came  from. 

Many  of  them  get  a  living  by  quarrying  the  beds  of  calcareous  tufa 
round  their  village  for  building  materials,  of  indifferent  quality,  it  must  be 
said,  which  they  bring  to  Jaffa.  In  the  course  of  some  years  of  these 
operations  they  have  brought  to  light  several  burial  caves  hewn  out  of  the 
tufa.  They  have  often  found  in  them  small  marble  slabs  with  inscriptions, 
generally  set  round  with  mortar  on  one  of  the  walls  of  the  cave  near  the 
entrance.  It  was  one  of  these  finds  that  afforded  the  Judeeo-Greek  titnlns 
that  I  had  acquired  a  few  months  before. 

In  pursuance  of  my  usual  practice,  I  instituted  a  minute  inquiry  among 
the  inhabitants  of  the  Sakneh,  and  thus  procured  some  interesting  information. 
Two  of  these  inscribed  slabs  had  been  put  into  the  tomb  of  a  woman  who  died 
a  few  weeks  before,  by  her  son  'Aly  el  Jezawy.  He  was  a  quarryman  by 
trade,  but  was  just  now  away  harvesting.  In  the  house  of  Abu  Taleb  there 
were  believed  to  be  two  inscribed  slabs.  Two  others  had  been  found  in  the 
garden  of  El  'Azab.  In  the  house  of  Mahmud  Abu  'n  Nil  one  half  of  a  slab 
had  been  mixed  up  with  the  mortar  and  used  in  some  repairs.  As  a  matter 
of  fact,  I  noticed  a  little  later  that  several  of  these  slabs  were  broken.  This 
is  no  way  surprising,  as  the  marble  of  this  thinness  is  very  fragile,  and  the 
slabs  often  get  broken  through  being  carlessly  removed  from  the  wall  of  the 
tomb.     Several  of  the  tombs  contained  glass  phials. 

But  I  got  more  than  mere  information  ;  some  of  these  tituli  that  were  still 
in  the  possession  of  the  inhabitants  were  brought  to  me,  and  I  lost  no  time  in 
securing  them.  Others  had  been  sold  already  to  the  superintendent  of  the 
garden  of  the  Russian  Archimandrite,  which  lies  near  the  Sakneh  to  the  south 
in  the  quarter  where  the  tombs  are  found. 

I  next  went  to  see  the  open  tombs  and  reconnoitre  the  ground.  The 
necropolis  extends  to  a  considerable  length,  and  occupies  a  conspicuous 
position  between  Saknet  Abu  K'bir  on  the  north,  and  Saknet  el  'Abid  on  the 
south.  It  consists  of  a  series  of  banks  and  mounds,  in  the  sides  and  bases  of 
which  caves  have  been  hollowed  for  burials.  I  could  see  apertures  or 
remains  of  vaults  destroyed  by  the  quarrymen  as  far  as  the  house  of  El 
Ja'fary  on   the  north.      Probably  the   necropolis  extends  still  further  to  the 

s  2 


Archceological  Researches  in  Palestine. 

south,  as  it  does  to  the  north,  but  it  is  very  difficult  to  trace  it  through  these 
gardens  overgrown  with  luxuriant  vegetation  and  set  round  with  thick  hedges 
of  cactus.  There  must  undoubtedly  be  all  over  this  neigbourhood  a  great 
quantity  of  tombs  still  untouched,  which  would  furnish  important  results  of  an 
arch:eological  and  epigraphical  nature.  I  should  have  liked  very  much  to 
make  some  excavations  there,  but  for  that  purpose  I  should  have  needed  a 
permit  from  the  Turkish  Government,  which,  unfortunately,  I  have  never  been 
able  to  get  at  any  time  during  my  mission.  I  therefore  perforce  confined 
myself  to  this  superficial,  but  yet  not  altogether  fruitless  investigation. 

The  following  specimens  will  give  some  idea  of  these  tombs,  which  are 
rudely  cut  in  the  soft  sandy  tufa  of  the  hills  surrounding  Jaffa,  after  the  usual 
plan  of  the  ordinary  Jewish  tombs  in  the  mountainous  parts  of  Judcea. 

NECROPOLIS  OF  JAFFA. — Rock-ciit  Tombs.     Scale  -^^. 

The  first  is  to  be  found  in  the  Beiyara  of  Nikula  Halaby  under  a  cactus 
hedge.  It  consists  of  a  small  square  chamber  with  a  flat  ceiling,  and  with  two 
steps  leading  down  to  it.  On  each  of  the  three  available  sides  two  kokim 
have  been  cut,  with  their  openings  on  a  level  with  a  small  bench  of  rock 
runnino-  round  the  chamber.     Close  by  this  we  noted  the  remains  of  a  similar 

^•ECROPOLlS  Of  JAFFA.— Rock-c«t  Tombs.     Scale  t^j. 

Toiti' fi'o?]!  Jc7'tisalein  to  Jaffa  and  the  Country  of  Samson.  i^' 


sepulchre,    rather  more  complicated  in  structure,  but  half  destroyed  by  the 

Here  again  are  two  more  that  we  noted  in  the  Beiyara  belonging  to  the 
Russian  Archimandrite,  which  is  in  the  neic{hbourhood. 

They  likewise  are  alongside  a  cactus  hedge. 

The  first,  which  is  almost  entirely  destroyed,  had  four  kokim  on  one  of 
its  walls,  with  a  fifth  kok  opening  out  of  one  corner.  The  second,  which  has 
likewise  been  subjected  to  ill-usage,  was  composed  of  two,  perhaps  three, 
chambers  communicating  with  one  another.  At  the  back  of  three  of  the 
kokim,  and  at  right  angles  to  the  sides,  there  are  visible  other  smaller  loculi, 
too  small  to  have  admitted  a  corpse.  These,  I  suppose,  were  recesses  used  as 
ossuaries,  the  remains  of  the  first  occupiers  being  heaped  up  in  them  to  make 
room  for  fresh  comers. 


I  now  enter  on  the  study  of  the  inscriptions  derived  from  this  necropolis, 
with  the  aid  of  the  actual  originals  either  collected  by  myself  or  lyino-  in  the 
garden  of  the  Russian  Archimandrite.  Their  number  has  sensibly  increased 
since  1874,  as  I  copied  other  series  in  18S1  and  1886.  These,  however,  I 
shall  not  now  touch  upon,  not  wishing  to  exceed  the  limits  I  have  set  myself. 
They  will  form  the  subject  of  a  later  publication.  I  shall  only  quote  them, 
incidentally  with  a  view  to  making  certain  instructive  comparisons. 

I.   IVIarble  Titulus.     Sizeo^-26  by  o'"-24.     Below  the  inscription  is  the 
seven-branched  candlestick,  flanked  by  two  palms  and 
two  zig-zag  lines,  of  doubtful  import. 

'H^t/cia  vi(a  'laa,   (j)povTtcrTl,   'AXe^avSpias.  |s|J~^''  (1?  iO(^/'T'  V^ 

"To    Ezechias  son   of   Isa  (?),  phrontistes,  from     IT^N'At  ?i)\^s]  /P 


'H^iKt'a  is  evidently  the  Jewish  name  Ezechias, 
generally  transliterated  'E^e/ctas,  'E^eKeto?,  'E^e^ta?, 
'E^e/cia.  This  new  transliteration  shows  that  the  name 
was  pronounced  Izikia,  in  conformity  with  the  Masoretic  vocalisation 
Hizekiyah,  the  mute  sheva,  e,  being  replaced  by  a  furtive  vowel  /,  which 
takes  its  colouring,  so  to  speak,  from  the   reflection  of  the  initial  vowel  /.* 

*  This  law  of  the  harmony  of  vowels  may  often  be  noticed  in  the  transliteration  of  Hebrew 
names  by  the  Septuagint. 

134  Arch(?Qlos;icaI  Researches  211  Palestine. 

The  last  letter,  which  also  terminates  the  following  patronymic,  must  be  a 
small  cursive  capital  alpha,'*  different  from  all  the  other  capital  alphas  in  the 
inscription.  It  would  be  wrong,  I  think,  to  regard  this  as  a  mark  of  abbrevia- 
tion and  to  suppose  that  the  name  was  'H{i/<:i(>?'X),  for  'le^e/ctr^X,  "  Ezechiel." 

The  patronymic  Icra  also  is  certainly  some  Jewish  name,  but  what  one  is 
it?  It  might  possibly  be 'lo-aaKT, 'IcrctK:,  "  Isaac,"  on  the  supposition  that  the 
final  letter  is  a  mark  of  abbreviation,  which  I  doubt.  It  seems  more  probable 
that  it  is  the  name  "  Isaiah,"  usually  transliterated  'Hcrai'a?,  "  Isaias." 
Moreover,  we  should  not  lose  sight  of  the  possibility  of  its  being  some  popular 
transliteration  of  the  original  form  of  the  name  "Jesus"  (yiti^"'),  bearing  in 
mind  that  very  puzzling  Arab  form  "  'Isd"  the  origin  of  which  is  so  obscure.t 

Our  Ezechias  was  2.phrontisies.  It  may  be  asked  if  this  should  be  taken 
to  mean  {^povTiarL  ^A\e^avSpia<;)  '" phrontistcs  of  Alexandria  "  or  "phrontistes  " 
absolutely,  and  "native  of  Alexandria."  I  incline  to  the  latter  view,  as  a 
simple  genitive  immediately  after  a  proper  name,  with  no  word  in  between  to 
govern  it,  usually  indicates  the  place  the  person  is  native  of. 

This  title  plirontistes  has  not  yet  been  met  with  in  Jewish  inscriptions, 
though  other  Greek  titles   appear  in   them,  such   as    TrpocrrarT;?,    eVtcrTaTr^?, 

*  This  shape  of  the  alpha  is  also  found  in  the  Greek  papyri  from  Egypt  subsequent  to  the 
Christian  era;  indeed  most  of  the  paljeographical  pecuHariiies  of  the  Judaeo-Greek  mscriptions  of 
Palestine  recall  those  of  the  Greek  writing  as  used  in  Egypt.  This  form  of  the  alpha  seems  also 
to  exist  in  a  Christian  inscription  at  Gaza,  of  the  sixth  century  perhaps,  of  which  I  shall  speak 
further  on.  With  Xaa  we  may  compare  the  Talmudic  name  ND'^5  Isa,  belonging  to  a  rabbi 
who  was  a  pupil  of  the  rabbi  Johannan  (Tal.  Jer.  Ter.  I,  40).  I  cannot  say  how  far  the  latter 
name  is  related  to  another  Talmudic  name,  'D'S  Isi,  which  some  have  wished  to  identify  with 
one  of  the  numerous  contractions  which  the  name  of  Jostph  underwent. 

t  An  attempt  has  been  recently  made  to  explain  it  by  a  somewhat  irreverent  kind  of 
assimilation  supposed  to  have  been  formerly  made  by  the  Jews,  and,  after,  by  the  Arabs,  between 
Jesus  and  Esau,  .-u^aj  ,  and  iL"jj .  This  comparison,  which  is  more  ingenious  than  plausible,  is 
moreover  not  a  new  one.  It  has  been  already  noted,  in  passing,  by  Guerin  {Samaria,  I,  p.  42), 
who  had  probably  taken  it  down  from  the  lips  of  some  Jew,  without,  however,  attaching  any 
particular  importance  to  it.  It  would  be  most  desirable  to  ascertain  whether  the  fact  of  this 
quaint  assimilation  has  really  been  handed  down  by  Jewish  tradition.  However  this  may  be,  I 
find  in  the  Jewish  catacombs  of  Venosa  (Ascoli,  Iscn'zioni,  etc.,  p.  55)  the  epitaph  of  a  certain 
Faustinas  son  of  Is  a  (nib';  'laai).  The  existence  of  a  form  Isa,  whatever  its  origin  may  be,  appears 
to  me  therefore  to  be  henceforward  established  in  Graaco-Jewish  onomastics  of  the  first  centuries 
of  our  era.  The  most  likely  thing  is  that  the  name  Isa  is  a  common  abbreviation  of  the  name 
Isaiah,  but  it  is  very  possible  that  this  form  was  not  without  its  influence  on  the  Arabic  name  of 
Jesus,  'Isa,  more  especially  as  the  Hebrew  names  Vesholi'  and  Yesha'yahou  (and  other  kindred 
names)  are  evidently  related  from  an  etymological  point  of  view.  It  is  well  known  that  the 
Septuagint  does  not  hesitate  to  transliterate  the  name  ol Joshua  as  'I;;<7oD?. 

Tour  from  Jerusalem  to  Jaffa  and  the  Country  of  Samson.  135 

ap^utv,  etc.  It  is,  however,  of  common  occurrence  enough  in  ordinary  Greek 
epigraphy  ;  as,  for  instance,  a  phrontistes  of  the  Temple  of  Aphrodite  at 
Denderah  in  Egypt,*  and  some  moret  mentioned  along  with  other  func- 
tionaries, the  phrctarc/ios,  the  c/ia/co/ogos,  the  dioikctai,  etc.,  forming  part  of 
th^phrctria.  The  phrontistes  in  matters  civil  was  a  sort  o{  curator,  appointed 
to  superintend,  inspect  and  manage  certain  departments  of  municipal  activity. 
There  were  separate  ones  for  games,  water-supply,  victuals,  etc.  There  were 
similarly ///;w;//.sYrt'/  in  matters  religious.  If  the  title  of  phrontistes  has  not 
hitherto  been  met  with  in  Helleno-Jewish  epigraphy,  I  can  point  to  the 
existence  there  of  the  verb  cjipovnCetv  used  in  a  way  which  tends  to  show  that 
there   was    a  phrontistes    in    the    ancient    Jewish    communities  ;     thus    in    an 

inscription   from    Rome,   we   hear   of  an    apyia-vvayKiyo%  (jipouTicra^ ;j  in 

one  from  /Egina,  another  chief  of  a  synagogue,  or  neocorus,  is  spoken  of  as 
<f)poi'TLaa<;  for  four  years.§  So  the  title  of  phrontistes  applied  to  our  Ezechias 
ought  not  to  occasion  any  surprise.  Probably  he  was  appointed  to  manage 
certain  religious  or  civil  concerns  in  the  Jewish  community  at  Alexandria. 
We  know  that  this  was  numerous  and  flourishing.  Flavius  Josephus,|| 
speaking  of  the  general  expansion  of  the  Jewish  race,  that  diaspora  which  had 
disseminated  them  to  nearly  every  spot  in  the  ancient  world,  tells  us  that  the 
Jews  were  especially  numerous  in  Egypt  and  Cyrenaica ;  an  extensive  quarter 
had  been  assigned  to  them  at  Alexandria,  which  formed  a  kind  of  separate 
town,  and  they  were  there  governed  by  an  ethnarch  of  their  own  race  who 
had  all  the  attributes  of  an  independent  chief  and  bore  a  special  title,  that  of 
Alabarch,  which  has  never  been  satisfactorily  explained.  The  Alabarch 
was  assisted  by  ^gerousia,  a  Sanhedrim  or  senate  on  a  small  scale,  consisting 
of  seventy  members,  and  modelled  after  the  one  at  Jerusalem  ;  in  every 
quarter  was  a  "  house  of  prayer,"  in  addition  to  the  great  synagogue. 

Our  Ezechias,  in  his  capacity  of ///ro«//.s-A-5,  must  certainly  have  played 
a  part  in  this  powerful  Jewish  organization  at  Alexandria.  He  had  wished, 
like  so  many  of  his  countrymen  who  had  settled  in  Egypt,  to  be  brought  back 
to  Palestine  after  his  death   and   buried  in  the   land  of  his   ftithcrs.      Another 

*  Letronne,  Inscriptions  gr.  d'Egypie,  I,  p.  loi,  No.  XII. 

t   Co>-J>us  inscr.  grcec,  Nos.  3612,  4716c,  5785,  57S6. 

X  Schurer,  die  Genieindeverfassung,  etc.,  No.  45. 

§  Corpus  inscr.  gncc,  No.  9894.  The  person  in  question  is  a  certain  "  Theodoros  "  {Jonatlian, 
or  Nataniali,  Natlianicl),  under  whose  supreme  direction  the  synagogue  of  .lOgina  had  been  built 
and  adorned  with  mosaics  {iinuvawOi]). 

II   Flavius  Joscphus,  Aiit./.,  xiv,  7,  2.      Cf.  Strabo,  Philo,  and  others. 

136  Arclucological  Researches  in  Palestine. 

inscription  in  the  necropolis  of  Jaffa,  which  I  copied  in  1881,  mentions  two 
other  Jews,  also  from  Alexandria,  called  Kyrillos  and  Alexandres.  Joppa, 
the  port  of  Jerusalem,  from  its  proximity  to  Alexandria,  was  obviously  marked 
out  as  the  landing-place  for  these  dead  from  beyond  the  sea.  This  explains 
why  nearly  all  the  epitaphs  in  the  necropolis  at  Jaffa  are,  as  we  shall  see,  those 
of  Jews  of  foreign,  and  chiefly  Egyptian  origin.  The  more  or  less  barbarous 
style;  and  characters  of  the  Greek  inscriptions,  often  accompanied  with  Hebrew 
words,  are  just  what  one  would  have  expected  as  soon  as  their  origin  was 
proved.  The  language  of  the  Jews  of  Alexandria  was  Greek,  but  a  very  low 
Greek,  a  sort  of  dialect  that  has  been  called  Hellenistic,  and  must  have  been 
rather  like  the  Yiddish  of  the  modern  Jews.    The  same  was  the  case  at  Ceesarea. 

In  addition  to  the  religious  attraction,  which  might  have  determined  the 
Jews  of  Alexandria  to  come  and  sleep  their  last  sleep  in  the  country  where 
they  had  not  been  able  to  live,  there  were  further  considerations  calculated  to 
attract  them  thither.  The  Jews  of  Ale.xandria  had  a  reputation  for  skill  in 
arts  and  industries.  The  Talmud  tells  us  that  they  were  often  summoned  to 
Jerusalem  to  execute  work  in  the  Temple.  This  former  condition  of  things 
must  have  soon  created  a  stream  of  re-emigration  to  Palestine,  which 
continued  to  make  itself  felt  after  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem.  During  the 
period  of  persecution,  when  the  Jews  were  forbidden  even  to  vjsit  the  Holy 
city,  the  towns  of  the  coast  probably  still  remained  open  to  them.  Among 
these  towns  Jaffa,  from  its  position,  was  obviously  marked  out  to  receive  these 
exiles,  dead  or  alive,  who  wished  to  return  to  the  native  land  of  their  fathers. 
This  series  of  facts,  which  I  content  myself  with  briefly  pointing  out,  is  more 
than  sufficient  to  explain  the  Egyptian,  and  particularly  the  Alexandrian  origin 
of  the  Helleno-Jewish  epitaphs  in  the  necropolis  at  Jaffa.  These  moreover 
are  all  later  than  the  Christians  era,  as  the  forms  of  the  characters  show.  I 
shall  presently  discuss  at  greater  length  this  question  of  date,  when  dealing 
with  one  of  these  texts  that  virtually  contains  a  chronological  indication. 

Now  for  one  last  word  concerning  the  customs  of  these  Egyptian  Jews. 
There  is  a  very  curious  passage  in  the  Talmud  about  the  names  borne  by  two 
Jews  in  Egypt,  amounting  in  substance  to  this  :  a  Reuben  and  a  Simon  keep 
their  Hebrew  names  Reuben  and  Simon  ;  Reuben  is  not  called  Riifus,  nor 
Judah   Luliani*   (Julianos),    nor  Joseph  Justus,    nor    Benjamin  Alexandras. 

*  Among  the  new  tituli  collected  by  me  at  Jaffa  in  i88i,  there  is  one  very  curious  one,  in 
which  I  find  in  Gree/i  this  very  transformation  mentioned  in  the  Talmud,  of  Julianns  into 
Lulianus.     The  epitaph  runs  thus:  'Haiirtlpov  lla'a/Ki  kui  AocXini'oi"  (p/ioTi-il-i'.     Beneath  is  carved 

Tour  from  JcTitsalcDi  to  laffa  and  the  Country  of  Samson.  137 

Our  epitaphs  at  Jaffa,  as  will  be  seen,  do  present  a  considerable  number  of 
Hebrew  names  transliterated  without  alteration,  but  with  them  we  also  find 
several  of  these  Greek  equivalents,  which  shows  that  the  statement  of  the 
Talmud  is  only  true  in  a  general  way. 

2.  Titulus  of  white  marble:  width  o"'-28,  heii^ht  o"''27.  — Six  lines 
of  Greek  characters.  Below,  the  Hebrew  word  01711?  Shalom,  "  peace," 
flanked  by  a  palm  with  eight  branches.  ^^mBKt^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^ 
The  Hebrew  characters  are  of  the  square     ^^^  ^l^^^^^^^^^^^^H 

type,    and   extremely    interesting    to    the     ^^k^  ^J^^^^^^^^^K^ 

historian  of  Hebrew  writing.      Especially     H^^  ^^^^^^^^^H 

noticeable    are    the    waw,  with  its  hook      ^^p  ^^^^^^^^^H 

to  the    left,    furnishing    an    intf;rmediate      ^Hk'I  ^^^B^m 

between   the    Phoenician  and  the  square     ^^b  WSM 

type,    and  the    final   meju,  with   its  apex      ^^E;  '■ 

which     is    an    organic    element    of    the      ^^k  '9 

Phcenician  prototype  ;  its  long  stem,  bent      ^^K-  ^ 

at  right  angles,    is    not    yet  united    with      B^:  ^ 

the    upper   part    of  the    letter   so    as    to      ^Bbu.       .  

form  a  closed  character. 

©avov/x   utos  St/AWj'os,   ivyovLv  Bi.viafuv,  tov  KtvTrivapiov,  Trj<;  llapevixfiokrj';. 

"  Thanum,  son  of  Simon,  grandson  of  Benjamin,  the  centurion,  from 

Bavovju.  is  the  regular  transliteration  of  the  Hebrew  name  Tanhwn, 
mren,  which  means  "  consolation,"  and  has  been  borne  by  several  rabbis, 
either  in  this  form  or  in  an  Aramaic  form,  tanhtima,  N^iniA  The  complete 
suppression  of  the  guttural  keth  is  the  rule  in  Greek  transliterations  of 
Hebrew  words  and  names.      I  find  the  same  name  transliterated  in  the  same 

a  small  vase  with  a  spout  between  two  palms.  0/  Jsidoros  {from  ?)  Pinara  and  Loultanos, 
plirontistai."  A'fioTnihv  is  for  (j)im{v)Ti{a)iwv.  These  men  were  colleagues  and  co-religionists  of  the 
grandfather  of  our  Ezechias.  It  is  by  no  means  proved  that  ijtpoTnwv  is  the  result  of  a  mistake 
on  the  part  of  the  carver — I  am  rather  inclined  to  think  that  it  is  an  exact  transcription  of  the 
Greek  word,  which  had  already  been  thus  disfigured  in  the  jargon  of  the  Hellenistic  Jews.  In 
fact,  the  title  Kt2SD"iS .  'alDiS  is  found  in  the  Talmud.  It  evidently  comes  from  the  Greek ;  some 
have  tried  to  find  in  it  vr/xiToi,  or  Tr/^oVnTov ;  but  is  it  not  more  likely  to  be  the  altered  form 
(ppoTiTijt,  (pfjoTCTui,  the  existence  of  which  is  revealed  to  us  by  this  Helieno-Jewish  inscription? 


138  Arch^ological  Researches  in  Palestine. 

way,  but  with  a  declinable  ending  genitive,  Soroi'/xou)  in  an  inscription  from 
Tafha.  in  Batanaea,* 

The  Talmud  speaks  of  a  rabbi  Tanhum  of  Jaffa,  but  this  cannot 
possibly  be  our  man,  as  will  be  seen. 

'^vyoviv  is  for  kvyoviov,  iyyoviov,  acyoviov,  diminutive  of  eyyovo?,  ' '  grand- 
son."t  The  Greek  terminations  ws,  eios,  ion,  eiofi,  were  abridged  in  Syrian 
pronunciation  to  is  and  /;/.  We  have  abundant  proof  of  this  in  Greek 
inscriptions.  ^  and  also  in  the  Semitic  inscriptions  (at  PalmjTa  for  instance), 
which  contain  words  and  names  transliterated  from  the  Greek.  Quite 
possibly,  in  a  few  at  least  of  the  place  names  ending  in  in  which  are  so 
common  in  Palestine,  this  termination  might  represent  an  old  Greek  ending 
ion  or  eion. 

The  grandfather  of  Thanum,  Benjamin,  had  the  title  Kornjvdpio^, 
cenienarius,  which  after  a  certain  date  is  equivalent  to  centui'io,  rendered  into 
Greek  at  an  earlier  period  by  Korrvpiav  and  kKa.-ov-6.p-)(7)%.  At  first  sight  it 
suggests  itself  to  understand  the  phrase  thus :  tov  Keirrrjvapiov  ttj?  -apevp.Po\ri<;, 
"■  centurion  of  the  camp ; "  and  one  calls  instantly  to  mind  how  Paul  was 
conducted  to  the  Trapep-fioX-fj  at  Jerusalem,  and  how  the  title  n">"'2n  "^vl*,^  '•  ruler 
oi  Baris,  or  of  the  Temple,"  still  survives,  having  maintained  itself,  as  a  mere 
figment,  of  course,  up  to  the  third  centur)-  of  our  era,  and  being  still  borne  by 
one  Rabbi  Aha  and  a  certain  Rabbi  Jonathan.  Even  without  going  thus  far, 
one  might  easily  call  to  mind  the  fortified  camp  {cr-parroruStov)  which  \"espasian 
had  constructed  on  the  acropolis  of  Jaffa.""  But  these  comparisons,  and  others 
like  them  that  could  be  made  to  any  extent,  would  be,  I  think,  deceptive  and 
illusor)".  M}-  opinion  is  that  there  is  no  connection  in  grammar  between  the 
words  TOV  Konrfvaplov  and  r^s  vapevp^oXTJ<;,  any  more  than  between  the  words 
GtpovTLo-Ti  and  AXe^avSpCa?  in  the  inscription  before.  I  regard  r^s  Trapa'p^oXrj'; 
as  the  proper  name  of  a  fo7i/?i,  put  in  the  genitive  absolute,  as  in  the  other 

*  Waddington,  Inscript.  gr.  ef  lat.  de  la  Syrie,  No.  2169.  The  personage  appears  to  me  not 
of  Jewish  but  rather  of  Xabatsan  origin.  This  would  prove  that  the  name  Tanhum  did  not 
exclusively  belong  to  the  Hebrew  stock  of  names. 

t  For  the  use  of  this  word  in  Jewish-Greek  inscriptions,  see  No.  9900  of  the  Corpus  laser. 
Gme.,  an  inscription  found  at  Athens,  and  containing  the  names  ol Jacob  and  Leontios,  i-novoi  of 
Jacob,  of  Csesarea.  Cf.  also  Ascoli,  Iscrizioni  hebr,  p.  49:  Ivjoviv^^iv-ioviov  (not  ev-fovn,  as 
Ascoli  reads). 

+  Here  is  one  example  out  of  a  hundred  :  Xmouiv  for  XaTouiof,  "  quarry,"  in  an  inscription 
from  Sidon. 

.§  Nehemiah  ii,  S ;  \-ii,  2.  ||  Derenbourg,  Hist,  de  la  Pal.,  pp.  48,  49. 

^  Flavius  Josephus,  Bell.jud.,  iii,  9,  4. 

Tonr  from  Jerusalem  to  Jaffa  and  t lie  Country  of  Samson.  139 

kindred  inscriptions  from  Jaffa,  to  show  the  country  that  Thanum  came  from, 
and  not  the  place  where  his  grandfather  Benjamin  exercised  his  functions  of 
centenarius.  One  should  translate  it,  as  I  have  done,  "from  Parembole,"  and 
not  "of  Parembole." 

What  was  this  Parembole  ? — a  town  of  Palestine  ?  Such  migrht  be  our 
first  idea.  There  actually  is,  on  the  other  side  Jordan,  in  the  land  of  Gilead, 
a  town  called  IlapeyLt^oXai,  "  the  Camps,"  in  the  Septuagint  and  in  the  Jewish 
Antiquities  of  Josephus,  which  repeats  the  Biblical  narrative.  This,  however, 
is  merely  the  Greek  translation  of  the  Hebrew  name  Ma/ianaitn.  It  is  open 
to  doubt  whether  there  ever  was  a  town  in  these  parts  that  really  bore 
this  Hellenic  name  and  kept  it.  Eusebius  and  St.  Jerome  would  not  have 
omitted  to  mention  it,  and  the  Onomasticon  passes  over  in  silence  this  name 
of  UapefifioXaC  under  the  headings  ^lavadij.  and  Maatiaim.  We  find,  however, 
three  bishops  of  Paremboles  in  Palestine  {tS)v  UapeyL^okSiv)  who  have  appended 
their  signatures  in  that  style,  namely  :  Peter,  to  the  Acts  of  the  Council  of 
Ephesus  in  431  ;  Valens  {OMXr]?),  to  a  letter  of  John,  Patriarch  of  Jerusalem, 
dated  51.8;  and  another  Peter,  to  the  Acts  of  the  Council  of  the  three 
Palestines  held  at  Jerusalem  in  536.  We  know,  from  a  most  curious  episode 
in  the  life  of  St.  Euthymius,  the  origin  of  this  bishopric  of  Paremboles,  which 
was  situated  on  the  other  side  Jordan,*  and  had  been  created  by  the  Saint 
himself  on  the  occasion  of  his  converting  a  tribe  of  Saracens.  Lequienf 
supposes  that  what  was  meant  was  not  a  real  town,  but  a  camp  of  nomads 
without  a  definite  resting  place,  whence  this  name  Paremboles.  It  is  doubtful 
whether  this  is  the  same  as  Paremboles — Mahanaim.  The  bishopric,  which  at 
the  time  of  its  formation  was  dependent  on  the  Metropolitan  of  Petra,  must 
have  lain  more  to  the  south  than  Mahanaim  is  likely  to  have  done.  I  am 
rather  inclined  to  identify  it  with  a  place  that  figures  in  the  Notitia  dignitatum 
imperii Romani,  where  the  "  Cohors  tertia  felix  Arabum  "  was  in  garrison  "in 
ripa  vadi  Apharis  fluvii,  in  castris  Arno7iensibtis!'\ 

Certainly  the  idea  of  identifying  this  IlapeixfioXaC  with  the  Uapevfi^oXTJ  of 
our  inscription  is  most  alluring  ;  but  I  do  not  think  it  desirable  to  linger  over 

*  It  was  dependent  on  the  Metropolitan  of  Petra. 

t  Oriens  Chrisfianus,  III,  p.  763,  et  seq.  It  was  actually  the  chief  of  the  tribe  that  became 
its  Bishop. 

J  The  Arnon,  or  M'ady  Mojeb,  in  Moabitis.  The  Paremboles  of  further  Jordan  and  the 
Casira  of  the  ford  of  the  Arnon  may  possibly  correspond  to  the  Camf  (mashrita)  of  Luhit  and 
of  Abarta,  alluded  to  in  a  large  Nabatjean  inscription  recently  discovered  at  Madeba,  in  the 
Moab  land. 

T    2 

140  Archesological  Researches  in  Palestine. 

it.  In  the  first  place,  the  name  is  not  exactly  the  same,  and  I  attach  a  certain 
importance  to  this  discrepancy  in  number,  the  first  being  plural,  the  latter 
singular.  My  own  conclusion  is  that  the  place  alluded  to  in  our  inscription  is 
in  Egypt,  the  Uapeii/SoX-q  which  was  situated  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Nile, 
between  Syene  and  Taphis,  in  the  direction  of  the  Ethiopian  frontier,  where 
the  Romans  had  a  military  establishment  of  the  first  rank.  A  Roman  legion 
was  still  in  garrison  there  in  the  fourth  century.  The  Antonine  and  Jerusalem 
Itineraries  mention  it.  Meletios  speaks  of  a  ITpecr/Svrepos  t^?  nap€^/3o\^?. 
Note  that  it  is  always  Parembole,  singular.  It  is  this  Parembole  in  Egypt, 
and  not  the  more  or  less  problematical  Parembolai  of  trans-Jordanic  Palestine, 
that  I  propose  to  regard  as  the  native  land  of  our  Thanum,  he  having  come 
from  Egypt,  as  well  as  all  the  little  band  of  Jews  buried  in  that  part  of  the 
necropolis  of  Joppa  whence  our  tituli  proceed. 

A  most  interesting  question  is  raised  by  the  title  oi  centenarius  borne  by  the 
grandfather  of  Thanum,  since  it  would  seem  to  imply  the  possession  of  military 
rank    by  a  Jew.     It  is  met  with,  in   this  same  form  /cevrT^mpto?,  in  several 
inscriptions  from  Syria.*     What  we  want  to  know  is  exactly  what  the  status 
of  a  KevTr]vdpLo<;  had  become  at  the  period  to  which  our  epitaph  belongs.      It 
must  have  been  comparatively  recent,  to  judge  by  the  shape  of  the  characters, 
which  are  certainly  a  good  deal  later  than   the  first  century.      It  is  probable 
that  the  centenarius  exercised  certain  civil  functions,  and  that  the  grade  was 
assimilated  to  that  of  the  army.      He  belonged  to  the  Schola  agentiuni  in  rcbtis, 
and  the  agent cs  in  rebus  were  employed  in  negotiis  publicis  exseqttendis.     There 
certainly  were  several  sorts  of  centenarii  with  quite  different  functions.t     This 
point  of  Roman  and  Byzantine  administration  is  one  that  has  hitherto  not  been 
fully  cleared  up,  but  I  cannot  enter  on  it  here.      I  will  merely  remark  that  in 
the  Code  of  Theodosius  II,  the  Jews  and  Samaritans  are  expressly  debarred 
from  exercising  the  functions  of  azentes  in  rebus,  which  would  seem  to  show 
that  they  had  previously  been  admissible  to  them.      Elsewhere  in  the  same 
document  the  access  to  an  army  career,  aditus  niiliticB,  is  formally  forbidden  to 
Jews.     There  is,  however,  this  restriction,    that  all  those  of  them  who  are 
agentes  in  rebus  shall  be  left  in  their  places,  but  for  the  future  the  prohibition 
shall  be  absolute.     We  may  suppose  that  the  successors  of  Theodosius  had  to 
carry  the  law  into  effect.     Consequently  the  grandfather  of  Thanum,  being  a 

*  Waddiiigton,  op.  ci/.,  Nos.  2405,  24S5. 

t  See  the  T/iesaunis  of  Forcellini,  and  especially  Gothofredus,  Paratellon  ad  Codic.  Tlieo- 

TiVtr  from  Jerusalem  to  Jaffa  and  the   Country  of  Samson.  141 

centenarius,  must  have  lived  not  much  later  than  450  a.d.,  and  thus  we  obtain 
a  terminus  ad  qucm  for  the  inscription  of  his  grandson,  and,  generally  speaking, 
for  the  other  inscriptions  of  the  same  group  at  Joppa,  which,  as  far  as  their 
palaeography  is  concerned,  might  be  of  any  date  from  the  fifth  to  the  seventh 

3.  Large  Slab. — I  include  in  this  group  a  kindred  inscription  which 
was  dug  up  some  time  later.  I  copied  it  and  took  an  impression  of  it  in 
November,  1874,  just  before  I  embarked  on  my  way  back  to  Europe. 



'A/S/80/xapt  VLOV  'Aakev'i,  rrj?  Ba/3eA.7;s,  apT0K6(TT0v). 
"  Of  Abbomari,  son  of  Aalevi,  from  Babel,  baker." 

It  is  a  very  large  slab  of  white  marble,  about  o™"05  thick,  o^'So  high, 
and  o"'  54  broad,  found  in  the  Beiyara  of  Nikiila  Halaby,  at  a  depth  of  about 
6  "  cubits."  On  the  upper  portion  is  an  inscription  of  three  lines  enclosed  in 
a  cartouche  with  triangular  auricles,  ornamented  on  the  right  with  a  palm. 
Below  the  cartouche  the  slab  is  pierced  with  an  irregular  perforation. 

Abbomari  is  a  name  of  distinctly  Jewish  character;  the  Hebreeo- Aramaic 
forms  hitherto  known  are  Abmari,  Abba  Ma^'i,  "^"^  2^^,  """ID  t>52i<5,  composed  of 
the  words  Abba,  "  father,"  and  Mari,  "  lord."     One  of  the  princes  of  the  exile 

142  Archceological  Researches  in  Palestine. 

bore  this  name,  and  it  was  not  unusual  in  the  Middle  Ages.  In  the  Account 
of  Benjamin  of  Ttcdela,'^  I  find  several  Abbamaris,  one  of  whom  was  steward 
to  Count  Raymond  at  Bourg  de  St.  Gilles.  The  vocalization  Abbomari 
instead  of  Abbaniari  is  interesting,  and  appears  to  be  due  to  the  change  of  0 
to  a  which  was  common  in  Syria,  as  is  testified  by  the  phonetics  of  the  Syriac 
dialect  and  also  the  spelling  of  certain  words  in  the  Greek  inscriptions  of 
Syria.  It  is  confirmed,  in  so  far  as  relates  to  the  proper  name  we  are  treating 
of,  by  another  inscription  belonging  to  the  same  Joppa  group,  which  however 
does  not  concern  me  here,  as  I  noted  it  later  on,  in  1S81.  In  this  another 
'AySySo/xaprjs  appears,  on  this  occasion  with  the  Greek  termination. 

'AaXeut  is  a  curious  tranliteration  of  the  onomastical  appellative  Levi,  in 
combination  with  the  article  ""ITin,  Hallevi.  Hence  comes  the  celebrated 
modern  name  Halevy,  which  means  in  reality  "the  Levite." 

The  town  of  Babele  has  nothing  to  do  with  the  famous  Babylon,  in  spite 
of  the  similarity  of  the  name.  The  place  here  meant  is  the  Egyptia7i  Babylon, 
the  deceased  having  doubtless  been  an  Egyptian  like  the  others  that  have 
come  under  our  notice.  This  Babylon  is  frequently  alluded  to  in  ancient 
authors.  It  was  built  on  the  spot  destined  later  to  become  the  site  of  ancient 
Cairo,  and  the  Arab  authors  speak  of  it  under  the  name  of  Babul  and 
Babluk,  which  has  been  preserved  as  the  name  of  one  of  the  quarters  of 
Cairo.  It  played  an  important  strategic  part  at  the  time  of  the  Mussulman 
conquest  of  Egypt.  Antoninus  the  Martyr  also  saw  it,  and  calls  it  Babylonia. 
It  is  marked  on  the  Peutinger  map.  Before  the  conquest  it  was  the  seat 
of  a  bishopric.t  Eustathius,  Denys  Periegetes,  Strabo,  Ctesias,  Ptolemy, 
Josephus,  Diodorus  Siculus,  and  others  are  acquainted  with  this  Babylon 
in  Egypt,  and  offer  various  explanations  of  its  origin.  I  have  collected 
a  large  amount  of  evidence  on  this  question,  which  I  consider  of  very 
great  historical  importance,  and  will  reserve  my  treatment  of  it  for  another 
place.  Suffice  it  to  say  that  I  have  arrived  at  this  conclusion  :  the  Egyptian 
Babylon  rejDresents  an  old  centre  of  Semitic  colonisation  dating  back  at 
least  to  the  Achaemenid  period  ;  there  was  an  Aramaic  centre  whose 
existence  accounts  for  the  unexpected  discovery  in  Egypt  of  a  series  of 
Aramaic  monuments,  the  real  date  and  the  character  of  which   I    elsewhere 

*  Asher's  edition,  I,  p.  36  ;  II,  p.  14,  cf.  56. 

t  C/;,  for  instance,  in  a  Coptic  fragment  recently  published  (\me\mea.u,  your/iat  Asia/i^ue, 
1888,  II,  p.  372),  Apa  Nuna,  Bishop  of  the  Castrum  of  Babylon.  In  this  way  one  can  easily 
account  for  the  origin  of  the  odd  looking  name  of  Babilone,  Babiloine,  commonly  given  by  the 
Crusaders  to  Cairo  :  the  Sultan  of  Babiloine  in  their  records  always  denotes  the  Sultan  of  Egypt. 

Tour  from  Jerusalem  to  Jaffa  aud  the  Country  of  .Vi 

am  son. 


determined.*  This  Semitic,  properly  Aramaic  settlement,  never  dwindled 
away,  even  after  the  ephemeral  rule  of  the  Persians,  and  naturally  attracted 
to  itself  a  considerable  portion  of  the  Jews  who  emigrated  to  Egypt.  Under 
the  Ptolemies  this  Jewish  element  kept  its  ground  and  even  increased,  up  to 
the  conquest  by  the  Arabs  ;  our  Abbomari  of  Babele  was  a  member  of  it. 

For  the  rest,  he  was  a  humble  fellow  enough,  a  simple  baker,  as  is  shown 
by  the  word  aproKo,  which  is  short  for  dpTOK6{TTo<;) ;  another  epitaph  in  the 
Jaffa  necropolis,  which  I  noted  in  iS8i,  gives  the  word  in  full.  Reference  is 
frequently  made  to  this  occupation  in  ancient  inscriptions,  especially  in  Egypt.t 
I  have  noted  a  considerable  number  of  examples  of  this  in  Greek  papyri 
from  Egypt,  where  it  is  in  an  abridged  form;]:  as  here,  aproKo  and  even  dproK. 
Abbomari,  then,  pursued  the  calling  of  N'ahtom  QJin;,  which  is  frequently 
mentioned  in  the  Talmud.  Considering  the  manners  and  customs  of  the 
Jews,  of  which  the  life  of  St.  Paul  affords  a  typical  instance,  there  was  nothing 
to  prevent  Abbomari  being  at  the  same  time  a  pious  man,  a  rabbi  even,  who 
wished  to  be  taken  after  his  death  to  holy  ground  for  burial.  The  Talmud 
mentions  a  Rabbi  Juda  who  was  a  baker  by  trade.  Moreover  our  Greek 
word  apTOKOTTo?  is  to  be  found  in  the  language  of  the  Talmud,  in  the  form 
IVDpin"!^^  =  apTOKOTretoi',  "  bakery."  § 

4.  A  marble  titulus,  entire,  a  very  small  size  (o'"'i4  X  o"'!  i). 


f^^.  a 



*  Clermont-Ganneau,  Origine perse  des  monuments  arameens  d'Egypte.     Paris,  1880. 

t  For  instance,  an  epitaph  from  Memphis  (the  No.  129  in  the  Louvre  collection),  'AttoX-Xu'wio? 
ij/jTOKoVo?.  These  references  to  humble  callings  are  common  in  the  funerary  tablai  in  Egypt : 
jiovKoXoi,  "  herdsman,"  yva<pev9,  "  fuller,"  and  often  in  abbreviated  form.  Cf.  also  the  Jew 
Samuel,  "worker  in  silk,"  aipijKii/no^,  in  an  inscription  at  Beyrouth  (Waddington,  No.  1854c). 

+  Notices  et  extraits  des  manuscripts,  XVIII,  pp.  133,  136,  142,  145.      Cf.  296. 

§  In  the  passage  of  the  Midrash,  where  the  name  Betlileliem  is  explained  by  "house  of  bread." 

144  Archceological  Researches  in  Palestine. 

The  characters  strongly  incline  to  the  cursive  ;  the  language  is  barbarous  : 
P.  Mvrjjaa  'Yov^r\  oliov  'laKO/S,  ITevTaTroXtTij. 
"  Tomb  of  Reuben,  son  of  Jacob,  the  Pentapolite." 

'Pou^T?  is  for  'Pou/37yV,  oitSu  for  vlov,  etc.  The  isolated  P  before  the 
word  iLv9iix.a  is  curious.  I  do  not  think  it  ought  to  be  regarded  as  a  sigle, 
still  less  as  a  rudimentary  chrism,  a  disguised  Christian  symbol.  It  looks 
as  if  the  carver  had  begun  to  inscribe  the  name  Reuben  at  the  top  of  the 

epitaph,  P ;  then,  turning  the  construction  of  the  sentence,  he  did  not 

finish  it,  but  immediately  carved  the  word  /xv^^a.  "  a  tomb."  The  Pentapolis 
which  was  the  native  country  of  the  Jew  has,  of  course,  nothing  to  do  with 
the  Five  Cities  of  the  Bible  ;  it  is  most  probably  the  region  of  that  name  in 
Cyrenaica,  a  province  which,  like  Egypt,  swarmed  with  Jews. 

5.  A  small  titulus  of  marble,  entire,  but  irregular  in  form;  o'"-20  X  o""i  i ; 
o""oi25  thick.     Greek  characters  carelessly  cut  and  difficult  to  decipher. 

Mt-rj/ia  'louSa  Z(X)(ax,  ■^'iju.t^r/ (?) 
"Tomb  of  Juda  (son  of?)  Zachai  ;  of  Psimithe  (?)." 

Zachai  is  an  interesting  Jewish  name  ;  it  is  the  pure  Hebrew  form,  without 
the  Greek  ending,  of  ZaKxalo?,  the  name  of  the  tax-collector  at  Jericho  (Luke, 
xix,  2,  5,  8),  and  of  an  officer  of  Judas  Maccabeeus.  The  original  form  "'a^ 
which  appears  in  the  Bible  (Ezra,  ii,  9  ;  Nehem.  vii,  14,  etc.),  is  thought  to 
be  derived  from  the  root  y^,  "to  be  clear"  or  "pure."  In  the  language  of 
the  Talmud  Zakkai,  ■'S3t,  "'"'3T,  means  "just."  The  Talmud  mentions  a  Rabbi 
Zakkai  of  Alexandria  («m:D3'7S!l) ;  this  takes  us  back  to  Egypt,  as  do  most 
of  the  inmates  of  this  necropolis.  The  last  word  is  doubtful  as  to  its  reading. 
I  suppose  it  indicates  the  name  of  some  Egyptian  village,  the  initial  Psi, 
which  can  be  read  with  certainty,  being  invariably  significant  of  this.  Com- 
pare the  Egyptian  place-names  Psinaphthos,  Psinekiabes,  Psittachcnnnis,  all 
made  up  with  the  Egyptian  article  P. 

Tour  from  Jerusalevi  to  Jciffa  ami  the  Country  of  Si 



6.  Fragment  of  a  marble  titulus,  with  more  than  half  the  left  side  gone. 
Height  o'"'26,  thickness  o"''03.  Consists  of  the  ends 
of  four  lines  of  well-cut  Greek  characters. 


atea  (or  \) 


Below  is  the  seven-branched  candlestick,  the  right 
side  only  remaining,  with  the  horn  for  holy  oil  at  the 
side  of  it.  Granting  that  the  candlestick  occupies  the 
middle  of  the  original  slab,  I  should  propose  the  following 
restoration,  which  just  fills  up  the  available  space. 

'M.VTjiJi.a  Mjava 
\fiiLov  K]aX  'E\ 
[ ov]  Neavr 


"  Tomb  of  Manaemos  [Menaheiii)  and  of  El the  Neapolitans." 

The  name  of  the  second  personage  might  be  'EXea^apo?  or  'RAa^apo?, 
or  some  other  name  beginning  with  El.  The  Neapolis  that  was  the  home 
of  these  two  need  not  necessarily  be  Sichem  in  Samaria ;  considering  the 
Egyptian  origin  of  the  greater  part  of  the  Jews  whose  epitaphs  1  have 
found  at  Joppa,  I  should  rather  say  that  the  Neapolis  in  Egypt,  or  better  still 
in  Cyrenaica,  is  here  alluded  to. 

7.   A  quite  small  titulus  of  marble,  cut  in  a  roughly  elliptical  form. 

Two  lines,  enclosed  in  a  cartouche  with  auricles,  merely  marked  in  outline. 

B>jo-as  Nwou,  "  Besas,  son  of  Nonos."  Besas  is  an  Egyptian  name. 
Nonos  is  for  Nonnos.  Nothing  in  these 
names  points  to  the  Jewish  nationality  of  the 
deceased.  However,  in  another  inscription 
at  Joppa,  noted  by  me  in  1881,  I  have  found 
a  certain  Nonna,  mother  of  Levi,  who  con- 
sequently is  a  lewess,  which  would  seem  to 
show  that  the  names  Nonnos,  Nonos,  were 
in  use  among  the  Jews.  Despite  the  absence 
of  any  characteristic  symbol,  I  am  inclined  to  think  that  the  titulus  of  Besas  is 
of  Jewish  origin  like  the  group  to  which  it  belongs. 

i_[^6  Aj-cha-o/ooicai  Rescanhcs  in  I'akslinc. 

8.  A  litulus  of  marble,  entire.     Height  o'"-30,  lenyth  o"-2  2,  breadth  o'"-05. 

"Kvva  ElXaaCov,  "Anna,  daughter  of  Eilasios."     EtXao-ios  is  a  new  proper  name 

The  name  Anna  is  indication  enough  of  the  Jewish  origin  of  the  deceased. 
9.  A  titulus  of  marble,  found  in  the  gardens ;  it  is  broken,  at  least  half 


of  the  left  side  being  gone, 
thickness  o"''02. 

Height  o™-2  2, 

breadth  o™-i35, 


Tiva  (or  yt: 


This  seems  to  be  the  tomb  of  a  woman :  'Tomb  of  so-and-so, 

aughter  {Ovyarpo^)  of  so-and-so."   Beneath  is  the  Hebrew  word 

shaloiii,  "  peace,"  in  very  small  square  characters.    I  give  an  enlargement  of  this. 

It   is  followed  by  another  Hebrew  word   in    large  characters,   the  first 

/'I  being  a  koph  and  the  second  perhaps  a  shin  or  a  yod  (?). 

b/j    ^-jy     )     These  forms  are  interesting  for  the  history  of  the  develop- 
I     y     ^^      ment  of  the  ancient  square    Hebrew  writing,  which  gave 
rise  to  the  character  now  in  use. 

10.   Fragment  of  a  marble  titulus,  with  an  inscription  in  large  characters. 
The  letters  are  five  or  six  inches  high.     Thickness  o"''025. 

The  beginning  of  the  first  two  lines  is 
L\     /\       all  that  is  preserved  : 

^^  I  Mi^rjjLia 

TjVOV  K\_ai\ 

A  small  curved  mark,  cut  beneath  the  omicron, 
but  omitted  in  the  drawing,  seems  to  show- 

that  there  was  a  third  line  at  least. 

"  Tomb  of  ...  .  cnos,  and  of ,  ''  " 

To7tr  from  Jerusalem  to  Jaffa  and  the  Country  of  Samson.  147 

II.  M.  Vidal,  a  French  merchant  established  at  Jaffa,  told  me  that  about 
three  months  before  he  had  had  offered  to  him  for  sale  a  fragment  of  stone 
found  in  the  gardens.  It  was  small  and  flat,  and  measured  about  o'""20  by 
o"'"20,  and  had  cut  on  it  three  (?)  lines  of  Greek  characters,  the  first  of  which 
ran  thus  : 


From  these  indications  I  suppose  it  must  have  been  the  right  side  of  the 
funerary  titulus,  broken  or  cut  in  two,  of  the  same  character  as  those  previously 
described,  and  beginning  thus  :  Aou/ctavos  K(at) 

Another  Jewish  Inscription. — To  this  series  of  Helleno-Jewish  inscriptions, 
which  I  have,  I  may  remark,  considerably  increased  in  the  course  of  my  later 
visits  to  Palestine,  there  should  be  added,  I  think,  another  fragment  which  from 
its  nature  is  connected  with  them,  though  it 
does  not  come  from  Joppa.  There  is  a  quite 
small  piece  of  marble  that  I  saw  in  1871  in 
the  possession  of  the  Rev.  W.  Bailey,  at 
Jerusalem,  who  told  me  that  it  came  from 
Csesarea.  In  its  then  condition  it  was  not 
more  than  four  inches  long.  Some  fragments 
of  mortar  still  adhering  to  the  marble  pointed 
to  the  fact  that  the  slab  had  been  let  into  the 
wall  of  the  sepulchre,  like  the  Jaffa  tituli.  Here  is  a  reproduction  of  it 
from  a  squeeze  that  I  took  at  the  time.  The  ends  only  are  left  of  two  Greek 
lines  :   .  .  .  .  [reJKi'a  ....  ;)(;ia?. 

Below  and  separated  from  the  Greek  text  by  a  border  of  small  crossed 
strokes,  are  carved  the  Hebrew  characters  followino- : 

[V^^-ltir^  h'\V  ^-h^.,  "  Peace  on  (Israel) :" 

I  restore  the  formula  in  full  from  the  inscription  in  the  catacombs  at  Rome 
and  Venosa.  In  front  of  the  Hebrew  epitaph  there  was  doubtless  the  seven- 
branched  candlestick — the  upper  part  of  the  three  branches  on  the  left  is  still 
visible.  Judging  from  the  position  of  the  candlestick,  it  seems  probable  that 
the  epitaph  inscribed  above  it  was  divided  into  two  registers  or  columns ;  the 
Greek   characters  remaining  belonged  to  the  left  hand  column.     We  know 

u  2 


Archcrological  Researches  in  Palestine. 

from  the  Talmud  that  Csesarea,  like  Alexandria,  was  an  important  Jewish 
centre,  where  the  knowledge  of  Greek  was  so  widely  spread  that  the  Torah 
was  read  there  in  a  Greek  targum. 

Stamped  Amphora-handles. — I  finally  found  the  possessor  of  the  amphora- 
handles  with  stamps  on  them,  which  I  mentioned  before  (p.  3),  and  which  I 
had  not  managed  to  get  a  sight  of  when  passing  through  Jaffa  in  November 

of  the  year  before.  The  owner  in  question  was 
called  Nikiila  Beiruty.  I  secured  these  handles, 
which  were  found  in  a  "  cave  "  in  the  Saknet  Sheikh 
Ibrahim,  to  the  south  of  Jaffa.  It  appears  that 
in  the  course  of  digging  in  the  gardens  on  the  hills 
to  the  east  of  the  sakneh,  ancient  sepulchres  are 
often  broueht  to  light.  There  must  be  hereabouts 
another  burying-ground  belonging  to  Joppa,  distinct 
from  the  one  on  the  east,  and  perhaps  more  ancient. 
These  remains  of  amphora;,  in  fact,  belong  to  a 
much  less  late  joeriod  than  the  Helleno- Jewish 
tituli  of  the  eastern  necropolis,  which  seem  to  have 
been  set  apart  for  a  special  class  of  persons. 

These    handles    formed   part  of  a  large   vase, 
which   can   be   restored,   in   part  at  least,   in  shape  and  dimensions. 

They  have  every  feature  of  the   Rhodian  ware  :   square  shape,  greyish 
colour,    fine    paste.      The    stamps    impressed    on    them    go    to    confirm    this 



['EttI  .  .  .  ^fDvo<;. 


A  name  of  a  magistrate  in  the  genitive  case,  ending  in  wvos,*  preceded 
by  the  preposition  eVl,  and  the  name  of  the  Rhodian  month  Hyakinthios. 
The  indistinct  symbol  accompanying  the  characters  is  elsewhere  found  as 
a  mark  on  Rhodian  pottery.  At  Jerusalem,  about  1868,  I  picked  up 
in  the  valley  of  the  Kedron  an  amphora  handle  likewise  of  Rhodian  make. 

*  Some  such  name  as''E/j/ufi'09.  Zi/rwco^  or 'I.'/noi'os  etc.,  which  are  to  he  found  on  other 
stamps  on  Rhodian  pottery. 

Tour  fnvn  Jcnisalnn  to  Jaffa  and  the  Country  of  Samson.  149 

with  the  mark    AaXiov    (the    month    Dalios)    TTicrrou  ;    "emblem,    an    arrow- 

head."    It  is  interesting  to  note  at  two  spots  in  Palestine  positive  indication 
of  the  importation  of  Rhodian  pottery. 

Various  Inscriptions. — Now  for  a  few  other  inscriptions,  which  I  collected 
at  Jaffa,  but  which  do  not  belong  there. 

Profile  and  Section. 

Scale  !. 

Two    objects   now   in  the   collection  of  the  Russian    archimandrite  are 
said  to  have  come  from   the  ruins  of  M'khaled,  which   lies  near  the    coast, 

150  Archcsological  Researches  in  Palestine. 

about  twenty-four  miles  to  the  north  of  Jaffa.  I  have  my  doubts  as  to 
the  authenticity,  not  of  the  objects  themselves,  but  of  their  origins.  It  would 
not  surprise  me  to  hear  that  they  came  in  reality  from  Cyprus.  Later  on  I 
saw  various  antiquities  at  Jaffa  which  certainly  came  from  that  island.  The 
.shape  of  these  two  objects,  the  character  of  the  stone,  the  appearance  of  the 
characters,  and  also  the  formulas  used  in  the  inscriptions,  give  me  that 
impression.      However  this  may  be,  here  they  are  : — 

1.  A  funerary  cippus  of  limestone,  cylindrical,  and  moulded  at  the  top 
and  bottom.  Height  o^'sS.  On  the  upper  and  lower  sides  (at  a  and  is)  is 
a  square  hole  for  fastening.  On  the  drum,  in  characters  of  the  first  century 
of  our  era,  rather  carelessly  cut  : 

Wp(ojap^i<;  Ttri'ou,   yjp-qcnr],  -yaxp^. 
"  Protarchis,  daughter  of  Titios,  blessed  one,  farewell  !" 

Protarchis  is  a  new  female  name  ;  it  is  the  feminine  corresponding  to  the 
common  man's  name  Upwrapxo^. 

2.  A  large  slab  of  limestone,  broken  at  the  bottom,  moulded  in  the  upper 
part,  the  base  a  little  wider  than  the  top.  Width  on  top  o"''30,  a  little 
lower  o"'"3o  ;  height  o"'77  ;  thickness  o'""o6. 

HOZ  XPj-lZTl-l 

Characters  of  the  first  century  a.d.* 

"  Hisidote,  daughter  of  Ariston,  blessed  one,  farewell !" 

Above    the  name  of  the  deceased   the   funeral  cry  x<^'p£  ^ 

occurs  again,  scratched  in  graffito.  /it: 

EtcrtSoTTy  is  for  'lo-tSorr?,  "Gift  of  Isis."  The  purely  Greek  name 
Ariston  has  been  borne  by  several  Syrian  personages  of  Semitic  extraction. 
The  funereal  formula  has  nothing  to  mark  it  as  Jewish. 

They  are  of  exactly  the  same  period  as  those  of  the  sk/e  of  the  Temple  of  Herod. 

Tour  from  Jerusalem  to  Jajfa  and  the  Country  of  Sauison. 


The  following  inscriptions  were  similarly  collected  by  me  at  Jaffa,  but 
they  do  not  belong  there. 

Roman  Inscription. — A  large  block  of  marble,  in  shape  a  parallelopiped, 
o"''S5  by  o"''2  5,  brought  from  Caesarea  to  Jaffa,  and  now  used  as  a  step  in  the 
staircase  of  the  house  of  the  late  M.  Philibert,  French  consular  agent  in  that 
town.  It  was  most  probably  the  base 
of  a  statue.  The  inscription,  carved  in 
very  fine  characters,  may  be  of  the 
period  of  Nero.  It  is  enclosed  within  a 
cartouche  with  triangular  auricles.  In 
the  centre  of  the  auricles  are  seen  two  small  knobs,  representing  the  heads 
of  the  nails  used  in  fixing  the  primitive  wooden  board  of  which  this  type  of 
cartouche  is  a  conventional  representation. 

Ti[berio)  Cl[audio)  Italico  p{rimi)  p[i/o).  This  is  a  dedication  to 
Tiberius  Claudius  Italicus,  primipilus  of  the  Roman  garrison  of  Caesarea. 
This  officer  must  have  been  rather  an  important  personage  to  have  such  a 
fine  monument  erected  to  him.  The  primipilus  was  the  chief  centurion  of 
the  legion  and  ranked  immediately  after  the  tribune.  He  could  even  be 
called  upon,  in  certain  cases,  to  replace  the  tribune  in  his  command. 

Christian  Inscription. — A  broken  piece  of  a  marble  column,  in  a  house  at 
Jaffa.  From  Caesarea  (?).  On  the  shaft  the  following,  in  characters  roughly 
and  not  deeply  cut  : 


K(vpt)e,  'l(7yc7o)i/,  XptoT)e,,  /3{oy]0)e{L)  rio 
So(u)X.a)  aov. 

"  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  help  thy  servant." 

Copies  of  Inscriptions. — Jibrail  'Akkawy  showed  me  a  rough  copy  of  two 
Greek  inscriptions  taken  by  Martin.*     In  one  of  these  I  deciphered — 

on  the  other — 

EnAHPWCEN  .  .. 



I'lobably  Martin  Lulus,  of  Jerusalem. 


Arclucoloziccil  Rcscarc/us  in  Pa/cst 


Here  evidently  we  have  two  epitaphs,  with  the  mention  of  the  number 
of  years  in  the  life  of  the  deceased  {iTrXyjpoa-ev,  "he  accomplished,  lived;" 
with  letters  standing  for  numbers)  ;  the  first  relating  to  Sabinos,  son  of 
Strategios,  the  second  to  Uemetrianos.  It  remains  doubtful  whether  these 
two  inscriptions  belong  to  Jaffa. 

Slab  from  the  tomb  of  a  Bishop  of  the  Crusaders. — While  exploring  the 
gardens  round  Jaffa  to  find  the  exact  position  of  the  ancient  burying-ground,  I 


penetrated  as  far  as  the  wely  of  Sheikh  Murad,  which  lies  on  the  extreme 
edge  of  the  gardens,  in  the  north-east  corner,  about  2500  m.  from  the  town. 
The  Sanctuary  is  guarded  by  an  old  Mussulman,  who  told  me  he  had  found 
close  to  the  Kubbeh  a  large  inscription  and  bas-relief  The  object  had  been 
removed  by  someone  whose  name  he  did  not  know.  Finally,  after  much 
searching,  I  discovered  that  this  someone  was  a  converted  Jew,  and  found  the 

Toitr  from  Jcntsakiu  to  Jaffa  and  the  Country  of  Samson. 


stone  in  question  at  his  house.  Afterwards,  in  1881,  I  again  saw  the  original 
in  the  possession  of  Baron  Ustinoff,  who  had  acquired  it  meanwhile  from  its 

This  important  fragment,  for  such  it  is,  consists  of  a  slab  of  veined  white 
marble,  measuring  at  the  present  time  o'"7o  by  o"''55,  and  only  o'"'05  in 
thickness.  Even  this  fragment  is  broken  into  two  portions,  which  fit  one 
another  exactly. 

Here  we  see,  carved  in  outline,  a  full  face  representation  of  a  man  with 
shorn  beard,  with  a  mitre  on  his  head,  and  holding  in  his  left  hand  the 
episcopal  crozier.  It  is  hard  to  say,  a  priori,  whether  this  is  a  bishop  or  an 
abbot  with  crozier  and  mitre,  the  rule  as  to  the  position  of  the  crozier  on  the 
right  or  left  side  being  far  from  absolute  in  the  Middle  Ages.  The  head  and 
shoulders  are  surrounded  with  a  trilobated  arcade  resting  on  a  small  column 
with  a  capital.  In  the  right  portion  of  the  arcade  there  is  represented  a 
winged  angel,  with  a  nimbus,  carrying  incense,  which  he  wafts  round  the  head 
of  the  deceased.  This  bit  is  wonderfully  life-like.  The  whole  of  the  drawing 
is  remarkably  bold  and  decided,  and  recalls  at  first  sight  the  13th  century 
style.  Evidently  we  have  here  the  remains  of  one  of  those  flat  tombs,  sunk  to 
ground  level,  that  were  so  numerous  at  this  period.  I  am  much  inclined  to 
think  that  the  slab  was  not  only  carved,  but  inlaid,  as  the  grooves  of  the 
letters  have  vertical  sides,  and  were  probably  destined  to  be  filled  with  a  hard 
coloured  paste.  One  can  further  notice  some  deep  holes  on  the  mitre  and  the 
crozier,  where  enamel  and  coloured  glass  were  let  in,  to  imitate  precious  stones. 
This  slab  must  have  represented  the  deceased  at  full  length,  but  all  that  is  left 
of  it  is  the  left  half  of  the  head  as  far  as  the  j^lace  where  the  shoulders  spring 
trom.  The  primitive  slab  must  have  been  divided  into  five  or  six  pieces  ;  I 
shall  endeavour  presently  to  determine  the  date  when  this  occurred. 

All  round  the  figure  of  the  deceased  there  ran  a  Latin  inscription  in 
mediseval  letters,  foniiing  a  kind  of  border.  This  it  is  possible  to  restore  in 
part.  It  commenced  apparently  at  the  left  hand  top  corner  of  the  slab,  then 
turning  downwards  it  passed  along  the  right  side,  the  long  way  of  the  stone, 
and  continued  along  the  other  two  sides  till  it  ended  where  it  started  from. 

The  following  is  my  reading,  the  parts  that  can  be  restored  with  certainty 
being  enclosed  in  brackets  : — 

\^  Anno  (t[onii)ni  niillcsinif)  dnccntcsinio,  qin{ii)qnagcsinio  octavo,  in  festo 
sanctorum  {O  .    .  .  or  C,  perhaps  A/  ?). 

"  i^  In  the  year  of  our  Lord  one  thousand  two  hundred  and  fifty-eight,  in 
the  day  of  the  feast  of  the  saints  .   .  ?" 


154  Archceological  Researches  in   Palestine. 

The  day  mentioned  may  be,  according  as  the  last  letter,  which  is  partly 
obliterated,  is  read  O  or  C,  either  the  feast  oi  All  Saints  {SanctoTuni  Oiiiiiiuiit), 
that  is  to  say  November  i,  or  else  that  of  Saints  Cosme  and  Damian,  that  is 
to  say  September  27.  The  date  of  the  year  is  beyond  doubt,  it  is  1258. 
What  high  functionary  of  the  Church  can  this  have  been  ?  A  bishop,  or  an 
abbot  with  crozier  and  mitre  ?  If  a  bishop,  was  he  Bishop  of  Jaffa,  and  was 
there  a  bishopric  of  Jaffa  at  the  time  of  the  Crusades  ?  Does  the  stone  belong 
to  Jaffa  itself,"  or  was  it,  as  so  often  happens,  transported  from  some  other 
place  on  the  coast  ?  I  have  elsewheret  entered  into  a  detailed  discussion  of 
these  different  points.  They  are  difficult  to  settle  with  precision,  and  I  am 
not  concerned  to  recur  to  them  now — it  would  take  me  too  far — but  some  day 
perhaps  I  will.  There  is  however  one  peculiarity  that  I  cannot  refrain  from 
mentioning,  the  stone  is  opisthographic.  The  back  has  subseqently  been 
covered  with  an  Arabic  inscription,  which  I  will  merely  give  here  in  transla- 
tion : — \ 

"  In  the  name  of  the  forgiving  and  merciful  God. — Of  a  certainty,  he 
builds  (or  restores)  the  mosques  of  God,  who  believes  in  God,  and  in  the  day 
of  resurrection,  who  prays,  who  gives  alms,  and  fears  God  only  ;  it  may  be 
that  there  will  be  among  those  that  follow  the  right  road  (Koran,  s^erat  IX, 
verse  18). — The  building  of  this  blessed  mosque  (mesjed)  was  ordered  by  the 
humble  Emir  and  poor  before  God  most  High,  Jemal  ed  Din  .  .  .  son  of  Ishak, 
on  whom  may  God  have  mercy.      In  the  year  seven  hundred  and  thirty-six." 

This  Arabic  inscriptions  is  arranged  in  such  a  way  on  the  reverse  ot  the 
fragment  of  gravestone,  as  to  prove  that  the  original  slab  was  already  divided 
into  five  or  six  pieces  in  the  year  736  of  the  Hegira,  answering  to  the  year 
1335-1336  of  our  era.  It  was  about  this  date  that  a  piece  of  the  slab,  in 
shape  nearly  square,  was  cut  away  and  the  Arabic  inscription  engraved  on  the 
back.  It  is  most  annoying  that  we  have  not  the  full  name  of  the  Emir  Jemal 
ed  Din,  for  this  would  enable  us  the  more  easily  to  find  mention  of  him  in 
Arab  writers.  Then  it  would  appear  if  he  was  Emir  of  Jaffa  or  of  some  other 
town  on  the  coast,  in  which  latter  case  Jaffa  w^ould  not  have  been  the  first 
home  of  the  stone  of  the  Crusaders,  and  in  this  roundabout  fashion  we 
might  perhaps  succeed  in  establishing  the  identity  of  the  deceased,  who  was 
contemporary  with  the  Crusade  of  St.  Louis. 

*  As  far  as  history  is  concerned,  there  is  no  reason  why  not,  as  Jaffa  only  fell  finally  into  the 
hands  of  the  Mussulmans  ten  years  afier  the  date  of  our  inscription,  that  is  to  say  in  1268. 

t  CXermorA-GaxmeaM,  Afateriaux  inedits  pour  servir  a  rhisioire  des  Croisades.     Paris,  1876. 
X  The  .Vrabic  transcription  is  given  in  the  memoir  quoted  above. 

Tour  from  Jcmisakiu  to  Jaffa  and  the  Coujitry  of  Samson. 

Crusading  Inscriptions. — Here  is  yet  another  mediaeval  inscription  found 
at  Jatta.  It  is  a  fragment  of  a  marble  block,  and  was  used  to  cover  a  sewer 
in  one  of  the  streets  of  Jaffa.  (o'^TJ  by  o'^^j,  thickness  o°'"i5.)  The 
original  was  acquired  by  the  Russian  archimandrite.  The  characters  are  of 
the  1 2th  or  13th  centur\%  and  splendidly  cuL 

••»;:B    r—  ;»'      »ESa?.^_ 


All  that  is  left  consists  of  two  imperfect  lines  and  the  remains  of  a  third. 
The  upper  line,  to  judge  from  a  fragment  of  border,  must  have  been  the  verj- 
first  of  this  monvmiental  inscription. 

J  S€7np^r  Augustus  I\jnperator\ 

anno  donii?i\i/re  incarnati\  onis^ 

" //-?  .  .   .   ." 

The  second  line  doubdess  contained  the  date,  reckoned,  as  the  custom  of 
the  Crusaders  was,  from  the  Incarnation  of  Christ. 

The  restoration  of  the  first  line  was  suggested  to  me  by  M.  Schlum- 
berger.  This  essentially  Roman  formula  is  foimd  on  medals  of  the  Emperor 
Frederick  II  :  Fredei-icus  Ronmnotmii  imperafor  semper  Augustus.  It  may 
accordingly  be  supposed  that  our  inscription,  which  is  certainly  not  funerax)-, 
but  must  relate  to  the  construction  or  dedication  of  some  great  building, 
originates  from  the  Emperor  Frederick,  who  passed  several  months  at  Jaffa 
between  1228  and  1229.  Yet  the  block  may  have  been  brought  from  Acre  or 
Qesarea.  In  any  case,  not  only  did  Frederick  stay  at  Jaffa  long  enough  to 
make  it  possible  for  him  to  have  had  works  carried  out,  but  that  town  was 
one  of  the  places  which  he  induced  the  Mussulmans  to  cede  to  him  after  the 
'•  Evil  Peace."  In  1229  or  1230  the  Patriarch  of  Jerusalem,  who  had  conse- 
crated the  Emperor  Frederick  King  of  Jerusalem,  had  built  two  towers  at 

X  2 


Arclhcolooical  Researches  in  Palestine. 

Jaffa."  If  this  fragment  of  inscription  is  really  to  be  attributed  to  Frederick, 
I  would  like  better  to  restore  the  first  line  as  follows,  in  exact  conformity 
with  the  imperial  formula  : 

\_Fjrdericiis,  Ronmnornui  imperator  semp\er  Atigiistits,  I\eriisalcm  rex\,  etc.  .  . 
In  fact,  on  examining  my  squeeze  closely,  the  carved  stroke  following 
the   I   at  the  end  of  the  first  line  looks  to  me  like  the  remains  of  an  €  rather 
than  an  C^  w,  or  an  O. 

Alleo-ed  Inscription. — I  was  told  of  another  fragment  of  an  inscription 
built  into  the  wall  of  the  town,  and  from  the  description  given  me,  I  suspect 
it  also  to  be  mediaeval.  Unluckily,  however,  I  could  not  manage  to  test  the 
truth  of  this  statement.  It  may  perhaps  be  a  fragment  that  I  found  in  1881, 
referring  to  the  King  of  England. 

Miscellaneous  Antiquities. — While  ransacking  the  place  right  and  left  for 
antiquities,  I  found  at  the  house  of  a  Mussulman,  one  Hadji  Mohammed  Abu 
Kaiid,  who  conveys  stones  from  the  ruins  of  Caesarea  by  sea  to  use  for 
building  in  Jaffa,  a  fragment  of  a  marble  statue  brought  from  the  first-named 
town.      It  is  a  life-size  statue  of  a  woman,  unfortunately  much  mutilated. 

t,\      \}\XU 

I  '^. 

Side  view. 

View  fvom  behind. 

The  head  and  the  whole  of  the  lower  part  of  the  body  are  wanting.  The 
woman  was  draped  in  a  peplum  girt  round  the  waist,  and  fastened  by  a  fibula 
on  the  right  shoulder,  which  is  left  bare.  The  carving  is  tolerably  good 
Grseco-Roman  work. 

*  Philip  of  Novara,  Gestes  des  Cliiprois,  p.  77. — In  1227  Frederick  had  had  Jaffa  "closed" 
[Annates  de  Terre  Sainic). 

Tour  from  Jerusalem  to  Jaffa  ami  llic   Count rv  of  Sauisoit. 


1  bought  the  fragment  for  a  trifle,  in  order  to  save  it  from  utter  destruc- 
tion, for  it  was  intended  to  be  put  in  a  lime-kihi  or  hidden  away  in  some  mass 
of  masonry. 

Ancient  Sarcophagus. — -We    noticed  in  an  Arab  sebil  (fountain)  on  the 


A  rclurolooical  Researches 



edge  of  the  road  to  Jerusalem,  on  the  right  just  before  you  get  to  Jaffa,  a  fine 
ancient  sarcophagus  used  as  a  trough.  This  is  the  fate  that  commonly  befalls 
sarcophagi;  the  Arabs  make  in  this  way  what  they  call  niekcr  (..C<)  or  ran 
(c^l')-*  The  front  side  is  ornamented  with  festoons  hanging  on  small  columns, 
and  surmounted  by  three  flowers  or  ornamented  disks  of  different  patterns. 
Inside  on  the  left  the  bottom  is  raised  so  as  to  form  a  dorniitorium  for  the 
head  of  the  deceased.  This  detail  would  of  itself  suffice  to  show  the  original 
puqjose  of  this  fine  relic  of  antiquity. 

Ancient  base. — In  a  garden  situated  just  a  little  to  the  east  of  the 
town,  and  belonging  to  the  Greek  convent,  I  saw  a  fine,  large  marble  base, 
rectangular,  with  moulding  at  top  and  bottom,  but  no  inscription.  It  was 
dug  up  in  the  garden  itself,  and  at  the  same  time  a  quantity  of  marble 
slabs,  also  devoid  of  inscriptions,  was  discovered. 

Medicvval  Scitlpturc. — Passing  through  the  streets  of  Jaffa  we  noticed  a 
piece  of  carving  built  into  the  wall  of  a  house.  The  subject  represented  was 
original  in  idea,  and  should  doubtless  be  referred  to  the  time  of  the  Crusades, 

being  two  monkeys,  one  of  them  tied  up  by  the  middle,  gambolling  over  what 
appear  to  be  shells  of  some  sort.     The  stone  is  a  piece  of  a  corner  frieze. 

The  Bassa. — During  the  heavy  winter  rains,  ponds  of  considerable  extent 
are  formed  in  the  garden  to  the  east  of  Jaffa.  The  largest  of  these  marshy 
ponds,  almost  a  small  lake,  lies  between  the  town  and  the  Saknet  Abu  K'bir. 
It  goes  by  the. name  of  Bassa  l^^  which  is  used  in  other  parts  of  Syria  for 

*  Mckcr  probalily  conies  from  the  root  niakat;  which  means  among  other  things  "to  water  a 
field."  The  derivation  of  the  word  rrt«  is  extremely  interesting,  it  being  merely  the  old  Hebrew 
word  aron,  p■^^^,  "ark,  chest,  sarcophagus,"  with  the  initial  aleth  removed  by  the  usual  apocope. 

Toitr  front  Jerusalem  to  Jaffa  ami  the  Country  of  Satuson.  159 

similar  ponds.  On  seeking  the  signification  of  this  word  in  Arabic,  the  very 
unsatisfactory  one  of  "  red-hot  or  burning  coal  "  is  all  that  can  be  found  ;  but 
if  on  the  other  hand,  the  Hebrew  language  be  referred  to,  it  will  appear 
immediately  that  the  word  is  one  of  the  many  old  words  that  have  survived 
in  the  speech  of  the  natives  of  Syria.  In  fact,  the  very  word,  njJl  bissah,  is 
found  in  the  Bible,  meaning  a  "  lake"  or  "  marsh."  "  Can  the  rush  grow  up 
in  a  place  that  is  not  marshy?"*  Hl'l  K7i,  says  job  (viii,  11).  Further  on 
(xl,  21)  he  describes  to  us  the  monster  Behemoth  resting  "  in  the  covert  of  the 
reed  and  fens,"  ni'm  TM'^  inDl.  The  same  word  occurs  again  in  Ezekiel  (xlvii, 
11),  in  the  form  n^?2n.  It  has  been  preserved  in  the  language  of  the  Talmud. 
Commentators  and  lexicographers  {cf.  Gesenius  and  Fiirst)  derive  this  word 

from  a  hypothetical  root  y^l,  to  which,  relying  on  the  Arabic  j.,  badhdha, 
they  ascribe  the  meaning  "  paulatim  fluxit  et  emanavit  aqua."  This  supposition, 
it  appears  to  me,  is  erroneous.  Knowing  as  we  now  do  that  the  word  bassa 
exists  in  Arabic  with  the  same  meaning  as  in  Hebrew,  we  cannot  connect  this 
word  with  the  Arabic  root  badhdha.  On  the  contrary,  I  am  of  opinion  that 
these  words,  both  the  Hebrew  and  Arabic,  which  mean  "pond,"  may  be 
adequately  explained  by  the  Arabic  root  bassa,  taking  it  in  its  ordinary 
acceptation,  to  "shine,  gleam,  sparkle."  The  connection  in  meaning  evidently 
is  the  "  sparkling  "  of  a  large  sheet  of  water  in  the  sunshine.  This  is  precisely 
the  idea  which  led  to  this  word  being  used  to  mean  a  "burning  or  red-hot 
coal."  We  might  pursue  these  comparisons  further,  and  show  that  the  word 
'am,  which  like  bassa  is  common  to  the  Hebrew  and  Arabic,  and  ]3ossesses  in 
each  language  the  two  not  less  widely  separated  meanings  of  "spring  "  and 
"eye,"  has  in  its  turn  borrowed  these  from  one  and  the  same  primitive  idea. 
In  any  case,  as  we  have  seen,  the  Bassa  of  Jaffa  furnishes  us  with  a  small 
lesson  in  practical  and  topographical  exegesis  which  is  by  no  means  without  its 

Szmdries. — I  append  some  items  of  information  gathered  at  Jafta  from 
the  mouths  of  various  inhabitants  : — 

At  Neby  Rubin,  in  the  inahjara  worked  as  a  quarry,  above  Hahxzoii, 
there  is  "a  stone  with  writing  on  it,  and  a  head  of  a  small  statue  of  a  man  ;" 

At  Mejdel  Yaba  there  is  an  ancient  inscription  in  the  house  of 
Mohammed  es  Sadek  ; 

*  "  \\'ithout  mire,''  in  note,  .Xuliioiised  Version. 

i6o  Arclueoloirical  Researches  in  Palestine. 


At  Saferiyeh  an  ancient  burial  cave*  has  been  recently  found  and  opened  ; 

At  Selemeh  there  are  sarcophagi  and  inscriptions  ; 

At  el  Midieh  there  really  is  an  inscription,  but  not  at  the  Khurbeh.  It 
is  quite  near  the  village,  by  the  side  of  a  wely  situated  towards  the  north,  on 
the  door  of  an  ancient  sepulchre  (?). 

Selemeh. — On  visiting  for  the  second  time  the  village  of  Selemeh,  which 
we  had  passed  through  on  our  way  to  Joppa,  and  which  is  quite  near  that 
town,  I  noted  nothing  of  any  great  interest,  despite  the  glowing  accounts  I 
had  heard  of  it.  There  is  a  wely  taking  its  name  from  the  place,  and  called 
Sheikh  Selemeh  (pronounce  Selemeh,  as  a  dactjl).  Klmrbet  Jains,  a  few 
minutes  to  the  east,  is  situated  on  a  low  hill,  from  which  quantities  of  ancient 
hewn  stones  and  fragments  of  marble  are  got.  We  even  saw  there  a  capital, 
which  would  seem  to  show  that  some  building  of  importance  existed  there. 
There  are  no  inscriptions,  but,  however,  it  is  a  spot  to  be  explored  at  some 
future  time. 

From  Jaffa  to  YebnA. 

We  left  Jaffa  on  Monday,  June  15th.  My  plan  was  to  make  southwards 
as  far  as  Ascalon,  and  from  there  to  fall  back  on  Jerusalem,  crossing  the 
region  that  may  be  called  Samson's  country. 

Btr  edh  Dhabe\ — We  started  at  8.35  A.^r.  from  our  encampment,  where 
for  four  days  we  had  had  a  curious  band  of  N'7.var,  or  Arab  gipsies,  as  "  next 
door"  neighbours.  We  kept  along  the  sea-shore,  and  at  9.55  reached  the 
well  of  Bii-  edh  Dhabe',  "  the  Hyena's  Well,"  which  lies  actually  on  the  beach. 

A  Sea  Serpent. — From  here  we  kept  steadily  southwards,  making  for  the 
mouth  of  the  Nahr  Rubin,  which  we  reached  at  noon.  On  our  way  we  saw  a 
small  snake  of  no  great  thickness  and  of  a  greyish-yellow  colour,  diverting 
itself  in  a  singular  fashion.  It  was  wriggling  on  the  sand,  with  its  head 
pointed  seawards,  and  kept  dipping  itself  into  the  small  waves  as  they  broke 
on  the  beach,  looking  for  all  the  world  as  if  it  were  taking  a  sea-bath,  or 
was  the  creature  engaged  in  catching  its  prey  ?  So  absorbed  was  it  in  these 
evolutions  that  it  let  us  approach  without  moving,  and  not  until  it  was  almost 
beneath  the  horses'  hoofs  did  it  rear  itself  with  a  hiss,  its  eyes  gleaming, 
to    attack    us.       A    blow   from    a    kurbash    cut    short    the    reptile's    aquatic 

*  I  was  able  to  test  the  truth  of  this  statement  in  188 1.     What  is  really  there  is  a  large 
sarcophagus  with  a  cover,  exactly  like  the  one  we  noted  at  Neby  Danian  (see  further  on). 

Tojir  Jroni  Jcnisalcni  to  Jaffa  and  the  Country  of  Samson. 


gambols.  I  can  give  no  further  indication  of  its  species,  and  much  regret 
that  I  did  not  bring  away  the  body.  I  wish  to  direct  the  attention  of  naturaUsts 
to  these  facts,  which  may  be  unfamiHar  to  them. 

'Ain  cd  Dckdkin. — Just  after  fording  the  wide  estuary  of  the  Rubin  by 
means  of  tlie  bar  that  it  forms  as  it  falls  into  the  sea,  we  found  at  the  foot  of 
the  rocky  cliff  a  spring  of  fresh  water  welling  up  from  several  holes  in  the  sand 
of  the  beach,  at  about  eleven  yards  from  the  sea.  It  is  called  'Ain  ed  Dekdkin, 
"the  spring  of  the  arch-works,"  on  account  of  the  ancient  tombs  hewn  in  the 
neighbouring  cliff. 

The  fellahin,  it  should  be  said,  give  the  name  of  Dekdkin,  the  plural  form 
of  Dnkkdn,  to  the  ancient  tombs,  on  account  of  the  locidi,  whether  arcosolia  or 
kokim,  which  open  into  a  sort  of  bench  or  platform  running  round  the  burial- 
chamber.  They  have  thus  preserved  the  primitive  meaning  of  the  word, 
which  in  the  Arabic  of  the  towns  means  nothing  but  "  shop."  This  latter 
signification  is  derived  from  the  conformation  of  Oriental  shops,  which  consist 
of  an  arch  with  a  bench  beneath  it.  This  sense  of  the  word  is  quite  ancient ; 
it  is  the  dnkan,  dnkana,  or  dakkon  (]"l3"r.  s:3"n,  pit)    of  the  Talmud. 

Quite  near  the  spring,  and  a  little  to  the  south,  there  are,  in  fact,  several 
tombs  hewn  out  in  the  side  of  the  low  cliff,  some  accessible,  others  half  buried 
in  soil.      Many  others  must  be  hidden  under  the  sand.      In  past  times  there 

PLAN    AND    VIEW    OF   TOMll    NEAR     NAUR 
RUBIN.       Sc.-ile  -ji^. 

was  quite  a  little  necropolis  there,  extending  to  Khiirbet  ed  Dabbeh.     Here  are 
some  specimens  of  these  tombs,  which  arc   hewn  with  great  care,*  one  with  a 

*  In  1 88 1  I  collected  rather  a  large  quantity  of  objects  that  had  formed  part  of  the  contents 
of  several  tombs  in  the  necropolis  of  Neby  Rflbin.     (See  my  Rapports  siir  xine  mission  en  Palestine 

ct  en  Pi'ihiicie,  y\>.  68 -74.) 



Arclueoloiyical  Researches  in  Pales  fine. 

small  semicircular  chamber,  the  other  with  a  square  chamber,  in  three  walls  of 
which  kokim  are  hollowed  out,  three  on  each  available  wall. 


/        -V. 

,%I|I|IIH '"1.1 

-<-\     A 

.'Section  on  A  B. 

The  sea-shore  forms  at  this  place  a  small  creek,  where  the  ground  rises 
in  successive  terraces  like  an  amphitheatre.  A  huge  pile  of  rocks  is  visible  in 
the  sea,  that  once  served  apparently  for  the  mole  of  a  harbour. 

Ed  Dabbch. — The  ruins  are  most  conspicuous  towards  the  south.  In  the 
direction  of  the  promontory  there  are  remains  of  an  enclosure-wall,  formed  of 
stones  of  small  size  solidly  cemented  together.  A  little  higher  up,  to  the  east, 
is  a  small  rectangular  birkeh  of  masonry,  and  a  little  aqueduct  or  canal,  with 
pipes  of  terra-cotta,  which  starts  from  one  corner  of  it,  and  after  a  course  of  a 
few  yards  opens  on  to  a  sort  of  square  platform  paved  with  flags. 

A  prodigious  quantity  of  fragments  of  pottery,  of  marble  slabs,  columns, 
glass,  mosaic-cubes,  etc.,  lie  scatterecl  over  the  sand-heaps.     One  small  tell  in 

Tour  from  Jerusalem  to  Jofja  aud  tJic  Couuiry  of  Samson. 


particular  is  literally  covered  with  them.     The  layer  of  sand  is  quite  superficial, 
being  not  more  than  an  inch  or  an  inch  and  a  half  thick  ;  below  it  comes  the 

VIEW    NEAR    NEBY    Rl  IIIN. 

black  soil,  also  containing  potsherds.  In  the  course  of  turning  over  the 
rubbish,  we  came  across  a  small  piece  of  a  terra-cotta  vase,  having  scratched 
upon  it,  in  Greek  characters  of  the  Christian  period,  the  name  of  Athanasios, 


Half  the  original  size. 

'A^avacri?,  instead  of   'A^ai'acrio?,   by  virtue   of   the  before-mcMitionecl   Syrian 
pronunciation  of  the  finals,  which  converts  ios  and  ion  into  is  and  ///. 

The  promontory  itself  is  called  cd  Dabhch,  the  adjacent  ruin,  I\hiirhct  cd 
Dabbeh.  and  also  Tdtura  (particularly  on  the  side  fronting  die  spring  of  'Ain 
ed  Dekakin).  There  seems  to  have  been  here  a  town  with  its  burying-ground, 
and  a  litde  harbour  defended  by  the  belt  of  rocks  which  rise  out  of  the  sea 
some  distance  out,  and  a  small  sea  fort,  still  called  by  the  Arabs  KaTat  ed 
Dabbeh,  commanding  the  coast.  From  this  there  is  a  clear  view  of  Jafifa  to  the 
north,  and  of  Neby  Yunes  to  the  south  towards  Esdud  ;  and  signals  could  be 
easily  exchanged  between  the  three  points.  The  ruins  are  worked  by  the 
Arabs  for  building  material,  and  the  rocks  forming  the  cliffs  by  the  quarrymen. 
The  latter  form  the  quarry  called  Mahjarat  Rillnu.  This  spot  might  be 
worth   excavating.      It   represents  beyond  doubt,  as  has  been  admitted  long 

Y    2 

164  ArchcEological  Researches  in  Palestine. 

since,  the  port  of  Jamneia,  or  rather  the  Jamneia  on  the  sea  coast  mentioned 
by  Ph'ny  and  Ptolemy,  which  formed  a  separate  town,  and  played  an  important 
part  in  the  time  of  the  Maccabees. 

Neby  Rfibin. — From  here  we  deviated  somewhat  in  a  north-east  direction 
as  far  as  the  wely  of  Neby  Rubin.  The  place  was  utterly  deserted  at  the 
time,  and  the  wely  shut,  but  it  is  the  object  of  extraordinary  veneration,  and 
every  year  a  great  festival  is  held  there,  to  which  the  Mussulmans  crowd  from 
several  leagues  round.*  This  most  popular  pilgrimage  is  doubtless  connected 
with  an  ancient  tradition  relating  to  some  old  Semitic  divinity  under  the  guise 
of  Riibui,  which  name  to  a  Mussulman  means  Reuben,  the  son  of  Jacob. 
This  is  true  in  the  case  of  the  no  less  popular  pilgrimage  made  every  year  to 
the  Haravi  of  'Aly  ben  A'leim,  at  Arsnf,  which,  as  I  have  elsewhere  shown, 
is  simply  the  sanctuary  of  the  Phoenician  god  Reseph,  who  gave  his  name  to 
the  town  oi  Arsiif. 

What  divinity  is  hidden  from  us  beneath  the  mysterious  form  of  Rubin  ? 
In  answering  this  query,  it  has  to  be  borne  in  mind,  before  all  things,  that  the 
name  Riibin  is  that  of  the  river,  the  Nahr  Rubin,  near  the  mouth  of  which  is 
situated  the  sanctuary  of  the  homonymous,  and  probably  eponymous  neby. 

There  is  nothing  in  the  Bible,  so  far  as  can  be  seen,  which  appears  to 
relate  to  this  river,  important  though  it  was  in  the  hydrographic  system  of 
Judaea.  By  means  of  considerations  which  it  would  take  too  long  to  set  forth 
here,  I  have  arrived  at  the  conclusion  that  the  river  Rubin  is  actually  mentioned 
in  the  Bible,  but  in  such  a  way  that  it  was,  I  admit,  hard  work  to  find  it. 

The  end  of  the  north  border  of  the  territory  of  Judah,  coming  over  from 
Ekron  way,  crossed  the  "mountain  of  Baalah  "  before  terminating  at  Yabneel 
and  the  Mediterranean.+  All  search  made  on  the  spot  for  this  "mountain" 
has  been  vain,  and  naturally  enough.  For  a  long  time  past  the  border 
described  by  Joshua  has  left  the  mountainous  region  to  pass  through  the 
lower  lying  region  of  the  Shephelah  and  even  the  plain  itself.  Between 
Ekron  and  Yabneel  ('Aker  and  Yebna)  there  is  nothing  but  mounds  of  the  most 
insignificant  size,  utterly  unworthy  of  the  name  of  mountain.  I  am  persuaded 
that  the  primitive  Hebrew  text  read  not  :  liar  hab-Baalah  rhv1r^  in,   "  the 

*  At  a  later  period,  in  i88r,  it  was  my  good  fortune  to  be  present  at  tliese  festivities,  and  to 
observe  the  very  curious  ceremonies  connected  with  them.  Mujir  ed  Din  calls  this  annual 
festival  a  mawsem,  and  informs  us  that  the  sanctuary  was  built  by  Sheikh  Chehab  ed  Din,  son  of 
Arslan  {Biilak  Text,  p.  420).     He  writes  the  name  Riibin,  Rubil. 

t  Joshua  XV,  1 1. 

Tour  from  Jcntsalcin  /o  Jaffa  and  t lie  Country  of  Samson.  165 

mountain  of  Balaah,"  but  \jia^Iiar  hab-Baalah,  nTii'^n  ~in[;],  "the  river  of 
Balaah."  This  confusion  of  nahar,  "river."  with  /lar,  "mountain,"  is  a 
perfectly  natural  copyist's  error,  produced  merely  by  dropping  the  initial  ;/. 
This  is  just  what  has  occurred,  for  instance,  in  Arabic,  in  the  case  of  the  name 
of  the  river  (^^Ujs  Harmds*  the  ancient  Mygdonius,  which  is  a  wrong  reading 
in  Assemani  for  Nahar  Mas,  the  river  of  the  mountain  of  Masion  {M.aai.ov), 
above  Nisibis.t  The  arm  of  the  Euphrates  which  was  deflected  by 
Nebuchadnezzar,  and  is  called  in  Ammianus  Marcellinus  by  its    real   name, 

Naarmalcha "  quod  '  amnis  regum  '  interpretatur,"  becomes  in  Pliny 

(VI,  26),  slrmalchar,  "quod  significat  )rgium  fumcn,"  and  in  Eusebius;):  it  is 
wofully  mutilated  into  \\pixaKd\-qv  Ylorajiov.  These  are  conclusive  instances  of 
the  possible  disappearance  of  the  initial  n  from  the  word  nahar  alike  on 
Semitic  as  on  Greek  and  Roman  ground. 

Accordingly  it  is  not  a  "mountain,"  but  a  "river"  of  Baal  that  we 
must  look  for  between  Ekron  and  Jabneel.  The  old  god  of  Canaan, 
Baal,  who  gave  it  his  name,  has  suffered  the  usual  change  ;  local  tradition, 
faithful  to  his  memory,  I  may  add,  to  his  cult,  has  transformed  him  into 
Reuben,  son  of  Jacob.  Precisely  under  the  same  circumstances  the  river 
Adorns,  to  the  north  of  Beyrout,  has  been  converted  by  the  Arabs  into  Nahr 
Ibrahim,  "river  of  Abraham."  In  this  case  Abraham  takes  the  place  of  the 
Phoenician  god  Adonis§  for  exactly  the  same  reasons  as  Reuben  in  the 
present  instance  takes  the  place  of  the  god  Baal.  It  is  a  matter  of  common 
knowledge  that  rivers  as  well  as  mountains  among  the  Semites  were  personi- 
fied into  divinities.  I  could  cite  case  after  case  of  this  even  on  the  coast  of 
Syria,  but  will  confine  myself  to  a  single  one,  which  has  the  further  advantage 
of  proving  at  the  same  time  that  rivers  were  in  existence  called  after  Baal 

*  By  a  curious  coincidence  we  happen  to  have  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Nahr  Rubin,  to  the 
north  of  Zernuka  and  quite  near  it,  a  ruin  of  the  same  name,  Kluirhet  Harinas. 

t  Noldeke,  Zcitschr.  d.  D.  Morg.  Gesellsch.,  XXXIII,  p.  328. 

X  Prepar.  Evangel.,  IX,  41. 

§  To  corroborate  this  substitution  of  the  patriarch  Abraliain  for  Adonis,  which  is  quite  local 
and  absolutely  certain,  I  will  venture  to  point  o\it  a  rather  curious  fact,  which  tends  to  show  that 
the  identity  holds  good  all  along  the  line.  .'Velian  {Nat.  An.,  g,  36)  tells  us  of  a  certain  fish 
bearing  the  name  of  the  Phoenician  god  ('Arici/^,  Efyniol.  mag.,  'Acwinli).  Now  all  along  the 
coast  of  Phoenicia  there  is  found  a  fish  of  some  rarity  and  held  in  great  esteem,  a  kind  of  red 
mullet,  I  think,  but  I  cannot  state  its  species  exactly,  though  I  have  eaten  it  several  times.  This 
fish  is  called  Sultan  Ibrahim,  from  which  name,  taking  as  our  basis  the  conversion  of  river  Adoni.<; 
into  Nahr  Ibrahim,  we  get  exactly  the  fish  Adonis,  with  the  addition  of  a  reminder  of  the  proper 
meaning  of  Adoii  ("  Lord,  master")  in  the  word  Sultan. 

1 66  ArcJucological  Researches  in  Palestine. 

This  is  the  faniftus  Belns  at  Acre,  with  its  nuich-venerated  INIemnonium  ;  this 
Galilaean  river  Baal  has  been  transformed  by  the  Arabs  into  the  river  ot 
N^dvidn.  This  latter  again  is  a  mythical  personage  with  a  very  curious  story 
of  his  own,  but  I  cannot  go  into  it  here. 

More  fortunate  than  his  namesake  of  the  north,  Baal  has  here  preserved 
his  Memnonium,  and  even  his  cult,  in  the  shape  of  the  wely  of  Neby  Rubin 
and  the  great  annual  feast  that  takes  place  there. 

And  now  we  have  to  consider  why  local  tradition  selected  Reuben  from 
among  so  many  popular  Biblical  characters  as  a  fit  inheritor  of  the  old  Baal  of 
Phoenicia,  when  his  connection  with  this  part  of  the  country  is  nil.  There 
was  Abraham  equally  available  as  in  the  case  of  the  river  Adonis,  or  No'man, 
as  in  the  case  of  the  river  Belus.  Why  did  the  choice  fall  rather  on  Reuben  ? 
It  may  be — I  make  the  suggestion  with  all  due  reserve — it  may  be  that  it 
resulted  from  the  alliterative  likeness  to  the  name  oi  Jabneel,  which  became  in 
Arabic  Yebnd  (,  Ju^O,  and  in  early  times  Uhnd  (,  ^\)-  The  Nahr  Rubin  is, 
hydrographically  speaking,  the  "river  of  Yebna."  The  usual  practice  among 
the  Arabs  of  Palestine  is  to  give  to  rivers  the  name  of  the  chief  town  situated 
near  their  mouths. 

Accordingly  either  they  or  the  previous  inhabitants  must  have  said,  at 
one  time  or  another,  Nahr  Ubnd,  "the  river  of  Ubna,"  and  N'ahr  Ubnd  in 
popular  pronunciation  would  naturally  give;  rise  to  the  form  Nahr  Rnbnd, 
where  the  final  r  of  the  word  nahr  looked  as  if  it  belonged  also  to  the 
beginning  of  the  name  Ubnd.  This  corrupt  form  Rnbnd,  I  take  it,  gave  rise 
to  the  Reuben  and  Ritbin  of  native  tradition.  In  this  connection  I  may 
remind  the  reader  that  Stephen  of  Byzantium  speaks  of  a  certain  mythical 
Jamnos  as  having  given  his  name  to  Janinia,  the  ancient  Jabneel.  In  reality 
the  reverse  was  probably  the  case ;  the  name  of  the  town  was  the  parent 
stock  that  produced  the  name  of  the  eponymous  hero  whose  cult  lies  concealed 
beneath  the  devotion  of  the  Mussulmans  to  Rubin,  the  inheritor  of  that  Baal 
in  whom  the  river  was  personified. 

From  Neby  Rubin  we  went  down  again  to  Yebna,  where  we  were  to 
pass  the  night. 

Tell  es  Snlldn. — As  we  followed  the  southern  bank  of  the  river,  we  passed 
a  bridge  called  Jisr  Rubin,  near  which  I  noticed  a  tell  of  regular  shape,  called 
Tell  es  Sultdn,  which  seems  at  one  time  to  have  been  the  site  of  a  fortified 

Neby  Kandeh. — On  the  other  bank,  towards  the  south-east,  we  perceived 
the  well-known   village  of  el   K'beibeh,    but   were    not   able  to   visit   it.      It 

Tour  from  Jcrnsalsiii  to  Jaffa  and  the  Country  of  Samson.  167 

contains  a  sanctuary  dedicated  to  a  certain  Ncby  Kandeh  (Kitndch),  who  is 
accounted  a  son  of  Jacob  and  brotlier  of  Rubin.  My  guide,  however,  assured 
me  that  this  neby  was  not  a  man  but  a  female  sheilch,  called  Sheikha  Gandeh. 
I  have  my  doubts  as  to  his  accuracy  about  the  sex  of  the  person  in  question, 
who  is  commonly  supposed  to  have  been  a  man.  Can  there  be,  by  chance,  a 
female  personage  associated  with  the  male,  as  is  often  the  case  in  the  tradition 
of  the  fellahin  ?  This  would  have  to  be  investigated  on  the  spot ;  but  a  point 
worth  preserving  is  the  pronunciation  Gandeh,  which  I  particularly  noted  in 
my  note-book.  It  implies  an  original  form  i'jJJ,  Kandeh,  with  the  emphatic 
kdf,  and  not  i'jJi  or  \\.^*  with  the  soft  kdf.  If  the  form  Kandeh,  with  the 
kdf  corresponding  to  the  Hebrew  koph,  were  definitely  established,  one 
would  be  tempted  to  find  in  this  name  a  reminiscence  of  the  undiscoverable 
town  of  Makkedah,  which  must  have  been  hereabouts.  Kandeh  may  easily, 
considering  the  common  phonetics  of  fellah  speech,  be  an  inversion  for 
K'akdeh,  and  A^akdeh  (i'jujO  might  be  connected  with  Makkedah  (jry^d),  either 
directly,  by  change  of  ni  to  n  (though  this  mostly  takes  place  at  the  end  and 
not  at  the  beginning  of  words, f  or  what  is  perhaps  better,  indirectly,  the  Hebrew 
Makkedah  being  for  Mankedah  ixry^ir^),  and  a  derivative  from  the  root  nakad. 


At  Yebna  we  pitched  our  tent  near  the  wely  of  Abu  Horeira.      Inside 
this    we    noticed    numerous    fragments    of  marble,    several    stones    with    the 

media;val  tool-marking,  and  two  marble  columns  surmounted  by  their  capitals. 
The  outside  of  the  building  is  rather  a  picturesque  sight,  with  its  leivdn  of 
three  arches,  its  cupolas  and  its  courtyard  planted  with  fine  trees. 

*  This  is  the  spelling  of  the  Name  Lists,  where  the  word  is  transHterated  Kunda. 

t  On  this  hypothesis  we  should  have  to  admit  that  the  change  from  the  Hebrew  m  to  the 
Arabic  n  took  place  while  the  name  was  actually  undergoing  the  process  of  transformation, 
K<und(Ii :  it  is  the  contact  with  the  dental  d  that  would  turn  the  m  into  an  //, 

1 68 

Archceological  Researches,   in  Palestine. 

The  consecration  of  the  Sanctuary  to  the  famous  Abu  Horeira,  "the 
father  of  the  Httle  she  cat,"  the  companion  of  Mohammed,  though  it  can  be  and 
has  been  disputed,  and  is  certainly  spurious,'"  must  date  very  far  back. 
Several  old  Arab  writers  mention  it.  At  all  events  the  inhabitants  are  very 
proud  of  it,  and  it  would  be  most  unwise  to  discuss  its  authenticity  with  them. 

Mediccval  ChureJi. — Beyond  the  wely,  which  I  shall  shortly  have  occasion 
to  speak  of  again  at  greater  length,  there  is  in  the  village  itself  a  mosque 
{Jdvie'),  which  is  part  of  an  old  Crusaders'  church,  and  is  very  interesting.  I 
had  made  a  hurried  sketch  and  plan  of  it  already  in  iS/O.t  but  this  tinie  we 
made  a  detailed  and  leisurely  survey.  There  is  really  nothing  left  of  it  now 
but  the  north-west  corner,  which  the  Arabs  have  arranged  as  a  mosque,  at  the 
expense  of  some  disfigurement.  The  rest  of  the  original  nave  has  utterly 
disappeared,  razed  to  its  foundations.  These  foundations  might  perhaps  be 
discovered  in  the  adjoining  houses.  This  demolition  had  an  extremely 
practical  end  in  view,  and  I  shall  presently  show  why  and  when  it  was  effected. 

But  first  of  all,  here  is  a  plan  of  the  building  in  its  present  state,  with  a 

P  o 

PLAN   AND  SECTION  CF   MEDI.SVAL  CHURCH   AT  YEUNA.      Scale  ^Ju-      Bearing  109°, 

*  Mujir  ed  Din  (Bulak  Arabic  text,  p.  233)  says  in  so  many  words  that  it  is  not  he  that  is 
buried  at  Yebna,  but  one  of  his  children.  Tradition  points  out  the  tomb  of  Abu  Horeira  at  other 
spots,  for  instance  near  Tiberias  {Quarterly  Sta/ement,  1887,  p.  89). 

t  Garnet  III,  pp.  34,  35- 

Tour  frovi  Jerusalem  to  Jaffa  and  the  Cotmtry  of  Samson.         169 

section  from  E  to  F.     This  section  is  at  right  angles  to  the  east  and  west  axis 
of  the  church,  and  passes  through  the  northern  aisle  and  the  nave. 

The  Arabs,  it  will  be  noticed,  have  built  firstly  a  south  wall,  blocking  up 
three  bays  in  the  south  arcade  of  the  nave,  and  secondly  an  eastern  wall,  at 
right  angles  with  the  foregoing,  blocking  up  a  transversal  bay  of  the  nave  and 
a  transversal  bay  of  the  north  aisle.  Three  of  the  four  pillars  that  are  built 
into  these  walls  can  still  be  traced  inside.  Two  others  remain,  isolated  in  the 
middle  of  the  present  nave,  and  supporting  six  groined  vaults.  Two  of  the 
primitive  windows  of  the  church  still  exist  in  the  original  north  wall,  to  the 
right  and  left  of  the  modern  door.  This  latter  is  pointed,  and  was  probably 
built  by  the  Arabs,  perhaps  rebuilt  not  from  their  own 

Next    follows    the    inside    elevation    of  one    of  the 
windows,  which  is  splayed. t 

It  is  marked  B  on  the  general  plan. 
The  level  of  the  floor  inside  the  mosque  is  appre- 
ciably higher  than  the  primitive  level  of  the  church,  so 
that  the  bases  of  the  pillars  are  hid  from  view. 
In  the  north-west  corner  a  staircase  (A),  consisting  of  three  flights  at 
right  angles,  affords  access  to  a  minaret  with  a  large  square  base,  which 
projects  outwards,  and  seems  to  correspond,  in  its  lower  part  at  any  rate,  to 
an  old  belfry  of  the  church.  The  steps  are  formed  of  fine  stones  carefully  set, 
and  were  probably  built  by  the  Crusaders. 

Present  level  of  the  floor. 

The  plan  next  following,  taken  at  the  level  of  the  terrace  of  the  mosque. 

*  Unless  they  utilized  some  side  door  by  which  the  church  communicated  with  a  monastery 
lying  to  the  north. 

t  This  window  wrongly  appears  in  the  engraving  as  having  a  semicircular  top.  The 
windows  are  in  reality  pointed,  but  the  arc  is  slightly  broken. 


Archceolozical  Researches  in  Palestine. 

shows  the  exterior  configuration  of  the  staircase  and  the  minaret  to  which  it 





Scale  ji^. 

As  one  loolcs  at  the  mosque  on  its  north  face  from  the  outside,  it  appears 
as  below. 


In  the  above  engraving  are  visible: — the  Arab  door ;  to  the  right,  the 
base  of  the  minaret  essentially  mediaeval  in  outline,  with  an  ill-built  Arab  wall 
leaning  against  the  right  of  it. 

There  has  been  subsequently  built  into  the  north  side  of  the  base 
of  the  minaret  an  Arabic  inscription.  The  rectangular  border  enclosing  it 
can  be  seen  in  the  engraving.  A  translation  of  it  will  be  found  in  the 
Memoirs  (Vol.  II,  p.  441).  It  states  that  the  minaret  was  erected  in  the  year 
738(1337  A.D.). 

On  penetrating  into  the  courtyards  and  rooms  of  the  Arab  houses 
clustering  round  the  mosque,  we  discovered  on  the  outer  west  side  the 
primitive  door  of  the  church,  which  the  Arabs  have  blocked  up  with  rubble. 
This  is  a  perfect  gem  of  Gothic  architecture.  The  curve  of  arch  is  so  slightly 
broken  that  at  first  glance  it  looks  almost  a  semicircle. 

Ton)'  from  Jerusalem  to  Jaffa  and  the  Conntry  of  Samson. 



X    I//  11, ( 

•t////        A    \Y/  WW       ^/(  -.    1 



Plan.     Scale 




i7 /„.-.„,„„>//,. 

Detailed  Section.     Scale  .t'jj  . 
Z   2 


Archceological  Researches  in  Palestine. 


This  door  is  composed  of  one  archivolt  and  a  series  of  recessing  members. 
The  details  of  these  will  be  better  understood  from  the  accompanying  section 
than  from  a  long  description. 

These  arches  rest  on  a  simple  abacus  supported  by  pillars  without 
capitals.     The  bases  of  the  latter  are  hidden  under  the  soil. 

I  should  like  to  draw  special  attention  to  the  idea 
of  the  ornamentation  of  the  large  arch.  It  is  grooved 
with  canaliculi,  presenting  the  appearance  of  tiny  arch- 
stones  or  rather  small  tablets  with  their  edges  only 
showing,  radiating  from  the  same  centres  as  those  of 
the  arch.  This  idea  seems  to  have  been  a  favourite 
one  in  the  architecture  of  the  Crusaders,  and  is  found, 
among  other  places,  in  the  arches  of  the  doors  of  the 
Church  of  the  Holy  Sepulchre  and  the  Church  of  St. 
Anne  at  Jerusalem, 

To  complete  our  study  of  these  details,  I  give  two 
sections  showing  the  outline  of  the  string-courses  running 
inside  and  outside  along  the  walls  at  the  same  elevation 
as  the  abaci. 

Our  investigations  among  the  Arab  houses  took  us  to  the  outer  south 
wall  of  the  mosque.  This  is  of  Arab  construction,  and  forms  a  right  angle 
with  the  primitive  western  wall, 
which  has  been  destroyed  from 
a  point  a  few  yards  from  the 
axis  of  the  mediaeval  door.  In 
this  wall  we  discovered  a  large 
pointed  bay  facing  south,  and 
now  walled  up  (at  F  on  the 

This  bay,  which  has  been 
blocked  up  afterwards  by  the 
Arabs,  I  think,  consists  of  an 
arch  supported  by  two  pillars 
with  moulded  abaci,  formed  of 
a  group  of  engaged  pilasters. 
We  were  even  able  to  distin- 

Scale  4a- 

Elevation  on  C  D,  showing  the 
walled  bay.     Scale  j^. 

guish    the  base    of   the   pillar    G,     which    furnishes    an    ^^^&§A«ssci? 
important  feature  in    the    architectural    scheme,  and  determines  the  original 

Tour  from  Jerusalem  to  Jaffa  and  the  Country  of  Samson.         173 

level  of  the  church.  This  bay  belongs  to  the  first  transversal  bay  of  the 
church,   and  separates  the  nave  from    the  southern  aisle. 

It  is  now  easy  to  form  a  general  idea  of  the  plan  of  the  church,  and  by 
estimating  its  whole  extent  to  make  out  what  parts  have  been  destroyed.  The 
axis  of  the  church,  which  is  orientated  nearly  from  east  to  west,  passed  through 
the  middle  of  the  western  door  (P) ;  to  the  left  of  this  door  there  stood  the 
belfry,  forming  a  projection  on  the  north-western  corner  of  the  church.  The 
north  wall  of  the  mosque  is  the  northern  boundary  wall  of  the  church.  This 
wall  was  continued  towards  the  east,  comprising  one  or  perhaps  two  transverse 
bays,  as  far  as  the  beginning  of  the  apses,  of  which  there  are  now  no  signs 
to  be  seen  above  the  surface  of  the  ground.  If  we  start  from  the  middle  of  the 
door  P,  which  marks  the  central  axis  of  the  church,  and  draw  a  line  to  the 
south  equal  in  length  to  the  distance  from  the  middle  of  the  door  to  the  north 
wall,  it  brings  us  to  the  dotted  line  indicating  the  boundary  of  the  row  of 
houses  abutting  on  the  mosque.  The  walls  of  these  houses  must  be  built  over 
the  foundations  of  the  south  boundary  wall  of  the  church,  and  have  had 
probably  their  alignment  determined  by  these  foundations.  We  thus  obtain 
the  total  breadth  of  the  building,  which  must  have  been  about  thirteen  yards. 
The  length  must  have  been  proportionate.  It  becomes  evident  therefore  that 
the  whole  of  the  south  aisle  has  been  destroyed,  and  also  the  transverse  bay, 
forming  a  transept,  the  whole  width  of  the  three  aisles,  not  to  mention  the  apses, 
which  have  totally  disappeared. 

The  bridge. — In  the  immediate  vicinity  of  Yebna,  in  the  Wad  ct  Tdhiindt, 
"valley  of  mills,"  may  be  seen  a  bridge  with  three  arches  and  cut-waters,  like 
the  one  at  Lydda,*  with  which  it  has  much  in  common.  At  first  sight  one 
would  say  it  was  a  bridge  of  Arab  construction  ;  t  but  on  closer  inspection  I 
noticed  that  the  arches  were  formed  of  arch-stones  with  the  mediaeval  tool- 
marking.  In  this  case  also  the  Arabs  must  have  availed  themselves  of 
materials  borrowed  from  some  erection  of  the  Crusaders.  It  would  not 
surprise  me — unluckily  I  had  not  the  time  to  settle  it — if  the  building  thus  laid 
under  contribution  were  in  this  case  also  the  fine  church  at  Yebna.  This 
would  account  for  the  disappearance  of  a  considerable  part  of  its  naves ;  for 
only  two  triforia  (transversal  bays)  have  been  preserved,  and  converted  into  a 
mosque ;  the  remainder  has  been  probably  utilized  for  building  the  bridge. 

*  See  supra,  p.  1 1  o  ff. 

t  And  such  is  the  opinion  of  the  authors  of  the  Memoirs,  Vol.  II,  p.  443,  "probably  Saracenic 
work."     Irby  and  Mangles  {Travels,  p.  182)  thought  it  to  be  Roman. 

174  Archceological  Researches  in  Palestine. 

and  also  most  likely  for  building  or  repairing  the  wely  of  Abu  Horeira.  In 
particular  I  suspect  that  the  three  handsome  ogive  arches  forming  the  porch 
or  lewan  of  the  Wely*  were  borrowed  from  the  church  of  the  Crusaders. 

There  is  one  indication  which  appears  to  me  to  transform  these  two 
conjectures — at  any  rate  the  former.f  concerning  the  bridge — almost  to 

The  Survey  Party;]:  noted  in  the  courtyard  or  area  of  the  wely  an  Arabic 
inscription  to  the  effect  that  this  blessed  "cloister"  was  founded  by  Sultan 
Beibars  in  673  (1274  a.d.),  under  the  superintendence  of  "  Khalil  ibn  Sawir," 
wall  (governor)  of  Ramleh. 

This  inscription  is,  as  I  shall  show,  much  more  instructive  than  it  looks. 
It  will  be  remembered  that  the  bridge  of  Lydda  was  built  by  order  of  Beibars 
in  671,  that  is  to  say  two  years  before  the  "cloister"  of  the  Sanctuary  of  Yebna. 
Now  an  Arab  chronicle  which  I  have  quoted  from  in  this  connection  informs 
us  that  Beibars,  in  672,  \i'&.i\  txoo  bridges  hxxAx.  of  a  strategic  nature,  "in  the 
neighbourhood  of  Ramleh."  I  have  shown  that  the  first  of  these  was  that  at 
Lydda,  and  it  becomes  to  me  extremely  probable  that  the  second  is  the  one  at 
Yebna.  The  object  of  Beibars  was,  as  I  have  explained,  to  keep  open  his 
communications  at  all  seasons  along  the  high  road  from  Egypt  which  passed 
through  Yebna,  Ramleh,  and  Lydda.  The  bridge  of  Yebna  was  intended  to 
play  the  same  part  to  the  south  of  Ramleh  as  that  of  Lydda  to  the  north.  It 
was  another  fruit  of  the  same  idea,  and,  what  is  most  interesting,  made  with 
materials  of  similar  extraction.  The  same  course  was  pursued  at  Yebna  as  at 
Lydda,  and  in  each  case  it  was  the  arches  of  the  two  churches  of  the 
Crusaders  close  at  hand  that  were  laid  under  contribution  for  the  bridge. 
The  whole  proceeding  was  in  pursuance  of  a  system — the  construction  of  the 
two  bridges  was  ordered  and  probably  carried  out  almost  at  the  same  time. 
The  bridge  at  Lydda  was  constructed  in  671,  as  the  tarikh  built  into  it  bears 
witness,  while  the  Arab  chronicler  assigns  the  date  672  to  the  construction  of  the 
two  bridges.  It  may  be  supposed  that  this  slight  discrepancy  of  a  year  is  due 
to  the  fact  that  the  second  bridge,  the  one  at  Yebna,  was  built  a  year  after  the 

*  See  the  picturesque  view  already  given,  p.  167. 

t  For  the  second,  it  would  have  been  necessary  to  examine  the  arches  in  question  with  this 
idea  in  view,  to  see  whether  they  did  not  present  some  detail  indicative  of  the  mediaeval  origin 
that  I  assign  to  them.  I  regret  now  that  I  did  not  do  this,  and  recommend  the  point  to  future 
explorers  to  settle.  I  only  made  a  vague  note  in  my  note-book  about  the  existence  in  the  wely 
of  some  stones  with  the  medieval  tool-marking. 

X  Memoirs,  Vol.  II,  p.  442. 

Tour  from  Jerusalem  to  Jaffa  and  the  Country  of  Samson.  175 

one  at  Lydda,  but  the  chronicler  only  took  into  account  the  date  of  the  one 
finished  last  (672). 

A  further  proof  that  the  bridge  of  Yebna  is  really  the  second  bridge  built 
by  Beibars,  "in  the  neighbourhood  of  Ramleh,"  lies  in  the  mention  on  the 
inscription  of  the  wely  of  the  governor  of  Ramle/i,  who  built  the  "cloister" 
there  in  673.  Thus  at  the  very  time  when  the  two  bridges  near  Ramleh  were 
in  building,  which  operation  would  naturally  fall  to  the  care  of  the  governor 
of  that  town,  we  see  this  governor  carrying  out  some  important  operations  at 
Yebna.  It  seems  well  nigh  certain  that  the  governor  killed  two  birds  with 
one  stone,  and  that  after  having  taken  part  of  the  church  at  Yebna  to  make 
his  bridge,  he  conceived  the  idea,  which  Beibars  approved  of,  and  for  which 
the  governor  gives  him  all  the  credit,  of  utilizing  the  rest  to  adorn  the 
Mussulman  sanctuary  with  the  "cloister,"  probably  the  three  arcades  we  see 
there  to-day.  It  is  very  possible  that  a  diligent  search  may  bring  to  light  in 
the  bridge  of  Yebna,  as  in  that  of  Lydda,  some  tarikh  declaring  that  it  was 
built  in  671,  672  or  673,  at  the  bidding  of  Sultan  Beibars  and  under  the 
direction  of  the  governor  of  Ramleh.  It  should  be  noted  that  the  bridge  of 
Lydda  was  not  constructed  under  the  direction  of  the  governor  of  Ramleh, 
but  of  another  personage,  who  doubtless  was  placed  under  his  orders.  They 
probably  shared  the  work  ;  and  perhaps  the  construction  of  the  two  bridges, 
which  are  some  distance  apart,  was  carried  on  simultaneously. 

The  inscription  in  the  wely  of  Abu  Horeira  happens  also,  unexpectedly 
enough,  to  be,  as  I  will  show,  a  document  of  the  highest  interest  for  the 
history  of  England  ;  this  governor  of  Ramleh  there  called  "  Khalil  ibn  Sawir," 
being  in  fact  none  other  than  the  Emir  of  Ramleh,  who,  three  years  before, 
had  attempted  to  procure  the  assassination  of  Echvard  Prince  Royal  of 
England,  when  his  forces  were  threatening  Lydda  and  Ramleh.  Feigning  a 
desire  to  be  converted  to  Christianity,  he  had  entered  on  secret  negotiation  with 
him,  and  had  despatched  two  emissaries,  agents  of  the  Old  Man  of  the  Mountain, 
who  wounded  the  Prince  with  daggers  in  five  places.  This  dramatic  incident 
made  an  immense  sensation  at  the  time  in  the  Christian  and  Mussulman 
worlds.  The  Eastern  and  Western  chroniclers,  who  relate  it  in  detail,  do  not 
give  the  name  of  this  Emir  of  Ramleh,  some  even  make  him  Emir  of  Jaffa. 
The  only  one  who  gives  his  name  is  Ibn  Ferat,*  and  he  simply  calls  him  by 
his  patronymic,  Ibn  Shdwer,    "the  son  of  Shawer,"  waly  of  Ramleh.      It   is 

*  See  the  passage  in  Defremery,  Redierclies  siir  Flnstoire  des  Isinaclicns.     {Journal  Asiafigue, 
1885   Vol.  II,  p.  69.) 

176  Atrhceological  Researches  in  Palestine. 

clear  at  once  that  it  is  our  man,  "  Khalil  ibn  Sawir,  KJialil  son  of  Sdwtr, 
governor  of  Ramleh.  There  is  a  slight  difference  in  the  spelling  of  the 
patronymic,  it  being  Sdwfr  in  the  translation  of  the  inscription  given  in  the 
Memoirs,  and  Shdwer  according  to  the  manuscript  of  Ibn  Ferat.  It  is 
difficult  to  check  the  transliteration  Sawir,  as  unfortunately  the  actual  text  of 
the  inscription  has  not  been  reproduced  in  the  Memoirs.  This  transliteration 
implies  an  original  form,  ,^.L- ;  but  in  an  inscription  where  the  diacritical  marks 
are  perhaps  rare  or  even  absent  altogether,  the  editor  of  the  Memoirs  may 
very  well  have  given  this  reading  of  the  combination  of  letters  which,  on  the 
authority  of  Ibn  Ferat,  ought  really  to  be  read  ,.li,  S/idzcer,  which  form  is 
moreover  well  known. 

Thus  the  inscription  of  Yebna  reveals  to  us  authentically  and  fully  the 
name  of  the  man  who  instigated  the  assassination  of  Edward  Prince  Royal  of 

These  pages,  devoted  to  the  description  of  Yebna,  were  already  gone  to 
press  when  I  had  sent  me  a  series  of  observations  of  the  highest  interest, 
which  serve  to  remedy  the  incompleteness  of  my  own,  and  confirm  on 
several  essential  points  the  archaeological  and  historical  conclusions  I  had 
drawn  from  them.  M.  Max  van  Berchem,  whose  name  I  have  already 
mentioned  in  speaking  of  the  Lydda  bridge,  has  been  so  kind  as  to  undertake 
to  supply  the  desiderata  I  had  pointed  out  to  him  for  the  description  of  the 
monuments  of  Yebna.  He  has  studied  them  on  two  occasions,  in  1893  "^"^^ 
in  T894,  the  first  time  with  the  assistance  of  his  young  and  courageous  wife, 
whose  untimely  loss  his  friends  unite  with  him  in  deploring.  In  the  following 
lines  I  give  the  substance  of  the  precious  notes  that  he  has  placed  at  my 
disposal,  and  I  am  happy  to  thank  him  publicly  for  this  graceful  act. 

The  Omrch. — "The  outer  facing  of  the  walls  is  much  worn  away;  there  are 

shafts  of  columns  built  in  the  walls  through  the  whole  thickness The  window 

has  a  charming  profile  ;   it  has  a  median  joint  (vertical)  and  the  diagonal  stride 

(mediaeval  toolmarks)  on  the  voussoirs The  minaret  has  a  square  base,  and 

the  body  of  it  is  octagonal,  after  the  style  of  the  Egyptian  minarets  of  the 
thirteenth — fifteenth  centuries.  It  appears  to  be  partly  constructed  of  mediteval 
materials ;  on  some  of  the  largest  stones  traces  of  diagonal  striee  are  still  visible. 
On  the  north  front  of  the  minaret,  at  about  13  feet  from  the  ground,  is  a  limestone 
slab    about   o""  70   long   by   o™  -50   high,   built    into    the   wall,   with    an    Arabic 

Tmir  frotn  Jerusalem  to  Jaffa  and  tlie  Country  of  Samson.  i  7  7 

inscription  in    neskhy  Mameluke  characters,    of  average  size  and   pleasing  style, 
but  rather  indistinct : — 

{sic)  'J^  J,.«Jt'  ^'  ^-'^J'    ._«^J1  ii^\ 

*iJU    t_Jw:.        -vj'lj.    ^.'w*J    iju-     ^r    *_V.'  ,    ^^  J <        J 

'•  The  person  spoken  of  is  evidently  the  Emir  Saif  ed-din  Bashtak  en  Xasiry, 
who  played  a  part  in  politics  under  Sultan  Mohammed  En  Kasir  and  built  a 
mosque  at  Cairo,  which  has  now  disappeared,  and  a  great  palace  of  which  some 
traces  remain,  which  was  terminated  this  same  year,  738  .  .  . .  " 

Tlie  Wely. — A.  "  On  the  door  of  the  enclosure  of  the  wely,  east  side,  is  a  large 
marble  slab  (i"  '05  by  o"  '/o),  with  five  lines  of  fine  old  Mameluke  neskhy  characters  ; 
the  letters  are  flat,  white  on  a  yellow  ground,  and  have  a  i&fi  diacritical  marks. 

{sic)  ^  llx^  AtiS  r^.  -J.    J  ^  iU!  J^.  iX^'\  i^\  '^\ 

(sic)  ,.L.-  ..j^  Jj1=-  ^  X*^  (sic)  "i^,  iJUJ-:.   .^^jtiw;. 
t        ■      '■         ,    '     >.  on    y<  /'M    ■--  71    M      " 

"The  proper  name  is  as  a  matter  of  fact  written  KJudtl  ben  Sazvr  („L:);i 
but  as  many  diacritical  marks  are  wanting,  there  is  no  objection  to  reading  Chdwer 


*  That  is  to  say  :  "  In  the  name  of  the  merciful  and  piritul  God.  Ordered  the  building  of 
this  blessed  minaret,  bis  exalted  and  lordly  Eminence  the  great  Emir  Saif  (ed-din)  Bashtak, 
belonging  to  (Sultan)  En-Nasir,  at  the  beginning  of  the  month  Rabi'  II,  in  the  year  seven 
hundred  and  thirty-eight"  As  will  be  seen,  the  tenor  of  the  inscription,  as  copied  by  M.  van 
Berchera,  is  appreciably  different  from  the  one  given  in  the  Memoirs,  Vol.  II,  p.  441-  The  same 
remark  applies  to  inscriptions  a  and  b,  reproduced  further  on  :  c  is  a  new  inscription. 

t  The  above  transcription  of  the  text  is  made  from  the  copy  and  squeeze  taken  in  1893  by 
>L  van  Berchem.  Here  is  the  translation :  "  In  the  name  of  the  merciful  and  pitiful  God. 
Gave  the  order  to  begin  building  the  blessed  jwrch  (rewai),  our  master,  Sultan  El-Malek 
edh-Dhaher,  pillar  of  the  world  and  of  religion,  Aboul  Path  (the  father  of  conquest)  Beibars, 
co-sharer  with  the  Emir  of  the  Believers,  may  God  exalt  his  victories !  The  completion  of  it 
took  place  in  the  month  Rebi'  I,  in  the  year  six  hundred  and  seventy-three.  AVas  entrusted  with 
the  building  Klialil  son  of  Chawer,  Governor  of  Ramleh,  whom  may  God  pardon,  him,  his  father 
and  mother,  and  all  the  Mussulmans." 

i  Not  _•  ,'_■  as  implied  by  the  transcription  Sdu'ir  given  in  the  Memoirs. 

%  Thus  there  is  no  longer  any  doubt  remaining  as  to  the  restoration  of  this  name,  which  I 
pro|K)sed  on  the  basis  of  the  defective  reading  given  in  the  Memoirs,  nor,  consequently,  as  to  the 
historical  results  that  spring  theiefrom  ;  our  personage  really  is,  as  I  recognized,  the  presimied 

178  Archtrolo^^ical  Researches  in  Palestine. 

11.  "  In  the  base  of  the  door\va\',  consequent!)-  under  tlie  [jorch  that  is  in  front 
of  this,  on  the  Hntel  of  the  door  and  on  the  sides  of  the  bay.  Length  of  front 
side  2'" -20,  length  of  the  sides,  i"''iO.  Two  lines  of  fine  nesk/iy  Mameluke 
characters  ;  letters  of  medium  size,  numerous  points,  few  vowels  ;  the  inscription  is 
whitewashed  and  very  indistinct,  though  very  well  preserved:  — 


,    '^    a,.Jl.c    ^ \.^\    Jc-^1    ^Jv-J   (sic)  ^  ^Jl.'A    *A:5-J1     .r^=^l\    cd!^     *^.'    (Line   i) 

^Ui\  JS^  ^,;.v!^_.  Ia;.jJ\  _\U  ^j^\  ^<1J1  j1^\  aJjJI  k.y,l  ajj^I  JjWI  ^W\ 


^--     ,.vlUl  .,.L-    ,,.^J.^1   L_<1^^  JccJj\  ^,lLUt   Ul'^.  JJ.  .v-^'   .dSl    Ut    (Line  2) 
.♦•Jl       -•    v-\ji    c'J    ^)1<.    jj^^    C-jU:?-    cU-O.    ,.,\JJi1\    v^'.    l:.'^^^.-^-    *Uc-J1    c-J*^    >X^^    ^^^ 

"  L^nderneath  the  lintel,  on  the  right  and  left  sides  of  the  door,  are  two  lines": 

Aj' ,Uj:  ^Ji  aJU^wi    ,„\JK^^'.',  ,.,A,G^  •X.K^  ,».,,i  ,  -i   uJ  iUj:  ,.,.<  i^jiSl  ,.,^«  ..f-^-:^    (Line  i) 

*  _^^!1  <^.^^.!.  aJu.a!.  .J  c>JJ\  ^    ,J^'-.-l    ,L^l.jJ\  ,..A..l   (Line  2) 

"  Sultan  Khalil  Abu  '1-Feda  is  the  conqueror  of  Acre  (690  A.H.).  Perhaps 
the  works  mentioned  in  this  inscription  were  executed  in  consequence  of  a  severe 
earthquake  which  did  great  damage  all  along  the  coast  of  Syria  {see  Quatremere, 

Histoire  dcs  Sultans  Manitoiiks,  II,  A.,  p.  146)." 

author  of  the  attempt  on  the  Lfe  of  Prince  Edward  of  England.  It  will  be  further  noticed  that 
the  go-eernor  of  Ramleh  bears  exactly  the  same  title  {7i'aty)  in  the  inscription  and  in  the  passage 
from  Ebn  Ferat  that  I  cjuoted  in  comparison  with  it. 

*  ■'  In  the  name  of  the  merciful  and  pitiful  God.  Began  to  build  this  blessed  sanctuary 
{meshhed)  of  Abu  Horeira,  may  God  receive  him,  companion  of  the  apostle  of  God,  on 
whom  be  prayers  and  salvation,  our  Lord  and  our  master  the  very  great,  learned,  and  just 
Sultan,  resolute  champion  and  guardian  (of  Islam),  victorious,  El-Malek  el-Achraf,  prosperity  of 
the  world  and  of  religion,  Suhan  of  Islam  and  of  the  Mussulmans,  lord  of  Kings  and  Sultans, 
Abu  '1-Feda  Khalil,  co-sharer  with  the  Emir  of  the  Believers,  may  God  exalt  his  victory,  son  of 
our  master  the  Sultan,  hero  of  the  holy  war,  El-Malek  ElAIansiir  Kelaun  es-Salehy,  may  God 
water  his  reign  with  the  rain  of  his  mercy  and  his  grace  and  the  benefits  of  his  indulgence,  may 
he  make  hini  to  dwell  in  the  gardens  of  Eternity,  may  he  come  to  his  aid  on  the  day  of 
resurrection,  may  he  make  him  a  place  under  a  wide  shade  with  abundant  water  and  quantities 
of  fruit  without  stiftt,  may  he  grant  him  the  reward  and  the  delights  he  has  deserved,  may  he  raise 
his  places  and  degrees  into  the  ....  Amen  !  The  building  of  it  was  finished  in  the  months  of 
the  year  six  hundred  and  ninety-two,  and  there  was  entrusted  with  its  building  Aydemir  the 
dewaddr  ("bearer  of  the  inkstand")  E/,-Zeiny  (?  may  God  pardon  him,  him  and  his  descendants, 
as  also  all  Mussulmans." 

Tour  from  Jerusalem  to  Jaffa,  and  the  Country  of  Samson.         179 

C.  To  the  left  of  the  great  inscription  of  Beibars  (which  is  above  the  door  of  the 
enclosure)  there  is  built  into  the  wall  another  inscription  consisting  of  three  lines 
cut  on  a  marble  slab,  length  o™  '46  ;  height  0"°  "22.  Small  characters,  in  cursive 
Mameluke  neskhy. 


•^■j^.*j  ^i_ 


'—    tU^— :    (Jj-' 



Being  exposed  at  each  of  his  visits  to  the  hostiHty  of  the  fellahin,  who 
were  set  on  him  by  the  sheikh,  I\I.  l\I.  van  Berchem  was  unfortunately  unable 
to  carry  out  all  the  archaeological  observations  in  the  wely  which  I  had 
requested  him  to  make  in  order  to  ascertain  whether  there  really  were,  as  I 
supposed,  materials  in  the  structure  borrowed  from  the  old  Crusaders'  church. 
On  the  first  occasion  his  suspicions  were  aroused,  on  the  second  he  managed 
to  note  certain  details  which  seem  to  me  to  give  support  to  my  conjecture. 

Here,  firstly,  is  a  small  sketch  made  from  his  notes  in  combination  with 

our  own,   and  giving  a  plan   of  the  sanctuar}',   approximately  correct,    and 
showing  the  position  of  the  three  inscriptions  reproduced  above  (a,  b,  c). 

*  This  inscription,  which  was  not  noticed  by  the  Survey,  presents  a  few  doubtful  words. 
The  translation  is  as  follows  : — "  Renewed  this  pool,  the  conduit  and  the  saliia,  his  Excellency 
En-Nasery  (=  Naser  ed-din)  Mohammed  Anar  (?),  son  of  Anar  (?  ?),  and  his  Excellency  El-'Alay 
=  'Ala  ed-din)  Yelbogha,  possessors  (?)  of  the  township  of  Yebna,  may  god  in  his  grace  and 
mercy  grant  to  both  of  them  Paradise  as  a  reward.  Ordered  at  the  date  of  the  month  Rebi'  I,  iu 
the  year  eight  hundred  and  six  (1403  .a.d.)."  There  is  an  "Ala  ed-din  Yelbogha  el-'Alay  who 
appears  on  the  brief  list  given  by  Mujir  ed  Din  {op.  cit.,  p.  612)  of  the  naibs  of  Jerusalem,  some 

2    A    2 

I  So 

Anhceological  Researches  in  Palestine. 

K  K  is  ;m  enclosure  open  to  the  sky.  I  add  to  this  a  partial  view  of  the 
edifice  made  from  two  small  photographs  which  M.  M.  van  Berchem  suc- 
ceedeti  in  taking-,  in  spite  of  riotous  opposition,  which  at  one  time  nearly  took 
a  fatal  turn. 

The  re-a'dk  mentioned  in  inscription  a  is  evidently  the  porch  with  three 
arches  d,  e,  f,  and  two  bays  (each  about  lo  feet  wide),  which  stands  in  front 
of  the  sanctuary  proper.  The  whole  is  formed  of  six  groined  compartments, 
and  each  surmounted  by  a  small  cupola.  M.  M.  van  Berchem  estimates  the 
width  of  the  fagade  at  about  32  feet. 

Here  follow  the  notes  made  by  M.  M.  van  Berchem  : — 

"  I  searched  for  Crusaders'  blocks  in  the  side  and   rear  walls  (G,  II,  l),  and  I 

think  I  saw  some  in  the  front  wall  H,  but  I  am  not  certain.     Here  are  some  details 

concerning    the    arches,    D,    E,    F,    of  the   portico.       The    central    arch    E,    which, 

"brisce"  at  the  top,  is  composed  of  two  quite 

distinct  parts  :      i.  A  moulding   M,   formed  of 

a  fillet  and  a   cavetto ;    middle    joint   at  the 

top  of  the  arch  ;   lengthened  voussoirs.     This 

moulding  appeared  to  me  Gothic,  but  I  cannot 

assert    as    much,    not  having    been    able    to 

examine  it  closely.     2.  An  archivolt  N  placed 

against  the    intrados   of  the    preceding,   with 

narrower  voussoirs,  and  a   voussoir   at   the   top  (key-stone)  V.     The  front  of  the 

voussoirs  is  ornamented  with  a  zig-zag  line  cut 
in  the  stone,  and  following  the  curve  of  the 
arch  .  .  .  The  joints  of  the  upper  moulding  do 
not  coincide  with  those  of  the  lower  archivolt. 
The  two  side  arches,  D,  F,  have  the  "pudding"  orna- 

"  At  the  top  of  the  shorter  front  (about   20  feet  above   the  level  of  the  ground) 

runs  a  cornice,  which  in  its  profile  recalls  the  moulding  of  the  central  arch." 

I  consider  that  these  three  arches  are  sufficiently  established  as  being 
of  mediaeval  origin  by  their  shape,  the  profile  of  the  mouldings,  the  patterns 



of  whom  were  at  the  same  time  inspectors  of  the  two  Harams,  from  about  the  year  Soo  to  840  or 
850  of  the  Ilegira ;  this  Yelbogha  occupies  the  fourth  place  on  the  list.  The  names  and  dates 
are  sufficiently  in  accord  to  tempt  us  to  identify  him  with  the  second  of  our  personages  ;  in  this 
case,  however,  one  would  have  e,\pected  him  to  put  into  the  inscription  the  titles  of  his  high 
offices,  if  he  really  exercised  them.  As  is  shown  by  the  appearance  of  the  names,  these  two 
personages  must  have  been  of  Turkish  origin,  at  any  rate  the  second  of  them,  for  the  name  of  the 
first  is  still  very  doubtful,  and  would  require  to  be  verified  from  the  original. 

*  M.  M.  van  Berchem  gives  this  name  to  the  ornamentation,  consisting  of  canalicuti ;  see 
above  the  picturesque  view  of  the  monunier.t. 

Tour  fi-oni  Jerusalem  to  Jaffa  and  t lie  Count rv  of  Samson.  i8i 

of  their  ornamentation,*  and  the  placing  of  arches  with  vertical  joints  over 
arches  with  keystones.  The  two  latter  characteristics  are  notably  present  in 
the  door  of  the  church  at  Yebna  vdiich  I  have  given  above.  The  arch  of 
the  latter,  moreover,  shares  with  the  rwo  arches  d  e,  of  the  wely,  the 
peculiarity  of  being  very  slightly  broken.  I  will  add  further,  that  the  profile 
of  the  cornice  that  runs  along  the  top  of  the  fagade,  simple  though  it  is,  is  in 
no  way  Arab,  and  bears  a  much  greater  resemblance  to  a  Gothic  string-course. 

It  will  be  admitted  that  these  facts  add  considerable  weight  to  the  notion 
I  put  forward,  that  the  portico  built  by  order  of  Beibars  was  for  the  greater 
part  constructed  from  materials  taken  from  the  Crusaders'  churcht,  which  at 
the  same  time,  doubtless,  was  drawn  upon  for  the  bridge,  situated  not  far  away. 
The  commemorative  inscription  was  probably  built  in  the  first  place  into 
the  portico  itself,  either  on  the  front  or  under  the  arcades,  and  afterwards, 
upon  occasion  of  some  rebuilding,  it  was  transferred  to  the  place  above  the 
lintel  of  the  door  of  the  outer  enclosure,  which  it  occupies  to-day.  The  sanc- 
tuary proper,  or  mcshhed,  which  was  built  nineteen  years  later— in  pursuance 
perhaps  of  some  original  plan  left  unfinished  by  Khalil  ben  Shawer — must 
correspond  to  the  part  of  the  structure  marked  b,  g,  i,  ii,  which  is  surmounted 
by  the  principal  cupola. 

The  Brido-e.—Vi.    M.    van    Berchem   was  also  kind   enoucrh   to   make   a 

special   study  of  the  bridge,  which  confirms  my  conjectures  as  to  its  origin. 

*  The  canaliciili,  as  I  have  already  said,  are  again  met  with  in  the  arches  of  numerous 
Crusaders'  buildings.  As  for  the  zig-zag  ornament,  it  would  be  wrong  to  reckon  this  an  indication 
of  Arab  work,  for  although  rarer  than  the  ornament  just  mentioned,  it  exists  in  Crusaders' 
buildings  ;  for  instance  in  the  archivolt  of  the  church  of  Jebeil,  which  belongs  to  the  12th  century. 

t  It  is  possible,  of  course,  that  certain  other  architectural  materials  were  borrowed  by  the 
Arab  builders  from  another  erection  of  the  Crusaders  which  lay  to  hand  at  Yebna,  namely,  the 
castntm  and  presidium,  flanked  with  its  four  towers,  which  King  Fulk  had  had  built  at  Hibelin, 
as  Yebna  was  then  called  {William  of  Tyre,  X^'',  24). 

1 82  Archa-olopical  Researches  in  Palestine. 


He  satisfied  himself  that,  as  I  supposed,  "  Crusaders'  arches  undoubtedly  form 
part  of  it "  (I  quote  his  own  words).  The  analogy  with  the  case  of  the  bridge 
at  Lydda  is  a  striking  one,  and  it  now  seems  altogether  probable  that  at 
Yebna,  as  well  as  at  Lydda,  Beibars,  or  rather  his  agents,  laid  the  church 
under  contribution  for  the  building  of  the  bridofe.  I  now  give  a  susfofestive 
view  of  this  bridge,  from  an  excellent  photograph  taken  by  M.  M.  van  Berchem, 
from  the  side  of  the  village,  i.e.,  from  the  south-west,  and  some  items  ex- 
tracted from  his  note-book. 

"Bridge  with  three  ' brisecs'  arches"  (arches  with  broken  curves),  "resembling 
the  bridge  at  Lydda  ;  browrj  tufous  h'mestone.  The  central  arch  is  wider.  The  heads 
of  the  arches  are  of  more  careful  workmanship  than  the  other  part  of  the  soffits,  and 
have  diagonal  strice  tkroitgkoiit ;  the  vertical  joint  is  at  the  top  . . .  The  soffits,  apart 
from  the  groins,  are  of  porous  rubble  as  at  L}-dda.  The  difference  between  the  two 
materials  is  very  noticeable.  On  the  side  facing  up  stream  (south)  the  central  arch 
has  only  a  few  voussoirs  with  striae  at  the  springing  ;  the  rest  is  of  small  porous 
rubble  ;  here  the  difference  strikes  the  eye  at  once.  However,  the  vertical  joint  is 
also  found  on  this  arch,  which  is  the  only  one  not  entirely  constructed  of  material 
bearing  Crusaders'  tool-marks.  On  the  up  side  are  two  pointed  cutwaters,  as  at 
Lydda.  The  intrados  of  the  central  arch  is  made  of  materials  carefully  dressed  as  far 
up  as  the  springings,  where  the  small  rubble  begins.  There  are  traces  of  cement, 
especially  on  the  intrados  of  the  eastern  arch.  Above  the  central  arch,  on  the 
north  side,  in  the  crowning  of  the  parapet,  is  a  breach,  which  might  have  contained 
an  inscription.  .  .  .  The  fleche  of  the  bridge  is  very  conspicuous.  Length  about 
48  m.,  breadth  1 1'"  -50  ;  width  of  the  central  arch  6"'  'So  ;  width  of  the  side  arches, 
about  5  m.  The  height  varies,  the  base  of  the  bridge  being  buried  in  mud.  I 
found  masons'  marks  on  several  voussoirs,  and  Madame  van  Berchem  made 
squeezes  of  them  for  you.     Some  of  these  marks  are  doubtful."* 

Miscellaneous  Notes. 

Here  are  a  few  notes  that  I  took  of  conversations  with  the  fellahin  of 
Yebna  : 

Hibelin. — The  town  used  also  to  be  called  'Ebellin.  ,.,Aj-.^  or  ,.„vLio:-+ 
The  tradition  of  the  fellahin  is  curious,  when  compared  with  the  well-known 
passage  in  William  of  Tyre,  from  which  it  appears  that  in  the  time  of  the 
Crusades,  Yebna,  then  supposed  to  correspond  to  Gath,  was  called  Hibelin. 
The  presence  of  the  'ain  in  the  Arabic  name  tends  to  show  that  this  must  be  a 
genuine  case  of  native  name,  and  not,  as  might  have  been  supposed,  of  a  name 
manufactured  or  mutilated  after  the  Crusaders.     The  H  in  Hibelin  similarly 

*  There  are  six  of  these.     See  the  Special  Table  of  Vol.  I.     I  shall  direct  attention  to  one 
of  them,  a  splendid  A,  quite  Golhic. 

I  I  noted  this  name  before  when  I  visited  Yebna  in  1S70.     (Garnet  III,  p.  34.) 

Tonr  from  Jerusalem  to  Jaffa  and  the  Country  of  Samson.  183 

seems  to  prove  that  there  was  a  guttural  at  the  beginning  of  the  name  that 
the  Crusaders  heard.  That  they  found  the  name  already  attached  to  the 
locality  William  of  Tyre  expressly  testifies.  However,  Benjamin  of  Tudela 
and  the  Jewish  authors  write  p'^n^S  or  pT2^^,  but  they  perhaps  do  but  give  a 
direct  reproduction  of  a  western  pronunciation  of  the  word.  It  is  difficult  to 
explain  the  origin  of  this  mysterious  name  ;  but  it  may  be  useful  to  compare 
with  the  passage  from  William  of  Tyre  one  from  Foulques  of  Chartres,  which 
assigns  to  this  same  town  the  name  of  Ibeniim,  and  identifies  it  not  with  Gath, 
as  does  William  of  Tyre,  but  with  Ashdod.  These  Biblical  identifications 
are  equally  arbitrary  and  of  no  value  ;  what  we  should  seize  upon  is  the 
form  Ibenum  (if  the  reading  of  the  MS.  be  certain),  corresponding  to  the 
Hihclin  of  William  of  Tyre.*  In  any  case  there  is  no  doubt  as  to  the 
relation  between  Ibenum  and  Hibelin,  for  the  chroniclers  of  the  Crusades 
mention  the  two  names  in  connection  with  the  same  episode  in  the  war. 
The  form  Ibenum  might  easily  be  reduced  to  the  Arabic  form  Yebnd.  We 
ought  also,  however,  it  seems  to  me,  to  take  account  of  the  singular  fact  that 
the  Jews  of  the  Middle  Ages — as  their  itineraries  expressly  state — placed  the 
Yabneh  of  the  Bible  in  Galilee,  at  a  village  called  then  as  now  'Abellin 
^jdxi  (quite  near  Shefa'amr  to  the  north-east).  Can  the  name  of  'Abellin 
have  been  transported  by  a  reverse  operation  to  the  real  Yabneh,  Yebna,  of 
Judeea,  and  have  been  treasured  up  by  the  local  tradition  of  the  place  ?  In 
this  case  we  should  ascribe  the  origin  of  this  name  Hebclin,  'Ebellin,  applied 
to  the  Yebna  of  to-day,  to  Jewish  intervention.  It  was  a  confusion  of  the 
same  kind  that  caused  the  Jews  of  the  Middle  Ages  to  identify  for  instance 
Ekron  with  Acre,  whereas  it  certainly  is  at  'Aker  quite  near  Yebna. 

The  identification  I  have  just  made  removes  at  all  events  any  lingering 
doubt  that  there  might  be  as  to  the  identity  of  the  Hibelin  of  William  of 
Tyre  with  Yebna,  since  by  the  current  convention  of  the  time,  'Ebellin  was 
reckoned  to  be  Jabneh. 

Topography. — Various  localities  mentioned  to  me  by  the  fellahin  of 
Yebna : 

Khni-bet  el  Fat  una,  to  the  north  of  Beshshit ; 

Khiirbet  edh-DIi  hcisheh,  near  K'beibeh  ; 

Dh'hur  el  Ghozldn,  "the  crests  of  the  Gazelles,"  between  Yebna  and  'Aker; 

Hcbreh,  towards  Moghar  ; 

And  the  Aliilin  of  Albert  of  Aix 

184  Archcvological  Researches  in  Palestine. 


Stikreir,  between  Esdud  and  Yebna ;  between  Bechchit  and  Yasiir, 
according  to  others  ; 

Be'elia,  to  the  north,  in  the  mountains,  four  hours'  journey  ; 

At  Beshshit  there  is  a  Ahby  Sliit  ,• 

'Oy/iii  Gdra,  a  pronunciation  of  the  name  'Oyiui  A'ara,  proving  tliat 
Kara  really  begins  with  the  emphatic  Kdf,  and  should  be  written  \  .L-  ; 

Khiii'bet  Sitkriyeh,  two  and  a  half  hours  to  the  south  of  Yebna. 

The  ethnic  name  of  the  inhabitants  of  EchiV  (c^O  is,  in  the  singular, 
YesJmdny,  and  in  the  plural  Sheicd'''neh.  The  discrepancy  between  the 
singular  form  ^llc^i^^  and  the  plural  form  Z>^^J:^  is  very  interesting. 
Yehsitdny  is  an  archaic  form,  and  credits  the  locality  with  an  ancient  name 
c^A-s  which  onomastically,  if  not  topographically^''  is  identical  with  tha  Jeskiia 
(i^Tll")  of  Nehemiah  (xi,  26). 

From  Yebna  to  Ascalon. 

Our  examination  of  the  church  at  Yebna  having  taken  us  no  inconsider- 
able time,  we  were  rather  late  in  starting  for  Esdud,  which  was  to  be  our 
resting-place  for  the  night. 

Sukreir. — About  midway  on  our  journey  we  inspected  the  ruins  of 
Sitkreir,  which  was  a  little  to  the  west  of  our  road.  Here  there  are  visible 
the  remains  of  a  sort  of  Khan,  with  a  deep  cistern  and  a  small  birkeh  ;  an 
aqueduct  led  the  water  from  it  to  a  fountain  right  on  the  edge  of  the  road ; 
opposite  this,  on  the  other  side  of  the  road,  in  a  field,  is  a  piece  of  a  column, 
belonging  perhaps  to  a  milestone,  and  some  fragments  of  marble.  This  must 
have  been  the  site  of  some  ancient  inanzel  or  posting-house,  on  the  Arab  route 
from  Egypt  to  Syria. 

I  have  come  across  this  place  Sukreir  in  an  important  episode  of  the 
history  of  the  Mameluke  Sultans.  Makrizi  narrates  that  in  the  month  Mohar- 
ram,  in  the  year  696  (October,  1296),  at  the  camp  on  the  'Auja  (to  the  north  of 
Jaffa),  the  Emir  Lajin,  having  conspired  with  some  other  Emirs,  attacked  his 
master,  Sultan  Ketbogha.  The  latter  managed  to  elude  his  attack,  and  fled 
towards  Damascus,  over  the  bridge  of  the  'Auja.  The  Egyptian  army  then 
left  the  'Auja  to  return  to  Egypt.      On  their,  arrival  at  Yazur,  in  front  of  Jaffa, 

*  From  the  contexl  at  any  rate  it  looks  as  if  the  town  in  Nehemiah  must  have  been  much 
more  to  the  south. 

Tour  fro)u  Jerusalem  to  Jaffa  and  the  Country  of  Samson.  185 

the  Emirs  proclaimed  their  colleague  Lajin  as  Sultan,  under  the  name  of 
El-Malek  el  Mansur.  From  Yazur  the  new  Sultan  moved  to  Gaza,  passing 
by  Sekrir.  It  appears  to  me  certain  that  the  name  y,.J~^^  which  is  thus  read 
by  Ouatremere,  ought  to  be  vocalized  Sukreir,  and  that  this  locality  corres- 
ponds to  our  Kliurbet  Sukreir.  This  historical  testimony  is  doubly  valuable, 
as  it  guarantees  at  the  same  time  the  comparative  antiquity  and  the  exact 
spelling  of  the  name  Sukreir. 

The  ruin,  when  all  is  said  and  done,  is  insignificant,  but  the  name 
attached  to  it  is  extremely  interesting.  It  has  been  variously  transliterated, 
and  in  most  arbitrary  ways,  e.g.,  Suk-rheir,  Suk-kheir,  Sugheir,  Tokrair,  etc. 
(Rey,  Guerin,  Tobler,  Richardson,  etc.).  The  true  form  in  reality  is  Sukreir, 
.j^.  As  early  as  1861,  Knobel*  proposed  to  identify  it  with  Shikronah  or 
Shikron,  a  landmark  on  the  northern  boundary  of  the  territory  of  Judah, 
towards  its  western  extremity.  I  was  still  very  uncertain  on  this  question, 
and  rather  inclined  at  the  time,  relying  on  faulty  transliterations,  to  Shikronah 
with  Zernilka,  near  Yebna  and  to  the  north-east  of  it.  Three  months  later, 
on  revisiting  these  parts,  I  gave  up  the  latter  conjecture  and  went  back  to 
Knobel's,  in  consequence  of  two  new  observations  that  I  made  there.  The 
name  Zernuka  is  written  with  the  emphatic  kdf,  ^^jj't  and  consequently  can 
have  nothino:  to  do  with  Shikronah  n21"l3'C  On  the  other  hand  I  have 
actually  heard  on  the  lips  of  the  fellahin  of  Berka  the  variant  Sukrein.  for 
Sukreir,  which  is  a  complete  justification  of  the  hypothesis  that  this  name 
may  represent  Shikron. 

My  only  doubt  is  whether  there  ever  was  a  town — an  ancient  one,  I 
mean — on  the  site  of  Sukreir  or  Sukrein.  But  then  I  am  equally  doubtful 
whether  the  place-name  Shikron  is  applied,  in  the  passage  of  Joshua,  to  a 
town.  The  name  Sukrein — we  are  sufficiently  authorised  to  give  the  prefer- 
ence to  this  form,  now  that  I  have  shown  that  it  really  exists — the  name 
Sukrein,  I  say,  is  properly  the  name  of  the  small  river,  the  Nahr  Sjikrein, 
which  flows  by  Esdud  and  falls  into  the  Mediterranean  about  opposite 
Sukrein.  It  is,  I  think,  as  a  river  that  Shikron  figures  in  the  delimitation 
of  Judah,  and  not  as  a  town.     This  problematical  town  is  mentioned  nowhere 

*  Exeget.  Handbuclt,  xxx,  p.  419. 

f  Zernu/;d  signifies  properly  "an  a])paratus  for  raising  water;"  Mokaddesy  says  that  it  is  a 
dolab,  "machine  for  irrigating."  It  is  the  Aramaic  word  ZarntVia  i^p"l^"lT,  which  has  the  same 
meaning,  and  is  itself  probably  nothing  else  but  the  Greek  ai'iH~i^,  genitive  avpr/r/o^,  "pipe," 
whence  on  the  other  hand  is  derived  our  word  "  syringe."  There  actually  is  in  the  village  of 
Zernuka  a  water-wheel  which  raises  water  for  irrigation  purposes  from  a  deep  well. 

2    H 

86  Arc/i(solop;ical  Researches  in  Pa/csfiiw. 


else,  which  is  very  odd,  for  if  it  really  existed  it  must  have  belonged  to  the 
territory  of  either  Judah  or  Dan,  the  towns  in  which  are  mentioned  in  detail. 
In  support  of  this  theory  I  will  adduce  two  facts;  (i)  the  etymology  of  the 
name  Shikron,  which  evidently  comes  from  the  root  shakar,  13tr,  s/ns/ikir, 
"vycyn,  "to  water;"  (2)  the  fact  that  there  is  in  Spain  a  river  of  the  same 
name  called  by  the  ancients  Sucro  (by  Ptolemy,  'S.ovKpcju  ;*  now  the  Jucar  or 
Xtccar).  This  name  is  of  Phoenician  origin,  just  like  that  of  another  river  in 
Spain,  the  BiXuv,  which  is  the  same  as  the  Bclus,  "  the  river  of  Baal,"  in 
Phoenicia,  and  the  Nahar  Baal  in  Palestine,  represented  by  the  Nahr  Riibin 
mentioned  a  tihort  time  previously. 

And  now,  if  we  identify  Shikron  with  the  Nahr  Sukreir,  and  the 
"  mount,"  z.t'.,  the  "river,"  Baal  with  the  Nahr  Rubin,  how  are  we  to  follow 
out  on  the  spot  the  marking  of  the  boundary  of  Judah  as  described  by  Joshua? 
This  presents  serious  difficulties,  I  admit  ;  but  these  difficulties  are  equally  to 
be  found  in  all  the  other  theories  hitherto  propounded  which  involve  the 
existence  of  a  toivn  Shikron  and  a  iiiount  Baal.  I  cannot  enter  here  upon  a 
discussion,  which  would  require  a  thorough  working  out  ;  I  will  content 
myself  with  remarking  that  we  have  to  take  into  consideration  a  possible 
change  in  the  course  of  these  two  small  rivers,  on  account  of  their  having  to 
make  a  way  through  sand-dunes  in  order  to  get  to  the  sea. 

Esdud. — Before  reaching  Esdud,  you  cross  the  Sukreir  by  a  bridge  with 
three  arches,  which  seems  to  be  of  Arab  construction.  I  omitted  to  see  if  by 
chance  it  contained  any  mediaeval  materials,  like  the  bridges  at  Lydda  and 
Yebna.  If  so  they  could  not  have  come  from  Esdiid,  for  the  Crusaders,  so  far 
as  we  know,  had  no  important  post  in  this  neighbourhood. 

In  the  immediate  neighbourhood  of  the  village  of  Esdud,  and  to  the  west, 
is  a  high  hill,  covered  with  gardens  enclosed  within  hedges  of  cactus,  which 
makes  it  difficult  to  get  about.  I  noticed  here  a  considerable  quantity  of 
potsherds,  some  fragments  of  marble,  some  wells,  and  so  on,  indicating  the 
existence  of  a  town,  which  must  have  been  the  Ashdod  proper  of  the  Bible. 
This  commanding  height  is  called  er-Ras,  "the  head,"  and  also  Jd/ud  cr  Rds, 
"Goliath  of  the  head."  According  to  the  fellahin,  Jalud  was  a  Sultan  of  the 
Kuffars  ;  his  daughter  was  Hilane  (Helen),  and  his  town  was  built  on  the  hill 
er  Ras  ;  a  subterraneous  passage  placed  the  town  in  communication  with  the 
Minat  Esdfid,  "the  harbour  of  Esdud,"  which  is  on  the  sea-coast  to  the  west 
of  the  village,  and  is  also  called  cl  Miiia  for  short.      I  was  told  that  a  carved 

*  \\'ith  a  town  of  the  same  name  situated  on  its  banks  and  called  after  the  river. 

Tour  fi-om  Jaiisalcii;  (o  Jafja  and  lite   Coitn/ry  of  Samson.  187 

block  of  marble  had  been  found  at  el  Mina,  and  I  made  up  my  mind  to  go 
and  see  it  next  day. 

The  ancient  name  of  Esdud,  according  to  the  fellahin,  was  Sidd  cr  Rum, 
"the  barrier  of  the  Rumis."  This  latter  legend  contains  a  curious  play  on  the 
ancient  name  of  As/idod,  and  has  reference  to  the  root  shadad,  s/iadd,  with 
which  it  is  connected.*  It  confirms  me  in  the  notion  I  have  formerly 
expressed,  that  the  name  of  Ashdod  stands  probably  in  the  same  etymological 
relation  to  that  of  the  god  Shaddai  and  Shed  as  the  name  of  the  town  of 
Arsiif  does  to  that  of  the  god  Reseph. 

From  Esdud  to  Ascalon. — Next  day,  Wednesday,  at  a  quarter  past  six, 
we  were  in  the  saddle,  as  we  had  a  long  day  before  us.  My  idea  was,  in  fact, 
to  go  down  as  far  as  Ascalon,  then  to  come  back  along  the  coast  as  far  as  the 
port  of  Esdud,  and  from  there  to  make  straight  for  el  Moghar,  where  I  had 
sent  on  the  tent. 

Tell  el  Kurziim. — We  cast  a  glance  in  passing  at  the  great  ruined  Arab 
Khan  near  Esdud,  but  did  not  spend  any  time  over  it.  To  the  south  there  is 
a  tell  called  Tell  cl  Kurziim. 

Folklore. — We  left  on  our  right,  some  distance  from  the  road,  the 
wely  o{  Abu  Jahan.  A  litde  while  afterwards  we  met  a  worthy  fellahah  from 
one  of  the  neighbouring  villages,  mounted  on  a  small  donkey.  She  was  going 
like  ourselves  to  Mejdel,  to  sell  vegetables  and  fruit.  She  was  a  very  good 
sort  of  woman,  quite  chatty,  and  received  our  advances  in  a  friendly  spirit 
that  strongly  contrasted  with  the  distrust  and  ill-will  we  had  nearly  always 
experienced  at  the  hands  of  the  fellahin  of  the  south.  She  had  the  gay 
good  humour,  the  honest  prepossessing  face,  and  even  the  manners  of  a  good 
substantial  farmer's  wife  such  as  we  see  at  home  in  Europe.  She  insisted  on 
our  tasting  her  fruit,  and  gave  me  as  we  went  along  some  interesting  information 
into  the  bargain.  She  could  not  be  prevailed  upon  to  accept  the  smallest 
bakhsheesh,  and  when  I  pressed  her,  she  told  me  that  we  should  see  one  another 
again  at  Mejdel,  and  that  then  I  might  if  I  liked  buy  some  apricots  of  her. 

There  is,  she  said,  at  Hamameh  a  sanctuary  of  Seiydna  ("Our  Lord") 
Abu  'Arkub,  who  came  flying  through  the  air  from  afar,  and  lighted  there. 
None  knew  of  his  presence  there,  which  was  only  revealed  at  his  death.  He 
was  buried  where  he  lay,  and  the  place  is  every  year  the  object  of  a  great 

*  It  must  not  be  lost  siL'ht  of  that  the  Arabic  name  is  in  reahty  j,_v_-,  S'Jt'ui,  and  that  the 
initial  f//J/"that  is  heard  in  the  native  pronunciation  is  in  fact  prosthetic,  Es'di/il.  In  the  ancient 
Arabic  form  Azdiid,  the  jt  has  been  changed  into  s,  from  immediate  contact  with  the  d. 

2    V.    2 


Ai'Lhcrohoical  Rcscarclics  in  Palestine. 

pilgrimage  from  the  country  round  about.  I'he  real  name  of  Abu  'Arkub  was 
Sheikh  Ibrahim,  and  he  was  the  son  of  'Aiy  ibcn  A'/cim  (the  much  venerated 
neby  of  Arsuf,  who  entered  into  the  inheritance,  mythologically  speaking,  of 
the  old  Phoenician  Reseph).  This  series  of  names  and  surnames  therefore 
gives  a  regular  genealogy  of  this  branch  of  fabulous  nebys  :  A'leun,  father  of 
'Aly,  father  of  Ibrahim,  father  of  'Arkub.  The  sanctuary  of  the  founder  of 
this  little  mythological  dynasty  is  venerated  at  the  present  day  at  Dura,  in  the 
direction  of  Hebron.  I  have  collected  various  legends  about  these  flying 
nebys  at  other  places  in  Palestine,  especially  at  Nablus.*  Here  the 
characteristic  feature  of  the  tradition  seems  to  have  reference  to  the  name 
of  Hamdmch,  which  means  "pigeon"  or  "dove,"  and  has  been  suspected,  not 
I  think  unreasonably,  to  contain  a  reminiscence  of  the  divinity  worshipped 
under  the  form  of  of  a  dovet  at  Ascalon  near  Hamameh. 

Tell  el  Fardny. — A  little  before  you  reach  Hamameh  you  see  on  the 
left  of  the  road  Tell  cl  Fardny  (or  Fardiich),  having  on  it  ruins  containing 
hidden  treasure,  so  our  travelling  companion  assured  us. 

Havidnich. — We  stopped  a  few  minutes  at  Hamameh  with  an  old  native 



One  third  the 

original  size. 

goldsmith  that  she  told  us  of,   one  Yusef  Abu  'Isa.      He  had  a  few  rather 

*  See  i/ifia,  ch.  VI. 

t  This  bird  figures  on  the  coins  of  Ascalon.  Compare  what  Philo,  quoted  by  Eusebius,  says 
of  the  worship  of  the  dove-cote  at  Ascalon,  and  the  legend,  localized  at  Ascalon,  of  Semiramis, 
daughter  of  Derceto,  who  was  fed  by  doves.  Derketo  was  changed  into  a  fish,  and  Semiramis 
into  a  dove.  Ibrahim  became  the  fish  Sultan  Ihrahhn  mentioned  already,  and  the  sanctuary  of 
A'leim  at  Dura  is  by  the  side  of  that  of  Noah. 

Totcr  fi'OJi!  Jei'itsaian  to  Jaffa  and  the  Country  of  Samson.         i8y 

interesting  antiques  in  his  possession,  and  let  me  have  them  for  fifteen  francs 

or  so.     Among  them,  a  pretty  head  of  Athene,  with  helmet, 

in  white  marble,  half  life  size  (see  p.    188) ;  and  a  piece  of 

carved  ivory  o"  •14  high,  representing  a  woman  inapeplum, 

elegantly    draped    and  holding  a  crown  in  her  left  hand. 

Unfortunately  the  face  is  mutilated.     At  the  back  the  ivory 

is  traversed  lengthwise  by  a  hollow  groove.     These  two 

objects,   and  most  of  the    other    antiquities,    were    got,    it 

seems,  from   the   ruins  of  Khalasa,  the  ancient  Elusa,  to 

the  south  of  Gaza. 

I  also  saw  in  his  possession  a  fragment  of  white  veined 
marble,  very  finely  carved,  but  unfortunately  mutilated, 
having  in  one  of  its  sides  a  representation  of  two  fantastic 
creatures  of  the  bird-kind,  with  crests  of  five  feathers,  and 
bodies  in  the  shape  of  a  fish  or  snake.  To  judge  from  its 
general  shape,  of  which  some  idea  may  be  got  from  this  j^.,-,^^,  ,,„.yKE. 

side  view,   this  fragment  appears  to  have  formed  part  of     ^'■''"^  "^'^  ongmai  size. 
an  architectural  scheme,  and  may  have  been    perhaps    a   corbel.      I    cannot 
decide  whether  the  style  of  it  is  Byzantine  or  Romanic.      In  any  case  the  tool 
marks  on  the  blocks  are  not  mediaeval. 




.  0"'-  It 

Here  is  another  fragment,  similarly  of  white  marble,  with  a  yellow 
tinge  and  blue  streaks,  which  was  offered  me  at  Jerusalem  as  coming  from 
Ascalon,  and  bought  by  me.  It  is  a  slab  o'"  '025  thick,  a  trapezoid  in  shape. 
On  it  are  carved  in  low  relief  two  doves  back  to  back,  with  their  heads 
turned  to  look  at  one  another,  and  holding  in  their  beaks  a  fillet  or  garland 
from  which  a  small  disc  depends.  In  the  disc,  which  forms  a  central  part  and 
probably  leading  idea  of  the    whole,    there  is  inscribed  a  sort  of  rosette,  of 

190  ArcJupoIogical  Researches  in  Palestine 

ill-defined    shape,    perhaps    a    star   or    a    cruciform    emblem. 

Above    are 

".  15 

two  small  plain  discs,  below,  a  lotus-flower. 

The    question    presents    itself  whether    we    should    recognize    here    the 

eucharistic  doves  and  bread,  or 
merely  a  subject  of  a  purely  orna- 
mental character.  At  all  events 
the  23resence  of  the  doves  is  note- 
worthy, considering  that  the  monu- 
ment, as  it  is  said,  comes  from 

Mejdel. —  We  stopped  for  lunch 
at  Mejdel,  where  we  found  our 
worthy  peasant- woman.  Her  apri- 
cots formed  the  staple  of  our 
dessert,  and  very  good  they  were. 

We  started   immediately  after 
for  (J aura)  Jiirah,   without    having 
time  to  visit  Mejdel.     Here  follow  a 
:  '  few  notes  that  I  made  there  during 

:  a  previous  journey,  m  1070:* 

I  noticed  in  the  houses  at  Mejdel  a  sort  of  receptacle  for  corn,  made  of 
clay,  and  called  kJidbieh  {h^\~^).  The  fcllahin  call  them  saum'a  (cilr^^.-^, 
sauiiia'a).  These  are  filled  with  grain  through  a  wide  opening  in  the  top, 
and  when  grain  is  wanted,  it  is  let  out  by  a  sort  of  bung-hole,  like  wine  out 
of  a  cask. 

They  told  me  at  Mejdel  that  there  were  several  places  of  the  name  : 
Mejdel  'Askahxn\  (where  I  was),  Mejde/  VaM,  Mejdel  Bdna.\ 

Furthermore  several  localities  were  indicated  to  me  in  the  west  of  Mejdel, 
the  names  of  which  I  took  down  :  Khitrhct  Ganids  (^Ui)  and  KJmrbet  Fithi 
{^jlj.i),  Bazzeh,  Bashsha.\ 

*  Caniet  III,  p.  34,  et  seq. 

t  Mujir  ed  Din  (p.  484  of  the  Arabic  text  of  Bulak)  calls  it  Kariat  Mejdel  Hamiviuh. 
Mejdel,  "the  fortress,"  probably  belongs  to  the  TrXifaiov  uxvpwfunn  of  Ascalon  (I  Mace,  XII,  33). 

X  Mejdel  Ba'na  is  evidently  the  locality  that  appears  on  the  Map  (III  Nf)  under  the  name 
o(  Mejd  el  Kenhn,]\ii\.  hy  el  Ba  nek  znd  to  the  south-west  of  it.  According  to  my  information, 
this  transliteration  is  wrong  ;  it  ought  to  be  Mejdel  Kerihn,  as  the  author  of  the  Niune  Lists 
(ch.  52)  rightly  supposes,  or  perhaps  better  Medjdel  el  Kerum. 

§  These  localities  have  been  since  noticed  by  the  Survey,  with  the  exception  of  Fi/ihi,  which 
I  have  not  been  able  to  find  on  the  Map.     F'ltun  cannot  be  far  from  Khurbet  Gamas  {Kemas 

Tour  from  JcnisalcDi  to  Jaffa,  and  the  Country  of  Samson.         191 

Jaura. — At  J  aura  we  had  a  lively  altercation — a  regular  barrfif — which 
threatened  to  have  a  serious  ending,  with  some  ill-conditioned  fellahin, 
about  an  absolutely  trivial  matter.  I  record  the  incident,  as  it  was  very  rare 
for  me  in  my  many  wanderings  in  Palestine  to  meet  with  open  hostility.  The 
ethnic  name  of  the  inhabitants  of  Jaura  is  Janrdny  in  the  singular,  y^wa/w^/i 
in  the  plural. 

From  Ascalon  to  Khulda. 

Time  pressed,  and  we  would  not  stop  to  explore  the  ruins  of  Ascalon. 
I  felt  some  interest  as  I  again  beheld  the  high  walls  overhanging  the  sea,  at 
the  foot  of  which  I  and  my  horse  were  nearly  drowned  in  the  winter  of  1870. 
We  traversed  the  gardens,  planted  on  the  actual  site  of  the  old  town,  so  as  to 
get  a  general  idea  of  it,  without  being  able  to  enter  into  details. 

At  3  o'clock  we  left  the  beach  of  Ascalon  and  turned  northwards,  following 
the  coast  line  as  far  as  the  harbour  of  Esdud.  I  give  a  summary  account  of 
the  points  observed  during  this  hurried  journey. 

At  3  past  3,  a  low  mound  covered  with  potsherds  and  ancient  dc'bris,  with 
some  walls.      No  name  ascertained. 

At  3.35,  some  walls  of  small  stones  :  two  large  columns. 

At  3.57,  a  small  ruin  of  no  importance,  perhaps  Arab  ;  some  tells  covered 
with  potsherds. 

At  4.30  we  arrive  at  last  at  the  Minat  Esdtcd,  where  there  are  ruins 
comparatively  important,  great  quantities  of  potsherds,  a  rectangular  fort  built 
of  small  stones,  which  must  have  been  a  marine  defence.  Quite  near,  on  the 
west,  is  a  group  of  small  mounds  with  numerous  architectural  fragments  of 
marble,  pointing  to  the  existence  of  an  important  building,  and  quantities  of 
mosaic  cubes.  This  part  ought  to  be  explored.  Having  no  guide,  we  were 
quite  unable  to  find  the  sculptured  block  which  the  fellahin  of  Esdud  had 
particularly  told  us  of 

I  should  have  liked  to  push  to  the  north  as  far  as  the  Sanctuary  of  Neby 
Yunes,  which  is  at  the  mouth  of  the  Nahr  Sukreir,  and  is  perhaps  connected 

of  the  Map),  to  judge  from  the  .ippearance  of  the  names  on  my  list,  where  they  are  united  by 
and.  I  propose  to  identify  F'ltun  with  F/ietom,  a  mediaeval  casal  near  Ascalon  given  to  the 
Hospital  by  Jean  d'Ybelin  in  1256,  and  not  found  by  Rey  and  Rohricht.  Plietora  must  be  a 
copyist's  error,  or  perhaps  a  wrong  reading  on  the  part  of  the  editor  Paoli,  for  Plieton.  This 
must  not  be  identified — the  resemblance  of  the  two  names  being  the  merest  chance — with  the 
Fatliura,  'I'ltOov/xi,  of  the  Onoinasticon.  The  latter  is  a  village  close  to  Eleutheropolis,  on  the 
road  leading  from  that  town  to  Gaza,  and  is  perhaps  identical  with  Tor  Fiiriit  and  V..\\\\xhz\.  Furut, 
four  miles  west  from  Beit  Jibrin,  suijposing  a  displacement  of  the  r,  which  is  of  frequent 
occurrence  in  the  pronunciation  ol  the  fellahin. 

192  ArcJucoIogical  Researches  in  Palestine. 

with  the  river  by  the  same  mythological  bonds  as  unite  the  sanctuary  of 
Neby  Rubin  with  the  Nahr  Rubin.  However,  we  had  to  give  up  the 
idea,  for  the  sun  was  already  very  low  in  the  sky,  and  we  had  still  a  good 
distance  to  cover  before  reaching  Moghar,  where  our  camp  awaited  us. 
It  was  even  a  longer  distance  than  we  thought,  for,  deceived  by  Van  de 
Velde's  map,  the  only  one  we  then  had  at  our  command,  we  steered,  or  better, 
we  believed  we  steered,  for  Berka,  to  the  east,  and  became  involved  in  an 
interminable  tract  of  moving  sand-dunes,  where  it  was  impossible  to  get  on 
in  places.  Our  horses,  slipping  over  these  mounds  of  sand  as  they  gave  way 
beneath  their  feet,  sometimes  sank  in  up  to  their  chests,  and  we  had  to  alight 
and  extricate  them.  The  poor  creatures  were  worn  out  with  fatigue  and 
thirst,  and  their  riders  were  almost  in  as  sorry  case.  We  had  nothing  all 
round  us  but  an  horizon  of  high  dunes,  which  we  had  to  climb  and  descend 
one  after  another,  without  a  landmark  in  sight  to  steer  by.  The  fact  was  that 
we  had  deviated  a  little  to  the  north,  and  taken  a  diagonal  course  through 
this  sandy  belt,  which  was  wide  enough  in  any  case,  instead  of  cutting  straight 
through  it.  At  last  after  this  toilsome  journey,  more  like  sailing  through 
sand  than  a  ride,  we  got  to  the  end  of  the  dunes  and  reached  the  river 
Sukreir,  where  both  beast  and  men  assuaged  their  thirst  with  delight. 

It  was  pitch  dark.  We  directed  our  course  towards  Berka  (Burkah),  the 
lights  of  which  were  now  visible,  but  only  stopped  there  a  moment  to  ask  our 
way,  and  then  went  on  towards  Beshshit.  At  Berka,  the  name  of  which  is 
pronounced  Bergd,  I  made  a  flying  note  of  the  name  of  an  anonymous  neby, 
Neby  Berg  or  Neby  Bereg,  son  of  Jacob  as  usual,  of  course.  We  reached 
Beshchit  with  some  trouble,  for  we  went  rather  out  of  our  way  in  the  darkness, 
and  here  I  persuaded  a  fellah  to  guide  us  to  Moghar.  It  was  after  midnight 
when  we  got  back  to  our  tent.  Here  everything  was  ready  for  our  reception, 
and  we  enjoyed  a  well-merited  rest. 

Moghar  (El  Mtighar). — Our  tent  was  pitched  about  twenty  minutes  to  the 
south  of  the  village,  near  a  well  with  sdkia,  the  pivot  of  which  rested  on  an 
ancient  white  marble  capital.  The  very  spot  is  cdWcd.  Khiirbet  Hibreh.  The 
bekd,  ■'  country,  town,"  of  Moghar,  so  the  fellahin  told  me,  was  formerly  some 
twenty  minutes  to  the  north,  at  Khiirbet  Suninieil ;  it  was  called  Snimneil  el 
Moghar.  Five  minutes  north  of  the  village  is  an  ancient  quarry.  The 
village  is  called  Moghar*  because  all  the  houses  are  built  on  ntghair, 
"caves."     The  wely  of  Moghar  is  called  Abu  Lavmn  and  Abit  Tdka.      He 

*  Evidently  the  Moghar  mentioned  by  Yakiit  as  a  village  in  Palestine. 

Totir  from  Jcnisalcni  to  Jaffa  and  the  Country  of  Samson. 


is  called  Abu  Taka,  "  father  of  the  window,"  because,  finding  himself  mahslmr 
(thrust)  in  a  cave,  he  got  out  of  it  by  a  miracle,  God  having  made  an  opening 
[tdka)  through  which  he  flew.     This  is  the  legend  of  the  flying  neby  over  again. 

I  was  told  of  several  inscribed  stones,  among  others  of  a  column  to  the 
left  of  the  road  to  'Aker.  This  may  be  a  milestone.  A  fellah  also  brought 
me  a  fragment  of  a  Greek  inscription  on  a  small  slab  of  white  marble.  As  he 
wanted  a  good  deal  for  it,  I  contented  myself  with  taking  a  squeeze  of  the 

It  is  difficult  to  get  anything  certain  from  this  mutilated  text,  the  ends  of 
five  lines  being  all  that  is  left.      Perhaps  the  first  two  should  be  read  : 




K^  ,   jJ.'qvo'i 

" the  year  620  (?)  the 

20th  of  the  month  of  Hyperberetseos." 

The  third  line  contained  perhaps  at  the  beginning  the  year  of  the 
indiction,  followed  by  a  verb  avrj{?)e,  or  a  name  in  the  nominative  ending  in 
avr]o<;{?),  and  the  fourth  the  final  syllable  of  a  patronymic  in  the  genitive 
terminating  in  Svov  {?).  In  the  fifth,  XovvrjTrjs  may  perhaps  be  the  remnant  of 
l^Aa-KojXowqTrj';,  for 'AtrKaXwi'tTr/?,  "the  Ascalonite."  These  however  are  mere 
queries.  The  date  should  perhaps  be  reckoned  according  to  the  era  of 
Ascalon,  which  I  shall  refer  to  later  on  a  propos  of  the  inscriptions  of  Gaza. 
The  20th  of  Hyperbereteos  of  the  year  620  (there  may  have  been  in  the  lost 
portion  of  the  inscription  a  letter  expressing  additional  units)  in  the  Ascalon 
era  would  correspond  to  November  i6th,  515  of  the  Christian  era,  which 
date  is  pretty  well  in  accord  with  the  shape  of  the  characters. 

Summeil  el  Mughdr. — Next  day  we  went  to  see  the  ruins  of  Khiirbet 
Salltcjeh,  about  an  hour  to  the  south  of  el  Mughar.  They  seemed  to  me  to  be 
considerable  importance. t     From  here  \  we  proceeded  to  Summeil  el  Mughar, 

*  The  inscription  afterwards  came  into  the  hands  of  M.  PhiUbert  the  younger  of  Jaffa ;  I 
found  it  at  his  house  in  1881,  acquired  it,  and  took  it  to  the  Louvre. 

t  There  is  an  entry  in  my  note-book  about  this,  but  it  is  illegible. 

X  Between  Mughar  and  Katra  is  a  small  tell,  indicated  on  the  Map  without  a  name.  It 
appears  from  a  note  of  mine,  which  I  cannot  discover  the  origin  of,  but  which  certainly  belongs 
to  this  journey,  that  this  tell  is  called  Tell  el  Fultis, 

2    C 

194  ArchcBological  Researches  in  Palestine. 

a  namesake  of  another  Summeil  to  the  south,  called  for  distinction-sake 
Suymneil  el  Khalil,  "the  Summeil  of  Hebron,"  or  "  of  Abraham."*  This 
name  occurs  at  several  spots  in  Judea.  Thus  there  is  yet  another  Summeil  to 
the  north  of  Jaffa  and  not  far  from  it. 

Summeil  el  Mughar  is  on  a  small  low  hill,  with  no  ruins  to  be  seen  ;  here 
and  there  are  scattered  stones.  At  the  foot  of  the  hill,  to  the  east,  towards 
the  road  to  'Aker  which  skirts  the  chain  of  hills,  is  a  beiyara  well.  Some  way 
off  we  perceived,  though  we  were  unable  to  visit  them,  the  yawning  apertures 
of  some  caverns. 

'Aker. — At  'Aker  the  fellahin  told  me  that  the  village  was  also  called 
'Akriin  by  the  Franks,  which  unfortunately  shows  that  the  peasants  are  already 
beginning  to  be  informed  by  thoughtless  travellers  as  to  the  ancient  identity 
of  their  villages.  This  is  a  symptom  of  a  malady  that  will  cause  trouble 
hereafter,  for  the  end  of  it  will  be  that  this  pure  spring  of  real  indigenous 
tradition,  which  has  hitherto  been  drawn  upon  with  confidence,  will  be 
contaminated.  The  village  has  its  eponymous  Saint,  Neby  Aker,  whose 
name  is  by  some  pronounced  'Akel,  "  the  wise."  'Aker  was  anciently  a  large 
deled  extending  over  the  whole  dhahra  (the  brow  of  the  hill).  To  the 
....  t  of  the  village,  about  five  minutes  away,  there  have  been  found  in  a 
field  a  number  of  tombs  built  of  stone,  and  covered  in  each  case  with  one  or 
two  large  slabs  with  "  writing  on  them  ;"  they  contained  bottles  of  terra 
cotta,  and  sahdtit  (coins).  This  field  is  worked  by  one  'Aly  Abu  Mouafy. 
There  must  have  been  a  burying-ground  here,  one  that  would  be  very 
interesting  to  excavate,  and  might  perhaps  tell  us  something  about  Ekron,  at 
any  rate  during  some  period  of  its  existence. 

*  This  Summeil  is  too  far  from  Hebron  for  tlie  origin  of  its  surname  to  be  ascribed  to  its 
proximity  to  that  town.  I  suppose  that  some  part  of  the  territory  of  Summeil  was  assigned  as 
ivakcf  io  the  sanctuary  of  Hebron.  In  fact,  as  Robinson  (German  edition,  HI,  628,  736,  746) 
had  already  noticed,  SummcU  el  Khalil  is  none  other  than  the  Casile  of  St.  Samuel,  which  the 
western  pilgrims  in  the  fifteenth  century  came  across  on  the  road  from  Dhikrin  to  Gaza  ;  they 
fancied  they  detected  in  Summeil  the  name  of  Samuel.  They  expressly  state,  moreover,  that 
this  village  paid  a  yearly  contribution  of  2,000  ducats  to  the  support  of  the  "  Hospital  of  St. 
Abraham,"  otherwise  called  Hebron.  This  institution  was  probably  the  Bimarestan  el  Mansur 
founded  in  680  by  Sultan  El  Mansur  Kelaun,  as  we  are  informed  by  Mujir  ed  Din  {pp.  cit., 
p.  426) ;  or  we  may  perhaps  take  it  to  be  the  famous  semdt,  or  Holy  Meal  of  Abraham,  which  was 
given  away  daily  at  a!  fixed  hour,  without  distinction  of  religion,  to  all  strangers  who  happened  to 
be  at  Hebron.  Among  the  very  numerous  villages  standing  to  Hebron  in  the  relation  of  tvakef, 
there  are  several  that  we  know,  for  instance  Kariet  Zakariya  and  Deir  Astid,  in  the  territory  of 
Nablous,  mentioned  by  Mujir  ed  Din. 

t  The  indication  of  the  direction  has  been  omitted  in  my  note-book. 

Tour  from  Jerusalem  io  Jaffa  and  the  Country  of  Samson.  195 

AmsdUra.- — To  the  east  of  Mansura  and  north  of  Khulda  is  a  ruin 
called  AinsdUra  (=:Musabara  ?). 

The  ancient  name  of  Ramleh,  according  to  the  fellahin  of 'Aker,  v^-d^sFrantis; 
others  S2iy  Falasttn,  z.nd  Faldsthi  el Kubra  (the  Great).*  Can  this  queer  name 
Frantis  be  a  corruption  of  the  well-known  name  Falastin  (which  comes  directly 
from  the  Greek  naXaicrrtVij)  ?  Falastiiiz=Farastiii=^Farantis^=Frautis. 

Am  Kelkha. — At  el  Mansura  the  inhabitants  told  us  that  the  ancient 
balad  ^3s  at  the  ruins  of  Am  Kelkha  [AF kelkha?),  a  quarter  of  an  hour  to  the 
south,  on  the  further  side  of  Wddy  'A  in  el  Mansura. 

K'zdzeh. — To  the  south  of  Am  Kelkha  is  K zdzeh,  at  about  an  hour's 

The  site  of  K'zazeh  sorely  tempts  one  to  identify  it  with  an  ancient 
locality.  The  name  at  first  blush  looks  like  a  purely  Arabic  one,  meaning 
"glass."  We  know  however  from  the  case  of  Tibneh  2.nd.  others,  that  one 
has  to  be  careful  about  these  seemingly  Arabic  place-names,  which  often 
contain  old  Hebrew  names  brought  into  Arabic  forms  by  folk-etymology.  I 
wonder  whether,  by  virtue  of  this  principle,  we  ought  to  recognise  in  K'zdzeh 
the  name  of  the  town  Makaz,  mentioned  along  with  a  group  of  Danite  towns 
in  the  jurisdiction  of  Ben-Dekar,  one  of  the  twelve  m'cedbim,  or  governors,  of 
Solomon  (i  Kings,  iv,  9). 

j;U  and  ypQ  (from  the  root  ^P)  contain  the  same  radical  elements, 
granting  the  generally  admitted  equivalence  of  the  Y  and  the  ; . 

El  6';;^'^a«w«'.— Half-an-hour  west  of  K'zazeh  there  is  a  ruined  town 
called  Khiirbet  el  Uniganna'  {  =  el  Mukannct).  The  town  was  anciently 
surrounded  by  seven  towers,  and  was  the  residence  of  a  king  of  the  name  of 

Melek  el  Mtignd.     The    name    of  this    fabulous    king,  -Jjul^  ,  is    evidently 

derived  from  the  same  root  as  the  name  of  the  town,  tJJUll  ;  the  difference 
between  the  two  verbal  forms  is  to  be  noted.  El  MugncC,  otherwise  called 
el  Muknd ,  signifies  in  Arabic  not  merely  "  he  who  has  his  head  veiled,"  as  it 
is  translated  in  the  Name  Lists,  but  also  "  he  who  wears  a  helmet."  This 
recalls  a  detail  in  the  description  of  Goliath  and  his  helmet  of  brass  in  the 
Bible.  Native  legend  therefore  would  tend  to  localise  Gath  in  the  environs  of 
el  Um'ganna'.  The  problem  of  Gath  is  so  hopeless,  and  so  many  difterent 
solutions  have  been  suggested,  that  this  one  of  the  fellahin  is  really  as  good  as 

*  As  will  be  seen  further  on  (ch.  VI),  the  name  Falastin  t/ie    Great  is,   on   the  other  hand, 
attributed  to  Sebaste  by  the  inhabitants  of  that  town. 

2    C    2 

196  A?r/!(ro/ooica/  Researches  in  Pales  fine. 

most,  and  might,  if  need  were,  be  supported  by  topographical  and  historical 
arofuments.*  At  all  events  Uni'o-anna'  cannot  for  a  moment  be  taken  for 
the  Mechamim  or  Machamivi  (eight  miles  from  Eleutheropolis,  on  the  way  to 
Jerusalem), t  which  St.  Jerome  has  in  view  when  he  speaks  of  Bethmaacha ; 
neither  distance  nor  direction  would  suit.  Still  less  is  it  the  Mec/tona/i  of  the 
Bible,  which  is  written  with  letters  radically  different  (n^STJJ). 

Khuldd. — From  Mansurah  (Mansura)  we  proceeded  to  Khulda 
(Khuldeh).  Here  we  found  an  inhabitant  of  Ramleh,  a  good-natured,  chatty 
fellow,  by  name  As'ad  Efendy  Abu  J  a' far,  who  had  come  to  settle  some 
business  connected  with  loans  to  the  fellahin.  The  following  are  notes  of  my 
talks  wath  him  : — 

Kal'at  ed  Dabbeh,\  the  port  of  Yebna,  was  called  Rnbil  like  the  wely  and 
the  river  ; 

*  As  an  opportunity  is  now  offered,  I  will  draw  attention  to  a  more  important  point,  which 
may  perhaps  rank  as  a  factor  in  the  problem  of  Gath,  at  any  rate  from  the  onomastic  standpoint. 
In  the  marginal  annotations  to  the  Merafid,  Yakiit  mentions  a  karich  in  the  Gaza  country,  which 
he  calls  _/i/t7«,  observing  that  this  name  is  the  dual  o[  Jit  (  =  "the  Uvo  Jifs").  This  locality 
appears  to  me  to  be  identical  with  the  one  which  Khalil  edh  Dhahery,  in  his  Description  of  the 
Empire  of  the  Mamelukes,  places  between  Gaza  and  Beit  Deras.  The  name  is  barely  legible  in 
the  MS.  at  the  Bibliotheque  Nationale  (...jJu^;^);  it  hasbeen  incorrectly  read  Habnin  by  Quatrembre 
and  Jcnin  by  M.  Ravaisse,  but  it  is  evidently  \\\z  Jitc'in  (  .^Lv.^)  of  Yakut.  It  is  also  the  Jatin 
(  .  jjj^ — to  be  vocal  izedya/w;)  spoken  of  by  Makrizy  as  being  on  the  road  from  Gaza  to  Ramleh. 
{History  of  the  Mameluke  Sultans,  I,  239.)  This  namey?/««  ox  Jatein,  "the  two  Gtt's"  or  "the 
two  Gat's,"  recalls  in  striking  fashion,  it  must  be  admitted,  the  name  of  the  celebrated  Philistine 
town.  I  have  long  searched  in  vain  for  it  on  the  Map,  and  am  at  length  convinced  that  it  is 
represented  by  Ejjeh,  quite  close  to  Barbara.  The  real  name  of  this  locality,  written  i,:>-\  in  the 
Name  Lists,  is  really,  as  appears  from  Robinson's  lists,  liLxsJl  el  Jieh,  and  the  regular  dual  form  of 
this  must  have  been  formerly  used  to  denote  a  pair  of  places,  the  second  being  perhaps  that  now 
called  Ba7-bara.  It  is  perhaps  the  d'Wi/  reOBcifi  spoken  of  by  the  Onomasticon  (s.v.  rc00d)  in 
reference  to  Gath.  It  is  a  rather  curious  coincidence  that  there  exists  a  place  of  the  same  name 
El  Jieh  (or  El  Jiyeli)  between  Saida  and  Beyrout,  which  is  also  called  Khan  Neby  Ydnes.  Now 
Jonas,  whose  name  has  a  connection  with  the  place  in  legend,  was  born  at  Gath  Hefer  in  Zebulon, 
so  that  the  two  Hebrew  homonyms  had  two  Arabic  homonyms  corresponding  to  them.  I  will  add 
the  final  remark  that  the  modern  Arabic  form  el  Jieh,  for  the  village  near  Barbara,  is  vouched  for 
by  a  mediEeval  charter  of  11 26  (Delaville  le  RouLx,  Cartulaire  des  Hospitallers,  I,  No.  74),  which, 
as  I  think,  actually  alludes  to  our  village  in  these  terms  :  "casale  nomine  Algie  ...  in  territorio 
Abscalonis  {sic)." 

t  Meshanum,-  the  form  adopted  by  the  generality  of  topographers  after  Reland,  is  a  bad 
reading,  invalidated  by  the  MSS.     St.  Jerome  means,  when  he  quotes  this  name  Machamlm,  the 
Beth  Maacah  of  2   Sam.  xx,   14,   15;  moreover,  with  him  it  is  a  mere  identification  of  names, 
valueless  from  the  topographical  point  of  view. 
+  See  supra,  p.  163. 

Tour  frojii  Jerusalem  to  Jaffa  and  tJie  Country  of  Samson.  197 

Benjamin  has  a  makam  near  Deir  Turit,  in  the  plain  ; 

Stiltdn  edii  Dhdiier  (Beibars)  conquered  the  King  of  Jaffa,  Yafil.  There 
was  at  Lydda  at  the  same  time  a  king  called  ICfir  el  Lnddy,  at  Ramleh  a 
king  called  Filastin,  brother  of  Constantine  ;  he  it  was  that  built  Ramleh. 

El Fenish  was  king  at  el  'Arish.  Ibrahim  el  Haurany,  vizir  of  el  IMelek 
edh  Dhaher,  fought  him  and  pursued  him  as  far  as  Jaffa,  where  he  took 
refuge.  Ibrahim  el  Haurany  entered  the  city  secretly.  He  was  recognised 
by  a  tavern-keeper,  who  said  to  him,  "Thou  art  a  Mussulman.  What  dost 
thou  here  ?"  "  I  am  come,"  Ibrahim  replied  to  him,  "to  cut  off  the  heads  of 
the  three  kings."  The  tavern-keeper  told  him  to  wait  till  the  morrow,  hid 
him  at  his  house,  and  gave  him  food.  Then  he  pointed  out  to  him  a  way  by 
which  to  penetrate  to  the  citadel.  Ibrahim  made  his  way  in,  and  cut  off  the 
head  of  King  Yafll,  but  el  Fenish  and  the  other  king  managed  to  get  away. 
The  proclamation  of  edh  Dhaher,  victor  of  Jaffa,  is  still  extant,  written  on  a 
large  marble  slab,  in  the  Jame'  el  Abiadh,  and  a  detailed  account  of  these 
events  is  given  in  the  book  entitled  FutiVidf  edh  Dhaher,  "  the  victories  of 
edh  Dhaher." 

This  narration  is  the  oddest  medley  of  history  and  legend — I  give  it  for 
what  it  is  worth.  Here  and  there  in  it  I  seem  to  catch  an  echo  of  the  old 
Pharaonic  story  :  "  How  Tutii  took  the  town  of  Joppa." 

The  fellahin  of  Khulda,  who  were  there  in  company  with  As'ad  Efendy, 
gave  me  the  following  information  : — 

At  Dei'r  er  Ruhbdn,  half-an-hour  east  of  Musa  Tali'a,  there  is  an  ancient 
inscription  ;  at  Sejed  (to  the  south  of  Khulda)  is  another;  north-west  of  Deir 
er  Ruhban  is  Deir  Zdker ; 

Between  Beit  Far  and  Beit  Susin  is  the  sanctuary  of  Sheikh  N'dhefr  ; 

Near  'Ain  Shemes  there  is  a  large  threshing-floor  called  el  Aleish, 
together  with  the  well  of  Bir  eth  Themed  ; 

The  ethnic  name  of  the  inhabitants  of  Beit  A'tab  is  "Atdby  in  the 
singular,  and  'AtdUneh  in  the  plural  ;  that  of  the  inhabitants  of  Deir  Eban  is 
Deir  Ebdny  in  the  singular,  DeidrbeJi  in  the  plural 

Samson's  Country. 

From  Khulda  we  proceeded  to  'Artuf,  where  we  were  to  stay  the  night. 
Following  the  road  which  runs  along  the  high  ground,  parallel  with  the  Wad 
es  Serar,  we  reached  'Ain  Tarif,  to  west  of  Rafat  and  quite  near  it.     A  little 

1 98  ArcJicrological  Researches  in  Palestine. 

further  on,  in  the  Wady  Rafat,  I  noticed  a  well,  with  a  vaulting  and  a  defaced 
base  of  a  column,  called  Bir  el  KebcC. 

Surik  and  Sorek. — Only  a  few  minutes  north  from  here  there  is  a  ruin  of 
no  great  importance  in  itself,  but  extremely  interesting,  as  will  be  seen,  on 
account  of  its  name,  which  greatly  struck  me.  The  fellahin  of  Rafat  told  me 
that  it  was  called  Khiirbet  Siirik.  What  I  had  done  was  nothing  more  or  less 
than  to  discover  the  CapJiar  Sorech  of  the  Ononiasticon,  looked  for  in  vain 
down  to  our  day,  and  at  the  same  moment  to  get  proof  that  at  the  beginning 
of  the  fourth  century  the  Wad  es  Serar  was  supposed  to  be  identical  with  the 
valley  of  Sorek  where  Delilah  dwelt.  I  have  already  briefly  mentioned  this 
discovery  at  the  time  of  making  it.* 

The  various  questions  raised  by  it  are  of  some  consequence,  and  will 
repay  a  moment's  attention. 

Eusebius  says,  s.v.  tctiprjx,  "a  torrent  (valley)  whence  came  Samson's 
Delilah  ;  there  is  a  village  on  the  borders  (opiots)  of  Eleutheropolis  called 
Bap7))(^  (sic)  near  Saar,  where  Samson  came  from." 

This  passage  has  evidently  been  tampered  with  by  copyists.  We 
certainly  ought,  as  has  been  proposed  by  Vallarsius,  relying  on  the  version  of 
St.  Jerome,  to  correct  optot?  into  ySopetois  (northern);  Bap7]x  ^^^'^  Kacjiapacopi^X' 
and  also  tadp  to  Sapaa      St.  Jerome  does  in  fact  amend   the   passage,  and 

makes  it  precise,  as    follows  :   " there   may  be  still    seen  at  the 

present  day,  to  the  north  of  Eleutheropolis,  a  village  named  Capharsorech, 
near  the  town  of  Saraa,  where  Samson  came  from." 

There  can  be  no  doubt  as  to  the  identity  of  the  village  spoken  of  by  St. 
Jerome  with  our  Silrik,  which  is  situated  less  than  two  miles  from  Sara,  the 
ancient  Zorah,  the  home  of  Samson.  The  name  and  the  position  are  in 
absolute  accord,  the  more  so  as  we  are  sure,  from  another  passage,t  that  the 
Onomasticon  located  the  Zorah  of  the  Bible,  as  modern  commentators  do,  at 
the  present  village  of  Sar'a. 

Elsewhere,  under  the  word  Swp'/y/c,]:  the  Onomasticon  says :  "  in  the 
territory  of   Dan,  where  Samson  was,   near  Esthaol."     The    Danite   towns 

*  In  a  letter  to  the  Committee,  dated  25th  June,  1874.  Extracts  from  this  were  pubhshed 
in  the  Statement  of  the  same  year. 

t  Onomasticon^  s.v.  Xaped  (sic),  Saara :  "On  the  borders  of  Eleutheropohs,  on  the  north, 
as  you  go  to  Nicopohs  "  ("Amwas),  "«/  about  the  tenth  mile."  The  distance  is  rather  too  short,  but 
the  regulating  expressions  (is  aisro  and  quasi,  sufficiently  show  that  it  is  only  meant  to  be 
approximate.     See  my  remarks  in  a  note  further  on,  concerning  Esthaol. 

I   Note  the  spelling,  a  k  this  time,  instead  of  an  x  ;  St.  Jerome  keeps  to  his  Sorech. 

Tour  from  Jerusalem  to  Jaffa  and  tlie  Country  of  Samson.  1 99 

Eshtaol  and  Zorah,  according  to  the  indications  given  in  the  Bible,  must  have 
been  tolerably  close  together ;  so  there  is  nothing  surprising  in  the  fact  that 
the  Onomasticon  at  one  time  places  Sorech  near  Saraa,  at  another  near 
Eshtaol.  Moreover,  in  another  passage  the  Onomasticon  ascribes  to  Esthaol 
a  position  and  a  distance  which  again  brings  us  to  the  environs  of  Sar'a  :  "  at 
the  tenth  mile  from  Eleutheropolis,  to  the  north,  as  you  go  to  Nicopolis."* 

The  Wad  es  Serar,  which  passes  by  the  foot  of  Surik,  undoubtedly  the 
Caphar  Sorech  of  St.  Jerome,  may  perfectly  well  at  some  period  have  given  it 
or  have  borrowed  from  it  its  name,  as  is  constantly  the  case  with  valleys,  and 
may  have  been  called  in  the  fourth  century  the  valley  of  Sorech,  and  later  on 
the  valley  of  Surik. 

Is  it  then  to  be  supposed  that  this  valley  of  Surik,  or  Sorech,  is  really  the 
ancient  valley  of  Soi'ek  of  the  Bible  ?     That  is  quite  another  question. 

The  purely  topographical  view  presents  no  difficulty,  as  this  identification 
brings  us  right  into  the  middle  of  the  zone  of  operations  of  the  Danite  hero. 

From  the  onomastic  point  of  view,  there  are  certain  doubts  which  I  cannot 
pass  by  unexamined.  The  Biblical  name  is  written  with  the  koph,  plti^.  How 
did  they  write  this  Semitic  name  Caphar  Sorech  which  St.  Jerome  preserved, 
and  how  ought  the  Arab  name  Sririk,  which  I  have  noted,  to  be  written  ?     In 

*  This  time  the  distance  is  expressed  without  any  approximatory  qualification,  there  is  no 
o)?  fiTTo  or  quasi,  the  calculation  is  rigid.  Taking  it  literally,  one  arrives  at  the  conclusion  that  the 
Esthaol  of  the  Onomasticon  was  at  Beit  el  Jemal,  where  likewise  a  legend  of  the  fellahin,  which  I 
shall  treat  of  later,  would  place  the  Eshtaol  of  the  Bible.  This  of  course  is  not  to  say  that  the 
data  of  the  Onomasticon  and  local  tradition  are  to  be  taken  for  gospel.  Enough  for  us  to  bear 
this  in  mind,  that  Sar'a  and  Beit  el  Jemal,  being  separated  by  the  Wad  es  Serar,  and  this  valley 
being  in  the  eyes  of  the  Onomasticon  the  Biblical  Valley  of  Sorek,  it  would  say  with  equal  justness 
that  Sorek  was  near  Saraa  or  near  Esthaol. 

In  support  of  the  identification  of  Beit  el  Jemal  and  the  Esthaol  of  the  Onomasticon,  I  will 
quote  another  passage  of  the  same  work  which  is  quite  conclusive  {s.i'.  'hiiic~i<!,/arin!ut/i),  "Jarimuth" 
(the  Onomasticon  means  the  Jarmuth  of  Joshua  x,  3),  "about  four  miles  from  Eleutheropolis,  in 
ttie  neiglibourtiood  of  tht  village  of  Esthaol."  Jarimuth,  or  Jarmuth,  is  certainly  Khurbet  Yarmuk; 
the  distance  mentioned  by  the  Onomasticon  is  incorrect,  but  the  position  is  beyond  doubt ;  more- 
over, the  Onomasticon  corrects  itself  about  the  distance  under  the  word  'Upfiov^,  Jermus,  saying 
iha.t  Jermiicha  ('Upfioxd'i)  is  the  place  situated  at  the  tenth  mile  from  Eleutheropolis  on  the  road 
to  Jerusalem.  Now  Beit  el  Jemal,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  is  just  about  an  English  mile  from 
Khurbet  el  Yarmuk. 

Under  the  word  'AcOaX,  Asthaol,  the  Onomasticon  suggests  another,  totally  different,  and 
evidently  erroneous,  identification  with  a  village  called  'AaOw,  Astho,  between  Azotus  and  Ascalon. 
It  is  superfluous  to  remark  that  this  village,  whatever  it  may  be,  can  have  nothing  in  common 
with  Eshtaol  of  the  Bible. 

oo  Archaoloncal  Researches  in  Palestine. 


the  transliteration  of  Eusebius,  \^oP\p-qx,  and  in  that  of  St.  Jerome,  Caphar 
Sorech,  the  presence  of  the  x  ^^'^  '^^e  ch  would  rather  seem,  to  judge  from  the 
practice  of  these  two  authors,  to  imply  the  existence  of  a  kaph  rather  than  a 
koph  in  the  name  which  they  noted  and  compared  with  the  Hebrew  name  ; 
and  in  fact  we  have  seen  that  when  they  do  quote  the  real  Biblical  name  they 
usually  write  it  tojpiJK  and  not  'Zcjpyjx-  It  is  therefore  a  fair  objection  that  the 
name  of  the  place  noted  in  the  Ononiasticon  was  "J~lir  and  not  pTlI*.  If  so, 
this  would  be  a  case  of  one  of  those  arbitrary  identifications  which  the  authors 
of  the  Ononiasticon,  anticipating  the  hardihood  of  certain  modern  com- 
mentators, sometimes  did  not  scruple  to  make  ;  consequently,  though  we 
might  have  found  the  valley  of  Sorech  of  the  Ononiasticon — which  would  be 
interesting  enough — we  should  not  any  the  more  for  that  have  found  the 
valley  of  Sorek  of  the  Bible,  which  would  be  much  more  so. 

The  knot  could  be  cut  if  we  knew  the  exact  form  of  the  Arab  name 
Siirik;  but  unluckily  the  same  doubt  confronts  us  on  this  very  point.  Is  it 
J,.,,.?  or  ^^,,^^? 

I  was  not  able  to  clear  up  the  matter  on  the  spot,  and  I  recommend  the 
filling  up  of  this  lacuna  to  future  explorers.  Everyone  knows  how  difficult  it 
often  is  when  dealing  with  the  fellahin  dialect  to  distinguish  between  an 
emphatic  kdf  and  a  natural  kdf,  since  in  some  parts  they  pronounce  the  first 
in  the  same  way  as  the  second  ;  on  the  other  hand,  it  must  be  said,  they 
frequently  pronounce  the  second  like  c/i,  though  not  invariably.  All  I  can 
say  is  that  I  have  heard  and  noted  Surik  and  ne\-er  Snrich,  so  the  chances 
are  in  favour  of  the  emphatic  kdph,  and,  consequently,  of  the  real  onomastic 
identity  between  the  Arab  Surik  and  the  Sorech  of  St.  Jerome,  on  the  one 
hand,  and  the  Sorek  of  the  Bible  on  the  other  :  pTll^  =  ,  ^' ,.-: 

The  Survey  Party,  which  noted  the  name  some  time  after  I  had  pointed 
out  its  importance,  writes  it  cJo  ,»-:  •  But  this  transliteration  in  the  Name 
Lists  is  open  to  the  same  doubts  as  I  have  already  enumerated,  and  these 
doubts  seem  to  me  to  be  substantiated  bv  the  followino-  observation,  which  I 
think  the  more  necessary  to  be  made,  as  it  \\\\\  lead  me  directly — putting 
aside  all  questions  of  phonetics — to  certain  topographical  and  historical 
indications  which  are  not  without  importance  in  the  solution  of  the  geographical 

At  some  distance  from  Khiirbet  Surik  there  is  a  village  that  seems  to  me 
homonymous  with  the  place  we  are  dealing  with.  These  cases  of  homonymy 
are  frequent  in  Palestine,  as  everyone  knows.  This  village  is  Beit  Surik,  in 
the  direction  of  Kulonieh,  to  the  north.      Now  the  name  of  this  village,  well- 

Tour  from  Jcnisalcin  to  Jaffa  and  the  Country  of  Samson.  201 

known  as  it  is,  is  involved  in  precisely  similar  difficulties  of  orthography.  In 
Robinson's  lists  it  is  written  cJ-j^,^-  ;  in  a  MS.  official  list  which  has  been  in 
my  possession  for  the  last  twenty  years,  and  was  issued  by  the  office  of  the 
Serai  at  Jerusalem,  it  is  written,  on  the  contrary,  j:.;  ,^._:  ;  the  Name  Lists  oive 
the  two  spellings.  It  is  clear  that  only  one  of  these  radically  different  forms  can 
be  right.  But  which  is  it  ?  This  brings  us  back  to  the  very  same  question 
that  confronted  us  in  treating  of  our  Khiirbct  Sjirik. 

This  onomastic  identification  of  Kh.  Surik  and  Beit  Surik  leads  us  to 
another  of  a  different  kind,  one  that  tends  to  prove  that  at  one  time  the  Wad 
es  Serar  may  have  borne  the  name  of  the  Valley  of  Siirik,  which  is  a  strono- 
argument  in  favour  of  its  identity  with  the  Valley  of  Sorek  of  the  Book  of 
Judges.  The  village  of  Beit  Surik  lies  just  at  the  entrance  of  a  short  but 
deep  valley  which,  joining  the  Wady  Beit  Hanina  (a  little  above  Kulonieh), 
helps  to  form  the  Wad  es  Serar.  This  branch  may  perfectly  well  have  been 
regarded  as  the  real  head  of  the  valley  which  further  on  assumes  the  name  of 
Wad  es  Serar  ;  and  I  am  not  e\'en  convinced  that  this  view  is  not  hydro- 
graphically  admissible.* 

In  this  case  a  most  natural  explanation  would  be  that  Kh.  .Surik  and 
Beit  Surik  have  taken  the  same  name,  since,  in  spite  of  the  distance  they  are 
apart,  they  are  intimately  connected  by  the  same  valley,  and  have  each  of 
them  borrowed  its  name  in  the  same  way.  It  w^ould  follow  that  this  valley 
from  its  head  to  Kh.  Surik  at  least,  and  possibly  beyond,  was  at  one  time 
called  the  Valley  of  Surik. 

It  must  be  admitted  that,  if  this  view  be  taken,  the  probability  of  the 
geographical  identity  of  the  Wad  es  Serar  and  the  Biblical  Valley  of  Sorek, 
and  also  consequently  of  the  onomastic  identity  of  Siirik  with  the  Sorech  of 
the  Onomasticon  and  the  Hebrew  Sorek,  is  sensibly  enhanced. 

Lastly,  then,  is  another  consideration  which  strikes  me  as  calculated  to 
turn  the  scale  in  favour  of  this  view.      It  is  a  matter  of  common   knowledge 


that,  in  Hebrew,  the  word  sorek  (p~l11^)  signifies  a  vine  of  a  superior  quality, 
characterised  by  the  particular  colour  of  the  grapes  it  bears.  The  word  is 
rendered  in  the  old  Arabic  versions  of  the  Bible  by  J-^-j  and  <_^:,^5  which  is 
identiciil  with  one  of  the  forms  of  the  name  of  the  two  modern  localities 
already  treated  of.     The  valley  of  Sorek  must  have  been  so  called  from  being 

*  In  spite  of  the  course  laid  down  on  the  Map,  and  the  considerations  of  W.  Trelawney 
Saunders,  it  may  be  said  that  the  Wad  es  Serar  begins  at  Beit  Surik  and  receives  the  Wady  Beit 
Hanina  as  an  affluent. 

2    D 

202  Archceolozical  Researches  in  Palestine. 


planted  with  numerous  vineyards,  which  were  its  characteristic  feature.* 
Now,  it  is  very  impressive  to  notice,  that,  in  the  environs  of  this  very  Kh. 
Surik,  one  finds  at  every  step  magnificent  wine  presses  cut  out  in  the  rock,+ 
the  most  remarkable  perhaps  in  all  Palestine,  and  bearing  witness  that  vine- 
growing  was  practised  to  a  high  degree  on  the  slopes  of  the  Wad  es  Serar 
at  an  early  period. 

I-^or  all  these  reasons,  and  for  others,  too,  that  I  could  not  give  here 
without  increasing  this  volume  beyond  measure,  I  incline  more  and  more  to 
the  belief  that  the  Kh.  Surik,  discovered  by  me,  and  identical  with  the  Caphar 
Sorech  of  the  Ononiasticon,  has  really  preserved  for  us  the  name  of  the  valley 
of  Sorek,  and  that  this  valley  is  none  other  than  the  Wad  es  Serar  which 
runs  below  Surik. 

Rdjdt. — At  Rafat  we  came  upon  a  commemorati\'e  tuneral  ceremony, 
an  extremely  curious  one,  accompanied  by  songs  and  dances.  Some  peasants 
from  Beit  A'tab,  ensconsed  beneath  a  great  ersh  of  leaves  supported  by  a 
stone  pillar,  gave  us  a  most  hearty  welcome.  In  addition  to  the  name  Surik, 
which  has  just  dragged  me  into  this  long  but  necessary  digression,  I  got  some 
more  items  of  information  from  them  : 

At  Rdfdt  there  is  a  Sheikh  Rdfdty ;  at  Si^ir'ah  (Sara)  there  is  the  Sheikh 
Sdniet  (ci-^tU  or  ktU)  ;   at  Eshua'  (Eshu')  is  Neby  ShiTa  ;\ 

About  a  quarter  of  an  hour  west  of  Deir  Aban  is  the  place  called  Tantilra, 
beside  which  is  the  well  Bir  ez  Znrra  ;  eighteen  men  once  were  massacred 

Sara. — The  sun  was  about  to  set  as  we  reached  Sar'a,  behind  a  hill 
shaped  like  a  promontory.  I  noticed  on  it  numerous  rock-hewn  vaults. 
From  the  sanctuary  of  Sheikh  Samet,  which  rises  to  the  south  of  the  village, 
we  had  a  glorious  view  over  'Ain  Shemes,  Deir  Aban,  'Arti^if,  and  so  forth, 
and  over  the  Wad  es  Serar,  which  here  extends  to  an  imposing  breadth. 
On  the  further  side  of  the  valley,  to  the  east,  we  descried  by  the  last  beams  of 

*  Samson,  accompanied  by  his  fatlier  and  mother,  goes  down  to  the  vines  of  Timnah 
(Judges  xiv,  s)=Tibneh,  a  little  lower  down,  in  the  Wad  es  Serar. 

t  Several  examples  will  be  found  reproduced  with  great  fidelity  by  M.  Schick  in  the 
Zeitschrijt  des  deutschen  Palaestina-Vereitis,  X,  p.  131,  d  seqq.,  1887.  Compare  those  that  we 
noted  in  the  direction  of  Beit  Nettif,  which  are  engraved  later  on  in  the  book. 

J  Or  Ne/>y  Ishi'i'a  {EshiYa) ;  it  is  well-nigh  impossible  to  make  out  from  the  pronunciation 
of  the  fellahin  whether  the  name  begins  with  an  /  or  not,  as  this  letter,  if  it  exist.s,  is  merged 
into  the  final  _)•  o^.  nehy. 

Tonr  from  Jcnisakni  to  Jaffa  and  the  Coiintty  of  Samson.  203 

the  setting  sun,  numerous  mouths  of  tombs  hewn  in  the  side  of  the  hill.     A 
quarter  of  an  hour  later  we  had  reached  our  camp  at  'Artuf 

'Artilf. — 'Artuf  has  every  appearance  of  being  an  ancient  place.  Its 
name,  however,  recalls  no  memories  of  the  Bible,  and  is  moreover  difficult  to 
explain  in  Arabic,  whether  we  write  it  ^y^j^^  with  Robinson,  or  i_?y.^,  with 
the  N'ame Lists.  In  the  latter  case  one  might  sueeest  (_i.  ,1^,  "stout  "  "strono- " 
turned  into  1— jy^-  by  a  metathesis  similar  t(j  that  which  has  transformed 
Latrfin  into  Rathhi  in  the  dialect  of  the  fellahin.  If,  on  the  contrary,  the 
name  is  written  with  an  emphatic  t,  we  may,  perhaps,  regard  the  r  as  an 
epenthetic  letter  (equivalent  to  reduplication  by  daguesh ;  cf.  in  Aramaic 
h^-\V  for  ^tay)  ;  in  which  case  'Artilf  would  be  instead  of  'Attiif ;  Atnf 
means  "curved,"  Attlf,  "a  harpoon."  However,  none  of  these  various 
conjectures  lead  us  to  any  etymology  that  clears  up  the  ancient  toponymy. 
1  thought  at  one  time  that  'Artuf  might  possibly  represent,  topographically 
at  any  rate,  even  if  not  onomastically,  the  town  of  Tappiiah,  niDH.  which  is 
mentioned  along  with  Zorah  in  this  same  group  of  the  Shephelah.  It  must 
be  allowed  that  the  name  would  have  changed  remarkably  on  the  way.  Still, 
it  is  to  be  noted  that  in  the  ancient  Syriac  version  it  has  already  begun  to 
undergo  a  marked  change,  Pathuh  ;  on  the  other  hand,  the  Ii,  especially  when 
final,  easily  becomes  'ain  in  Arabic  ;  witness  the  name  of  the  neiehbourino- 
town  of  Zanoah  rn:t-  now  Zanfia.  We  should  have  then  the  following 
process,  every  step  of  which  would  have  its  phonetic  justification  :  Tappuah  — 
Patlmh  =  PattiT  =  Att?1f=  Artnf*  It  is  a  rather  curious  coincidence  that 
Robinson  was  once  led  to  identify  an  homonymous  Tappuah  [Bn  TappuaJi) 
in  the  neighbourhood  of  Sichem,  with  a  place  called  Atif  the  name  of  which 
seems  to  be  related  to  'Artuf  Nevertheless,  the  question  seems  to  me  far 
from  settled,  and  I  shall  return  to  it  anon  when  dealing  with  En  Gannim,  with 
which  the  Tappuah  of  Judah  seems  to  be  closely  connected. 

Places  around. —  Next  day,  before  starting  on  our  way  to  Jerusalem,  I 
devoted  part  of  the  morning  to  examining  certain  spots  near  'Artuf  that 
especially  interested  me.  I  should  have  greatly  liked  to  explore  thoroughly 
this  most  curious  region,  forming  as  it  does  the  heart  of  the  primitive  territory 
of  the  tribe  of  Dan,  and  the  scene  of  the  traditional  history  of  Samson.  But 
for  this  purpose  we  shf)uld  have  had  to  stay  there  a  day  at  the  least,  and  I  was 

*  As  for  the  change  from  /  natural  to  /  emphatic  (if  there  really  be  one  in  the  name)  this 
would  be  explained  by  the  influence  of  the  guttural  'ain  at  the  beginning  of  the  word.  This 
latter  phenomenon  is  frequent  in  Arabic. 

r>    2 

204  Archffological  Researches  in  Palestine. 

oblisfed  to  return  to  Terusalem  on  urtrent  business.  I  resolved  to  confine  our 
explorations  on  this  occasion  to  'Ain  Shemes  and  Deir  Aban,  promising 
myself  to  complete  them  later  on  by  a  special  excursion,  which,  unluckily,  I 
was  prevented  by  circumstances  from  carrying  out. 

Before  leaving  'Artiif,  I  had  a  small  conference  on  archreology  and 
topography  with  the  village  fellahin,  in  the  course  of  which  I  gleaned  various 
scraps  of  information  ;  I  will  lay  them  before  the  reader  just  as  I  received 
them.  We  had  before  our  eyes,  as  we  talked,  the  panorama  of  the  places  to 
which  the  information  related  ;  this  served  as  a  text,  so  to  speak,  to  these 
artless  but  interesting  commentaries,  which  checked,  completed,  and  sometimes 
even  contradicted  one  another,  according  to  the  turns  of  the  conversation  or 
the  personal  character  of  the  speakers.  The  eye  beheld  at  one  glance  from 
the  heights  of  'Artuf :  Eslma,  'As/in,  Sara,  'Ain  S hemes,  Deir  Aban,  etc. 
Here  is  a  small  view  taken  from  'Artiif  looking  towards  Sara,  which  is 
separated  from  it  by  the  JVady  Rlutlak. 

VIEW    FROM   'aRiCf   LOOKING   TOWARDS   SUR'aH    (SAr'a). 

I  now  let  my  fellahin  speak  for  themselves: 

The  locality  situated  not  far  to  the  west  of  'Ain  Shemes,  and  which  figures 
on  the  map  of  Van  de  Velde — the  only  one  I  then  had  at  my  command — 
under  the  name  of  'Ain  Jtneh,  "the  spring  of  Jineh,"  is  really  called 
Uvini  Jina,  and  there  is  no  spring  there.  This  piece  of  information 
was  opposed  to  a  conjecture  that  I  had  formed  for  some  time  past,  relying  on 
the  erroneous  transcription  of  Van  de  Velde,  which  consisted  in  identifying 
this  spot  with  the  town  of  En  Gannini.  However,  as  I  shall  presently 
mention,  the  notion  is  still  tenable.  At  Umm  Jina  there  is  the  sanctuary  of 
Afeb^'  rieidar  {j-^!^  is  one  of  the  names  of  the  Hon  in  Arabic). 

Tour  from  Jerusalem  io  Jaffa  and  /lie  Country  of  Samson.  20 ^^ 

—  At  'Ain  Shemes  there  is  the  sanctuary  of  Abu  Meisar,  brother  to  Sheikh 
es  Sdmet,  whose  sanctuary  is  at  Sar'a,  opposite  'Ain  Shemes.  Abu  Metzar  is 
a  nickname,  meaning-  "  the  father  of  the  woollen  mantle  or  head-dress."  One 
Christian  feast  day  Abu  Meizar  penetrated  into  the  church,  disguised  as  a 
monk.  He  seized  hold  of  the  central  column  sustaining  the  building,  crying: 
Ya  Ktidret  Allah,  "O  power  of  God,"  and  overthrew  the  church,  which  fell 
in  ruins  and  crushed  the  congregation.  He  had  said  to  the  Mussulmans, 
"  You  will  find  me  lying  on  my  back,  on  the  door  post  {^adliideh)  ;  bury  me 
near  it,  on  the  western  side." 

—  The  saint  of  Sar'a,  Sheikh  Samet,  brother  of  Abu  Meizar,  was  fiorhtino- 

o  o 

against  the  infidels  {Kuffd7').  He  had  been  asked  where  he  was  to  be  buried. 
"At  the  place,"  he  replied,  "where  my  rr/^vs  (javelin)  shall  stick  into  the 
ground."  He  was  at  'Ain  Shemes  at  the  time.  He  hurled  his  reki'z,  which 
planted  itself  in  the  soil  to  the  south  of  Sar'a,  where  his  makam  stands  to 
this  day. 

—  At  'Eselin  is  the  sanctuary  of  Sheikh  Gherib.  The  fellahin,  those  at  least 
with  whom  I  talked,  knew  of  no  legend  relating  to  it. 

—  At  Deir  el  Hawa,  to  the  east  of  Deir  Aban,  there  is  a  sanctuary  of 
Sheikh  Selnidn  el  Fdr-sy. 

—  Between  Umm  Jina  and  Tibneh  is  a  bir  (well  or  cistern)  called  Bir  el 
Lewmn,  but  no  spring;  above,  to  the  east,  is  a  ruin  of  the  same  name.  In 
old  times  a  certain  personage  desiring  to  withdraw  his  daughter  from  the 
attentions  of  her  lover,  built  for  her  a  stronghold  (kaser)  right  over  the  well. 
I  was  not  able  to  get  a  complete  account  of  this  long  and  involved  legend. 
The  girl's  name  was  Jam  la,  the  lover's  Jeinil.  Jemil  is  buried  at  Rafat,  to 
the  west  of  Sar'a. 

—  Between'Ain  Shemes  and  Deir  Aban  lies  a  ruined  place  called  '^///«('Alin). 

—  Between  Sar'a  and  Rafat  is  Deir  et  Tdhuneh,  where  one  may  see  enormous 
stones,  columns,  and  a  door,  still  in  position,  said  to  be  the  church  door. 

—  Between  Deir  Aban  and  'Ain  Shemes,  at  the  foot  of  the  hill,  is  a  sort  of 
rocky  pier  hump,  a  wa'r,  called  Tantiira.  A  very  long  time  ago  the  soldiers 
of  the  "government"  cut  off  there  the  heads  of  forty-five  fellahin;  "eighteen 
pairs  of  brothers  were  massacred  on  these  rocks."  From  thence  forward  it 
passed  into  a  by-word,  dabhat  et  Tantura,  "a  Tantura  slaughter,"  being  used 
to  express  a  great  massacre. 

—  East  of  Tantura,  between  'Artuf  and  Deir  Aban,  is  a  ruined  spot  called 
Kh.  JenncCir.  A  musket  shot  to  the  east  of  Jena'ir  is  Kh.  IJardzch. 
Not  far  to  the  east  of  this,  between  Deir  el  Hawa  and  Harazeh,  is  Kh.  JMcrj 

2o6  Arche?o!ogical  Researches  in  Palestine. 

'Elltn,  "the  ruin  of  the  meadow  of 'Ellin;"  to  the  north  of  this  last  named 
ruin  is  Kh.  Rabf. 

—  Beit  A'tab,  to  the  east  of  Deir  Aban,  belonged  of  old  to  the  Fenish. 
There  is  still  to  be  seen,  to  the  north  of  Beit  Jibrin,  at  jVrdk  el  Finsh 
(  =  Fenish),  an  immense  cave  with  an  inscription  carved  over  the  doorway 
saying :  "  We  have  filled  it  with  black  zchib  ditrtinily,  do  you  fill  it  merely  with 
chopped  straw  [iiben),  and  grain."  It  is  a  sort  of  challenge;  zebib  is  dry 
grapes  ;  as  for  dnriini/y,  I  take  it  to  be  an  adjective  composed  of  the  word 
duriim  and  the  Turkish  termination  l)\  and  signifying  a  particular  sort  of 
grape,  I  cannot  tell  which.* 

Wad  es  Sera?'. — After  this  long  conversation,  we  took  leave  of  our  'Artuf 
villagers,  and  directed  by  one  of  them,  whom  we  had  chosen  as  guide,  we 
descended  into  the  Wad  es  Serar,  on  our  way  to  'Ain  Shemes.  Several  minor 
valleys  join  the  main  one  at  this  point ;  it  is  quite  wide,  and  affords  a  level 
surface  adapted  for  corn-growing.  The  harvest  had  been  already  gathered  in 
when  we  passed,  but  the  long  stubble  was  left  standing.  The  whole 
answers  to  the  description  in  i  Samuel  vi,  13  ;  this  valley  bottom  is  the  e7)tek 
where  the  people  of  Beth  Shemesh  were  getting  in  the  harvest  when  they 
saw  the  cart  bearing  the  Ark  arriving.  Somewhere  hereabouts  must  have 
been  the  field  of  Joshua  the  Beth-Shemite,  whose  name  has  perhaps  been 
handed  down  in  that  of  the  place  and  neby  called  E slut  a.  Numerous 
hypotheses  have  been  put  forward  as  to  the  origin  of  this  latter,  but  this,  the 
simplest  and  perhaps  the  most  probable,  has  not  been  thought  of 

Boundary. — Our  guide  pointed  out  to  me  in  the  distance  the  boundary 
of  the  territory  of  'Ain  Shemes,  which  descends  from  south  to  north,  passing 
by  a  landmark  situated  to  the  east  of  'Ain  Shemes  on  the  side  of  the  hill, 
towards  the  outskirts  of  a  small  grove  of  olives. 

Thus  'Ain  Shemes  has  a  regular  boundary,  a  hadd,  exactly  as  Beth- 
Shemesh,  which  it  represents,  had  its  gebn/,  its  "  boundary  ;"t  up  to  this 
gebe/  the  lords  of  the  Philistines  walked  behind  the  Ark,  when  they  brought 
it  from  Ekron.  I  could  not  get  anyone  to  show  me  which  way  the  kadd 
went  that  bounded  the  territory  of  'Ain  Shemes  on  the  west.      It  would  be 

*  For  a  moment  I  thought  I  could  recognise  in  durum  the  name  of  the  district  of  Darom,  to 
which  Eleutheropohs  belonged.  But  in  this  case  one  would  have  rather  expected  to  find  a  long 
form,  such  as  durum,  durum.  Besides,  the  name  Darom  has  been  modified  by  the  Arabs  in 
quite  a  different  way,  viz.,  Danhi. 

t   I  Samuel,  vi,  ir. 

Tour  from  Jerusalem  to  Jetffa  and  ike  Country  of  Samson.  207 

interesting  to  verify  this  on  tlie  spot,  since  it  is  on  tliis  western  side  that 
we  must  look  for  the  boundary  at  which  the  Phihstines,  who  came  from  the 
west,  stopped  their  progress.  It  should  be  noticed,  moreover,  that  the  held 
of  Joshua  the  Beth-Shemite,  which  I  shall  have  occasion  to  speak  of  again 
shortly,  was  situated  further  to  the  east,  since  the  Bible  narrative  (v.  13) 
says  that  the  cart  bearing  the  Ark  still  continued  to  proceed  after  the 
Philistines  had  stopped  at  the  frontier. 

Rnjilm. — In  the  midst  of  the  valley  formed  by  the  confluence  of  the 
Wad  es  Serar  and  the  Wady  Mutlak,  between  Sar'a,  'Artuf,  'Ain  Shemes, 
and  Deir  Aban,  I  observed  a  low  flat  mound,  covered  with  small  stones, 
called  Khiirbet  er  Rnjnm,  and  also  Rjiim  'Artuf,  "the  heap  of  stones  of 
'Artuf."  I  thought  to  myself  how  well  adapted  the  spot  was  for  the  scene 
of  the  holocaust  offered  by  the  Beth-Shemites  to  celebrate  the  return  of  the 
Ark.  Kh.  er  Rjum,  our  guide  told  me,  was  formerly  "a  Kal'a  (fortress) 
like  a  church." 

En  Gannim.—  \\\  speaking  to  me  oi Kh.  Kkeishihn,  he  told  me  that  it  used 
to  be  the  bekd  "  couniry.  or  town  "  of  a  King  called  Sultan  el  Jdnn.  This 
name,  Jdnn  '^>r^  i^  ^i  rather  curious  one.  At  first  sight  it  appears  to  be 
merely  the  Arabic  word  signifying  "  demon,  genie,"  but  I  should  not  be 
surprised  if  in  reality  it  was  a  modification  of  the  name  of  the  ancient  town 
of  En  Gannim  Qi^a  jijr.  "the  spring  of  the  gardens,"  w'hich  I  have  already 
mentioned  in  speaking  of  Umm  Jina,  near  Kheishum.  What  made  me 
hesitate  to  identify  Umm  Jina  with  En  Gannim  was,  as  I  have  said,  my 
noticing  that  the  word  'ain,  "spring,"  formed  no  part  of  the  modern  name, 
and,  more  serious  still,  that  there  was  not  even  a  spring  at  Umm  Jina. 
However,  this  last  objection  which  I  raised  to  myself  loses  much  of  its 
potency  from  the  following  fact :  at  'Ain  Shemes,  well-established  as  the 
counterpart  of  the  Beth-Shemesh  of  the  Bible,  there  is  no  spring  either,  any 
more  than  at  Umm  Jina,  despite  the  word  'ain,  "spring,"  which  enters  into 
the  composition  of  the  modern  name.  It  is,  however,  probable  that  there 
must  have  been  at  one  time  a  spring  at  'Ain  Shemes  to  justify  this  significant 
appellation.  The  spring  must  have  disappeared,  no  rare  occurrence  in  Judaea 
or  elsewhere.  The  case  of  Umm  Jina  may  have  been  similar.  I  revert,  then, 
to  my  original  idea,  confirmed  as  it  is  by  the  mention  of  this  Sultan  el  Jdnn 
localised  at  Keishum.  I  am  inclined  to  believe  that  the  town  of  En  Gannim, 
mentioned  in  Joshua  as  being  in  the  district  now  under  consideration,  was 
situated  on  that  remarkable  ridge  on  the  north  of  which  Umm  Jina  was 
built,  and   to  the   south   of  which    Kheishum   stretches,    "the  countrv  of  the 

2o8  Archccolopical  Researches  in  Palestine. 


King  of  el  Jann  ;"  Jina  and  Jdnn,  I  think,  preserved  the  name  Gannini 
(plural  of  Can")  in  two  slightly  different  forms  depending  one  on  the  other. 
The  memory  of  the  "gardens"  that  gave  the  place  its  Hebrew  name  has  also 
perhaps  been  preserved  in  a  material  way  in  the  names  of  Bir  el  Leiniiin, 
Khurbet  Bir  el  Letniun,  which  presuppose  the  existence  of  groves  of  citron- 

In  the  passage  of  Joshua  (xv,  34)  in  which  En  Gannim  appears,  there  is 
an  anomaly  calculated  to  arouse  our  attention.  It  is  well  known  that  there  is 
a  fundamental  principle  in  this  long  list  of  the  towns  belonging  to  the  various 
tribes  of  Israel  ;  the  towns  are  grouped  by  threes  in  the  verses,  the  few 
exceptions  to  this  general  rule  having  in  every  case  their  raison  d'etre. 

Now  in  V.  34  the  rule  of  three  is  broken,  at  least  if  the  received 
translations  be  admitted,  and  we  have  four  towns  instead  of  three  :  Zanoah 
En  Gannini,  Tappuah,  and  Enani.  A  close  inspection  of  the  Hebrew  text  will 
reveal  the  fact  that,  owing  to  the  peculiar  employment  of  the  conjunction  and, 
the  verse  really  contains  only  three  towns,  not  four  :  And  Zanoah,  and  En 
Gannini  Tappiiah,  and  Enani.  The  absence  of  any  conjunction  between 
En  Gannin  and  Tappuah  would  seem  to  show  that  the  two  places  are  really 
one,  and  that,  consequently,  if  En  Gannin  is  at  Umm  Jina,  it  is  at  the  latter 
place  also  that  Tappuah  should  be  located.  This  conclusion  would  at  the 
same  time  remove  all  possibility  of  placing  Tappuah  at  'Artuf.* 

The  Ononiasticon  places  En  Gannim  near  Bethel,  which  is  a  violation  of 
all  probability  ;  we  should  probably  correct  Bethel  to  Bethsames. 

Various  Notes. — As  we  climbed  the  slopes  of  the  hill  of 'Ain  Shemes,  our 
guide  continued  to  gossip  in  instructive  fashion  : 

—  Between  Deir  Aban  and  Tantura,  he  told  me,  there  is  a  well  (or  cistern) 
called  Bir  ez  Zurra  [Zera^)  (already  mentioned). 

—  Between  'Ain  Shemes  and  Deir  Aban,  to  the  north  of  'Ellin  ('Alin),  is  a 
ruin  called  Kh.  Uinni  ed  Dahab,  "the  mother  of  gold." 

—  Close  by  'Ellin  ('Alin)  is  a  sanctuary  of  the  saint  of  the  same  name, 
Sheikh  Ellin.     This  is  a  h)pcethral  niakdni,  without  masonry. 

The  ancient  nameof  Deir  Aban  wasZt'/Vf/yJ/irY,  "the  increaseof  the  money."t 

*  And  .ilso  the  hypothesis  that  has  been  proposed,  of  identifying  the  Feta/i  Enaim  of  the 
story  of  Tamar  (Gen.  xxxviii,  14)  with  a  combination  of  Tappuah  (by  metathesis)  and  the  Enam 
of  the  verse  of  Joshua. 

t  Notice  here  again  this  expletive  quahfication  el  inal,  which  the  fellahin  appear  to  have  a 
strong  liking  for,  and  which  they  add  to  many  ancient  place-names.  To  the  examples  above 
quoted  (p.  100)  there  should  also  be  added  one  which  occurs  to  me,  namely  Si'ir  Bdlier,  called 
bv  the  fellahin  Sur  cl  )ual 

Tour  from  Jeritsaleiii  to  Jaffa  and  the  Country  of  Samson.  209 

—  At  EshiV  is  the  makam  of  Neby  AiisJid  (j.-i^l),  who  fought  against  the 
Kufifar  or  pagans.  He  came  from  Beit  Nebala.*  Pursued  by  a  numerous 
band  of  enemies,  he  escaped  from  his  native  land  and  took  refuge  at  EshiV. 
"  Here  shall  I  die!"  said  he.  He  sat  down,  threw  his  ihimm  (cloak)  over  his 
shoulder,  and  died.  He  used  to  slay  the  enemy  with  a  "  wooden  sabre  "  {seif 
khashab).^     The  sabre  is  still  at  Eshu'. 

"^Ain  Shcmes. — On  reaching  the  top  of  the  hill,  we  inspected  the  ruins 
of 'A  in  Shemes,:j:  which  stretch  over  a  considerable  space,  comprising  numbers 
of  hewn  stones  and  courses  still  in  sitn.  The  hill  extends  from  west  to  east 
between  the  Wad  es  Serar  and  the  Wady  'Ellin  ('Alin).  The  western 
part  of  the  ancient  town  occupies  an  eminence  covered  with  ruins  which  goes 
by  the  name  of  Rmeileh.  This  quarter  lies  just  west  of  the  wely,  a  small 
insignificant  structure  called  after  the  famous  Abu  Meizar  ;  I  noticed  there, 
however,  a  rude  capital  with  double  Doric  \olute,  having  a  cross  within  a 
circle  between  the  two  volutes. 

Here  I  came  across  a  new  version  of  the  legend  of  Abu  Meizar,  who 
was  also  called,  so  my  guide  and  other  fellahin  who  were  present  declared, 
Abtil  Azcm  and  Shemshtim  cl  Jebbdr^  "  Samson  the  hero."  There  was 
once  at  R'meileh,  which  is  the  ancient  name  of  'Ain  Shemes,  a  church  of  the 
infidels.  Abu  Meizar  said  to  the  inhabitants  of  Sar'a  (SGr'ah),  his  native 
place:  "What  will  you  give  me,  if  I  kill  the  Christians  and  destroy  their 
church  ?"  "We  will  give  you  a  quarter  of  the  country,"  they  answered  him. 
Then  Abu  Meizar  entered  into  the  church,  where  he  found  the  Christians 
assembled  for  prayer,  and  pulled  it  down  on  top  of  them  and  him,  by  giving  a 
mighty  kick  at  the  column,  crying  "  Ya  Rabb  f"  "O  Lord!"  He  had  said 
previously  to  his  compatriots  at  Sar'a,  "  Search  in  R'meileh,  you  will  find  me 
lying  on  my  back  and  the  Christians  on  their  bellies."     The  present  makam 

*  Beit  Nebala  takes  us  to  quite  anotiier  region,  to  the  north  of  Lydda  and  Modin.  Perhaps 
there  was  some  mistalce  on  my  part  or  that  of  my  informant,  and  Beit  Nebala  should  be  corrected 
into  Bir  Nebala,  to  the  north  of  Neby  Shamwil. 

t  In  my  note-book  is  the  note,  "or  handle  of  a  plough."  I  cannot  now  undertake  to  say 
whether  this  is  a  variant  derived  actually  from  the  narrative  of  my  guide,  or  a  commentary 
resulting  from  the  explanations  given  me  by  the  fellahin. 

\  I  transliterate  the  Arab  name  S/ieiiiis  and  not  S/icms,  since  it  is  really  so  pronounced  : 
Shhna  or  S/idnics.  The  vulgar  Arabic  of  Syria  has  in  fact  faithfully  handed  down  to  us  in  this 
word,  as  in  other  similar  ones,  the  Hebrew  vocalisation  :  Sliemesli ;  it  constantly  applies  the  rule  of 
the  segolated  forms ;  this  is  why  they  say  Kodcus  (cf.  the  Hebrew  Kodesli)  and  not  Kods,  for  the 
name  of  Jerusalem  ;  be7iet,  not  bent,  "daughter;"  iehcn,  not  tebn,  "straw,"  etc. 

§  Jebbar,  it  need  hardly  lie  said,  is  the  Hebrew  gibbor,  "  hero." 

2    E 

210  Arch(£olos[ical  Researches  in  Palestine. 


was  erected  to  his  memon,-.  It  is  said  that  he  was  rather  blind.  His  brother 
was  Samet,  born  like  himself  at  Sar'a  (Sur'ah). 

The  old  people  say :  befii  Sara  il  Beit  el  Jemdl  enkatal  S/tenishfitn  el 
Jebbdr,  "between  Sar'a  and  Beit  el  Jemal*  the  hero  Samson  was  killed."  To 
this  ver)-  day  the  Sheikh  in  charge  of  the  sanctuar)-  of  Abu  Meizar,  who 
comes  from  Beit  A'tab,  claims  one-fourth  of  the  produce  of  the  olives  between 
Deir  Aban  and  'Ain  Shemes,  in  virtue  of  the  promise  made  to  the  hero  by 
his  fellow  citizens  of  Sar'a.  One  day  a  fellah  who  had  refused  to  pay  the 
traditional  due,  obtained  blood  instead  of  oil,  when  he  came  to  press  his 
sacrilesfious  fruit 

'Ellin. — From  'Ain  Shemes  we  turned  down  towards  the  east  by  south- 
east into  the  \\'ady  'Ellin  ('Alin).  The  upper  part  of  this  is  much  widened 
out,  and  bears  the  name  of  Merdj  'Ellin,  "the  meadow  of  'Ellin."  If  the 
word  Abel^l^,  "meadow,"  in  i  Sam.  vi,  i8,  were  not,  as  it  seems  it  is,  an 
old  clerical  error  for  pN,  "  stone,"  we  might  be  tempted  to  locate  there  the 
great  "meadow"  of  Joshua  the  Beth-Shemite,  where  the  Ark  was  placed  on 
its  return  from  Philistia. 

At  the  head  of  the  Wadv^  'Ellin  are  the  ruins  of  Kh.  'Ellin.  Husre 
blocks  lie  strewn  about  in  everj^  direction,  some  of  them  preserving  traces  of 
arrangement  in  rows,  indicating  that  they  form  part  of  demolished  buildings. 
The  makam  of  SJieikh  'Ellin  consists  of  a  small  rectangular  enclosure  of  loose 
stones  ;  it  is  a  liaram  open  to  the  sky,  with  no  trace  of  masonr}"  about  it. 
The  Sheikh  'Elhn  came  from  Beit  Xettif,  three  miles  and  a  half  to  the  south  ; 
he  was  brother  and  enemy  to  Neby  Heidar,  who  is  worshipped  not  far  from 
there  at  Umm  Jina. 

'Ellin  must  have  been  a  centre  of  population  not  so  ver)-  long  ago,  for  it 
appears  on  the  MS.  administrative  list  in  my  possession,  and  in  that  of 
Robinson.  The  site  tempts  one  to  locate  there  one  of  the  towns  mentioned 
in  the  Bible  as  being  in  the  neighbourhood.  Two  conjectures  have  been 
hazarded  within  the  last  few  years.  I  had  thought  of  those  for  myself,  but 
even  now  am  at  a  loss  which  to  adopt.  They  are  :  Enam  in  Judah  Qoshua 
XV,  34),  and  Elon  in  Dan  (Joshua  xix,  43).      Both  are  philologically  tenable. 

*  The  expression  "  between  Sar'a  and  Beit  el  Jemal "  curiously  recalls  one  that  occurs  twice 
over  in  the  account  given  in  the  book  of  Judges  :  "  Between  Zorah  and  Eshthaol "  (Mahaneh  Dan, 
and  the  family  tomb  of  Samson) ;  as  well  as  the  constant  association  of  these  two  towns.  It 
implies,  as  I  have  already  remarked,  the  identity  of  Beit  el  Jemal  and  Eshtaol  in  fellah  tradition, 
which  seems  in  this  respect  to  agree  with  the  tradition  recorded  by  the  authors  of  the  Onomasticon. 
I  note  this  curious  fact  without  attaching  otherwise  any  importance  to  it. 

Toitr  from  Jeriisalein  to  Jaffa  and  the  Conntry  of  Samson.  211 

As  regards  the  second,  I  will  add  that  one  might  equally  well,  if  not  better, 
from  the  topographical  and  onomastic  point  of  view,  identify  Elott  with  'Alein 
{D/iahr),  a  little  west  of  Beit  Mahsir. 

Tantilra. — An  ancient  road  cut  in  the  rock  goes  down  from  Kh.  'Ellin 
to  the  Wady  Deir  Aban.  We  took  this  in  order  to  reach  the  village  which 
gave  it  its  name.  Our  guide  either  could  not  or  would  not  take  us  to  Tantura, 
the  existence  of  which  had  been  expressly  mentioned  to  us  by  the  fellahin 
of  'Artuf  *  I  was  keenly  desirous  of  visiting  this  place  on  account  of  its 
suggestive  name.  From  his  confused  account  it  would  appear  that  Tantura 
is  also  called  Sdfieh  (L>jL,  not  ajjU). 

Neby  Sh"eib. — Before  arriving  at  Deir  Aban,  and  while  deviating  left  and 
right  a  little  to  find  Tantura,  we  came  to  the  Wddy  Bir  ez  Zn7-ra,  where  we 
found  a  rocky  mound  with  the  ruins  called  Kh.  Umni  ed  Dahab  ;  it  is  crowned 
by  the  wely  of  Neby  SJi'etb.^ 

Bir  ez  Ziirra. — Opposite  to  the  east,  at  the  bottom  of  the  valley,  is  the 
well  of  Bir  ez  Zurra.  Above,  on  the  hill-side,  in  the  direction  of  'Ain 
Shemes,  we  perceived  at  some  distance  a  ruin  called  Kh.  es  Sidgh,  "the  ruin 
of  the  goldsmiths,"  the  name  of  which  seems  to  form  a  pendant  to  that 
of  the  neighbouring  ruin  Kh.  Umm  ed  Dahab,  "the  ruin  of  the  mother  of 

To  Deir  Aban. — To  ^et  to  Deir  Aban  from  the  bottom  of  the  vallev,  we 
had  a  nasty  piece  of  climbing  over  rocks,  where  we  were  in  continual  peril  of 
breaking  our  necks.  As  we  neared  the  village,  I  noticed  numerous  cisterns 
and  caves  hewn  out  in  the  rock.  The  village  rises  in  terraces  on  the  side  of 
the  hill.  The  mosque  is  called  by  an  insignificant  and  very  common  sort  of 
name,  el'Amery.  There  are  in  addition  two  w'elys,  one  oi  Sheikh  'Obeid,  the 
other  of  the  Arba'm,  "forty"  (martyrs).  In  the  upper  part  of  the  wall  of  the 
mosque  we  noticed  a  piece  of  sculpture,  and  M.    Lecomte  made  a  drawing 

of  it.:^ 

IVdd  Sherk. — To  the  south  of  Deir  Aban  is  a  small  valley  of  no  length, 
called  She'b  Wdd  Sherk,  W'hich  joins  the  Wdd  Deir  Aban  after  passing  by 
the  foot  of  the  village.  I  am  not  sure  about  the  exact  form  of  the  name.  It 
sounded  to  me  like  Sherk  j^,  but  it  may  have  been  cherk,  the  initial  ch  being 

*  Their  statements  were  confirmed  a  few  hours  later  by  the  fellahin  of  Deir  el  Hawa,  but 
we  were  already  too  far  off  to  go  back. 

t  Sho'eib,  who  is,  as  is  well  known,  the  representative  of  the  Jethro  of  the  Bible  in  Mussulman 

X  This  drawing  cannot  be  found. 

2    E    2 

2  12  Archtpolorical  Researches  in  Palestine. 

"i> ' 

partially  merged  in  the  final  d  of  the  word  zudd:  ludd  clierk.  In  this  case 
the  original  form  would  be  j/,  which  is  not  likely  ;  tl//  would  do  very  well, 
but  in  that  case  it  ought  to  have  sounded  to  me  cliereh,  not  cherk* 

Deir  Abdn. — The  question  arises  whether  Deir  Aban  represents  an 
ancient  town,  and  if  so,  what  ?  The  name  is  found  in  identically  the  same 
shape  in  other  parts  of  Palestine,t  and  even  right  up  near  Damascus.^  This 
then  makes  three  monasteries  at  least  that  have  borne  the  name  of  Abdn. 
Their  origin  remains  involved  in  obscurity,  and  the  relation  established  between 
these  three  widely  separated  localities  by  this  similarity  of  name  defies 
detection.  As  to  the  Deir  Aban  near  'Ain  Shemes,  I  have  already  asked 
myself  the  question§  whether  this  puzzling  name  Abdit  might  not  stand  for 
the  Hebrew  word  Eben,  "stone,  rock,"  and  whether,  in  this  event,  our  Deir 
Aban  might  not  be  connected  with  that  Eben  which  plays  so  important  a  part 
in  two  episodes  of  Israelitish  history  that  appear  to  have  occurred  in  this  very 

The  following  is  the  manner  in  which  I  endeavoured  to  state  the  problem, 
in  an  article  published  in  1876  ||  :^ 

(i)  The  Great  Eben.  The  Philistines,  bringing  back  the  Ark  on  a 
waggon  from  Ekron  to  Beth-Shemes,  reach  the  verge  of  that  city,  now 
represented  by  'Ain  Shemes  (i  Sam.  vi,  13).  The  waggon  stops  in  the  field 
of  Joshua  the  Beth-shemite,  where  there  was  a  great  stone  {Eben)  ;  the  ark 
is  rested  on  the  "great  stone,"  a  sacrifice  is  offered  in  this  place,  and  the  cows 
which  were  drawing  the  Ark  are  sacrificed  (vv.  14,  15).  A  little  further  on 
(v.  18),  in  speaking  of  the  gold  offerings,  the  narrator  returns  to  this  "great 
stone  "^  on  which  the  Ark  was  rested,  and  which  is  pointed  out  to  this  day 
in  the  field  of  Joshua;   it  seems  this  time  to  indicate  clearly  the  limit  of  the 

Philistine  territory  ("to  the  great  stone "),  which,  moreover,  is  confirmed 

by  the  fact  that  the  Philistines  go  no  farther,  and  that,  after  accompanying 
the  Ark  to  this  point,  they  return  to  Ekron.  The  memory  of  this  event  is, 
if  my  opinion   is  correct,  preserved  in  the  name  of  Deir  Abdn.     As  to  the 

*  I  doubt  its  being  the  Wady  el  Kerk'ak  of  the  Name  Lists  {h6J),  the  valley  of  Deir  Aban 
into  which  the  little  valley  runs  that  I  am  speaking  of. 
t  Between  Sebaste  and  Kalansaweh. 

I  Yakdt,  Mdjeth  el  Buldan,  s.v. 

§  Quarterly  Statement,  1874,  p.  279. 

II  Academy,  October  28th,  1876. 

51  Abel,  "  meadow,"  must  be  corrected  into  eben  "stone,"  in  the  opinion  of  all  the  com- 

Tour  fro)u  Jerusalem  to  Jaffa  and  the  Country  of  Sainsoji.         213 

extraordinary  importance  assigned  it  by  the  Bool;  of  Samuel,  this  is  explained 
by  the  following  considerations  : — • 

(2)  Eben.  fia-ezer.  The  Israelites  on  their  way  to  attack  the  Philistines, 
who  had  advanced  to  Aphek,  encamp — probably  on  the  confines  of  their 
territory— near  the  stone  of  succour  {Eben  fia-ezer).  Beaten  the  first  time, 
they  bring  up  the  Ark  from  Shiloh,  and  again  try  the  fortunes  of  battle. 
They  are  completely  defeated,  and  the  Ark,  which  falls  into  the  hands  of  the 
Philistines,  is  transported  by  them  from  Eben  ha-ezer  to  Ashdod  (i  Sam.,  ii). 
These  events  occur,  be  it  understood,  before  those  we  have  just  related. 

Is  it  not  natural  that  later  on  the  Ark  should  have  been  carried  back  to 
the  same  point  where  it  had  been  captured  ?  On  the  very  same  spot  where 
the  sacrilege  had  been  committed  should  the  expiation  be  made.  Now  this 
spot  bears  precisely,  as  we  have  seen  above,  the  name  of  "the  great  stone" 

There  is  yet  another  argument.  It  is  only  farther  on  (chap,  vii)  that 
the  narrator  tells  us  the  origin  of  the  name  of  Eben  ha-ezer,  whence  it  results 
that,  at  the  moment  of  the  return  of  the  Ark,  the  place  did  not  yet  bear  this 
name  of  Eben  fia-ezer,  and  that  the  narrator  only  used  it  by  anticipation  when 
speaking  of  the  previous  defeat  of  the  Israelites.  As  the  religious  outrage 
inflicted  on  the  Ark  had  been  repaired  on  the  very  same  spot  where  it  had 
taken  place,  so  the  national  outrage  was  to  be  atoned  for  under  identical 
conditions.  It  was  at  Eben  ha-ezer  itself  that  the  Israelites,  beaten  at  Eben 
ha-ezer,  were  to  take  under  the  leadership  of  Samuel  a  signal  revenge.  It 
was  then  only  that  the  battle-field,  determined  by  the  position  of  Maspha, 
Bethkar,  Sen  (and  Aphek)  was  consecrated  by  the  erection  of  a  stone,  to 
which  Samuel  gave  the  name  of  Eben  ha-ezer,  "stone  of  succour."*  It 
marked  the  point  reached  by  the  pursuit,  and  the  Philistines  never  again 
crossed  tfie  borders  of  Israel. 

It  results  therefore  from  these  comparisons,  which  I  can  now  only  briefly 
indicate,  waiving  certain  obscure  points,  that — 

1.  The  place  where  the  Israelites  were  beaten  and  where  they  lost  the 
Ark  did  not  assume  till  a  later  date  the  name  of  Eben  fia-ezer. 

2.  It  was  to  this  same  spot,  this  time  called  Eben,  that  the  Philistines 
carried  back  the  Ark. 

*  It  results  from  a  passage  in  Josephus  that  the  stone  must  have  borne  in  certain  Hebrew 
MSS.  the  name  of  Azaz  \Vi,  "strength,  strong,"  with  a  final  zaiii  instead  of  a  resti,  for  he 
translates  this  name  by  iaxt'pdi',  "strong." 

2  14  Archceological  Researches  in  Palestine. 

3.  The  Israelites,  having  beaten  the  Philistines  in  their  turn  at  this  same 
place,  called  it  Eben  ha-ezer. 

4.  This  place  must  have  been  on  the  confines  of  the  Philistines  and  the 
Israelites — may  perhaps  even  have  been  one  of  the  boundary-marks. 

5.  All  these  data,  including  that  of  the  Onomasticon*'  apply  remarkably 
well  to  Deir  Aban. 

Before  leaving  this  in  many  respects  most  interesting  region — the  land  of 
Samson  as  we  may  call  it — to  pursue  the  narrative  of  our  tour,  I  think  I  ought 
to  add  a  few  words  on  certain  questions  more  or  less  closely  connected  vvith  it. 

'Eselin  [Mslin). — The  ruins  of  'Eselin,  lying  just  a  little  to  the  north-east  of 
Sar'a,  do  not  appear  to  have  attracted  the  attention  of  archaeologists 
before  1874,  at  any  rate  from  the  onomastic  point  of  view.  M.  Guerin 
confines  himself  to  relating  a  local  legend,  unknown  to  the  fellahin  whom  I 
questioned  on  the  matter,  to  the  effect  that  the  sanctuary  of  Sheikh  Gherib  at 
'Eselin  is  the  genuine  tomb  of  Samson.  This  legend,  if  relied  upon,  and 
combined  with  the  modern  theory  identifying  Eshu'  with  Eshtaol,  would 
involve  the  conclusion — Zoreah  being  indubitably  Sar'a — that  'Eselin  is 
identical  with  Mahaneh-Dan,  which  was  situated,  like  the  family  tomb  ol 
"Samson,  "between  Zorah  and  Eshtaol."  But  this  legend,  even  supjDosing  it 
exists,  is  far  too  weak  a  basis  to  support  such  a  conclusion  in  topography,  1 
have  shown  above  that  the  dim  traditions  of  the  fellahin  concerning  Samson, 
which  are  arbitrarily  fastened  on  to  various  more  or  less  fabulous  persons, 
placed  his  tomb,  either  implicitly  or  explicitly,  elsewhere  than  at  'Eselin. 
Accordingly  we  must  not  build  on  the  notion. 

There  remains  for  consideration  the  name  'Eselin,  and  whether  it 
represents  a  Bible  name.  At  first  sight  it  has  an  entirely  Arab  appearance, 
and  seems  connected  with  the  word  'asal,  "honey."  But  we  know  that  we 
often  have  to  mistrust  these  names  of  purely  Arab  appearance.  Tibneh, 
"chopped  straw,"  one  would  swear  was  Arabic,  but  it  is  beyond  a  doubt  that 
it  is  the  name  of  the  town  of  Timnah,  brought  into  that  shape  by  one  of  those 
popular  etymologies  which  are  as  dear  to  the  peasantry  of  Palestine  as  to 
those  of  our  European  countries.     The  same  is  true,  I   think,  of  the  name  of 

*  The  Onomasticon  in  fact  {s.v.,  'A/Seve^ep,  Abenezer)  places  Eben  ha-ezer  near  the  village 
of  Bethsames,  between  Jerusalem  and  Ascalon.  This  quite  tallies  with  the  position  of  Deir  Aban, 
and  seems  to  imply  that  Eusebius  and  St.  Jerome  were  also  of  opinion  that  the  "great  stone" 
where  the  Ark  rested  on  its  return  from  Ekron,  was  identical  with  Eben  ha-ezer. 

Totir  from  Jcnisalcni  to  Jaffn  and  tJie   Coitntry  of  Samson.        2 1 5 

'Eselin ;  it  conceals  from  us  some  Bible  name,  but  what  name  is  it  ?  I  have 
suggested  that  of  the  town  of  Ashnah  mentioned  in  the  same  verse  (Joshua  xv, 
33)  (between  Zoreah  and  Eshtaol,  forming  the  usual  group  of  three)  as 
belonging  to  Judah. 

From  the  phonetic  stand-point,  the  Arabic  ^^d..^  would  quite  exactly 
represent  the  Hebrew  H-irt^ :  the  initial  aleph,  in  contact  with  the  shin, 
would  have  changed  to  '«/«,  as  in  the  name  of  Ascalon,  (pVpt^ ^^  =  ^iL*.j;) ; 
the  mht  to  lam,  as  in  the  name  of  Skunem  (U'yW  =  Saulam,  Jj-.-)-  As  for  the 
addition  of  the  termination  vi,  so  frequent  in  the  Arab  toponymy  of  Palestine, 
it  is  easy  to  explain.  So  we  may  say  that  from  this  quarter  the  identification 
of  Ashnah  and  'Eselin  would  encounter  no  difficulty. 

From  the  topographical  point  of  view,  the  proximity  of  Sara  (= Zoreah) 
forms  another  argument  in  its  favour."  But  under  this  second  head  there  is  an 
objection  that  I  have  started  against  myself,  and  gives  me  pause.  In 
chap,  xix,  41  of  the  same  book  of  Joshua,  we  see  Zoreah  and  Eshtaol  separated 
from  the  territory  of  Judah  and  assigned  to  that  of  Dan  ;  here  also  they  form 
a  group  of  three,  but  no  more  with  Ashnah,  that  name  being  replaced  by  Ir- 
Shemesh  (='Ain  Shemes,*  to  the  south  of  Sar'a).  The  alternative  is  obvious  ; 
either  Ashnah  is  identical  with  Ir-Shemesh  ;t  or  else  Ashnah,  if  it  is  to  stay 
in  the  territory  of  Judah,  must  have  been  situated  to  the  south  of  Sar'a,  and 
even  south  of  'Ain  Shemes,  the  territory  of  Dan  being  to  the  north  of  the 
contiguous  territory  of  Judah.  In  either  case  it  becomes  difficult  to  identify 
Ashnah  with  'Eselin,  which  is  to  the  north-east  of  Sara,  and  consequently 
well  into  the  Danite  territory.  This  is  why  I  am  now  inclined  to  ask  whether 
'Eselin  would  not  be  simply  Eshtaol.  Certainly  the  onomastic  identity  in  this 
case  is  not  so  immediately  striking  as  with  Ashnah,  but  still  it  is  far  from 

As  to  the  first  syllable 'cri^  =  (o*j;,  the  proof  is  ready  to  hand;  the/  is 
preserved.  The  disappearance  of  the  t  (n)  remains  to  be  accounted  for,  but  it 
is  provided  with  precedents,  as  it  happens,  in  names  of  towns  of  analogous 
form,  that  is  to  say,  in  which  the  t  is  not  radical;  e.g.,  Eshtemoa  TV^TWi^, 
J^Dnil^N  =  es   Semu'  c,.^*Jl  •      It  is  even  possible  that  this  t  may  have  left  a 

*  The  question  would  of  course  assume  a  new  aspect  if  the  generally  admitted  identity  of 
Ir-Shemesh  and  Beth-Shemesh  were  to  be  rejected. 

t  This  hypothesis  I  cannot  here  discuss,  but  after  all  it  is  not  quite  untenable,  if  it  be  borne 
in  mind  that  Ir-Shemesh  is  not  mentioned,  any  more  than  Beth  Shemesh  is,  in  the  list  of  the 
towns  of  Judah,  though  Beth-Shemesh  certainly  formed  part  of  the  territory  of  that  tribe. 
(Joshua  XV,  10,  and,  especially,  xxi,  16.) 

2i6  Archceological  Researches  in  Palestine. 

slight  trace  behind  it  in  the  reduplication  of  the  sin.  This  reduplication  is 
hard  for  the  ear  to  catch,  but  may  still  be  a  real  one  :  'Esse/in,  'Ess/ni,  which 
would  be  for  'Estclin,  'Esi'lm.*  To  this  should  be  added  the  power  of 
attraction  of  the  significant  Arabic  word  'asal,  "honey,"  which  may  have 
brought  about  the  deviation  of  the  word  towards  this  meaning.  It  is  certain 
that  'Eseihi  is  phonetically  speaking  less  distant  from  Eshtaol  than  Eshu', 
which  hitherto  found  more  ready  acceptance.  Topographically  the  two  sites 
are  equally  likely,  on  account  of  their  nearness  to  Sar'a.t 

Sdireh. — Just  a  little  to  the  west  of  Beit  A'tab  is  a  ruin  called 
Kh.  es  Sa'trek.  I  was  unable  to  visit  it,  though  its  name,  which  appears  on 
Robinson's  list  along  with  ZaniV,  Yarmuk,  Shueikeh,  etc.,  had  attracted  my 
attention.  I  had  proposed  {Quarterly  Statement,  1875,  P-  ^82)  to  recognise 
in  it  the  Skaaraim  of  Joshua  xv,  36.  The  onomastic  identification  is  beyond 
reproach.  The  topographical  position,  which  I  had  not  been  able  at  the  time 
to  determine  exactly,  may,  however,  raise  some  difficulties  ;  in  fact,  Sa'ireh 
seems  rather  too  far  to  the  east  to  fit  in  with  the  details  of  the  narrative  in 
I  Samuel  xvii,  52,  where  we  see  the  Philistines,  beaten  by  the  Israelites  in  the 
valley  of  Elah,  fleeing  allong  the  road  to  Shaaraim  as  far  as  Gath  and  Ekron. 
It  must  be  said,  however,  that  several  commentators,  following  herein  the  view 
of  the  Septuagint,  regard  Shaaraim  as  not  being  here  the  name  of  a  town,  but 
as  a  substantive  meaning  "the  gates"  or  "the  two  gates."  In  this  case 
naturally  the  difficulty  vanishes,  the  topographical  question  itself  being  no 
longer  existent. 

*  The  addition  of  the  long  termination  hi — which  is  derived  perhaps,  as  in  many  analogous 
instances,  from  an  old  ethnic  plural  ("the  Eshtaolites ") — involved  the  reduction  of  the  medial 
diphthong  ao  to  ail  [cf.  vXn!."i<)j  and  paved  the  way  for  its  transformation  into  a  short  vowel, 
destined  finally  to  disappear  or  to  become  imperceptible.  The  strengthening  of  the  initial  akph 
to  'a'tn  could  only  further  the  displacement  of  the  centre  of  gravity  of  the  word. 

t  It  is  more  difficult  to  bring  back  the  Arabic  form  Eshu  to  the  Hebraic  form  Eshtaol  by 
the  application  of  the  ordinary  principles  governing  the  phonetic  transformation  of  place  names 
from  Hebrew  to  Arabic.  It  is  certain  that,  rightly  or  wrongly,  native  tradition  points  to  some 
such  name  as  JJIC"  in  this  name  Eshu  ;  accordingly,  several  commentators  have  proposed  to 
recognise  in  it  the  town  of  Jeshi/a  (Neh.  xi,  26),  although,  to  judge  from  the  context,  Jeshna 
appears  to  have  formed  part  of  a  group  of  towns  much  more  to  the  south.  Has  the  Neby  Eshu'  of 
local  legend  given  his  name  to  the  village  of  the  same  name,  or  borrowed  it  from  it  ?  In  the  first 
case  we  might  admit  that  the  ancient  name  corresponding  to  Eshtaol  had  disappeared,  and  was 
replaced  by  this  new  name.  The  legend,  as  I  have  shown,  assigns  a  foreign  origin  to  this  neby 
Eshu".  I  have  already  remarked  that  the  name  recalls  both  that  of  Joshua  the  Beth-shemite 
(i  Sam.  vi,  14,  t8)  and  that  of  the  Canaanite  Shuah,  the  father-in-law  of  Judah  (Gen.  xxxviii,  2). 
I  have  previously  noted  (information  obtained  at  Yebna,  p.  184)  that  the  ethnic  of  the  inhabitants 
of  Eshu'  is  Yeshuany  in  the  singular,  and  Shcwanch  in  the  plural. 

Tour  from  Jerusalem  to  Jaffa  and  the  Country  of  Samson.         2 1 7 

Crusaders'  Casals. — Many  of  the  villages  of  this  region  appear  to  have 
been  occupied  by  the  Crusaders.  There  is  a  group  of  five  casals  mentioned 
several  times  over  in  charters  of  the  twelfth  century*  as  having  been  given 
originally  to  the  Canons  of  the  Holy  Sepulchre,  along  with  their  farms  and 
dependencies,  by  a  certain  John  Gothmann. 

(i)  Bcthahatap;  variants:  Bethaatap,  Bet /map,  Be  it  at  ap,  Betatap. 

(2)  Derhassen ;  variants  :  Derassen,  Derasen, 

(3)  Derxerib ;  variant:  Derxerip. 

(4)  C^di. 

(5)  Vastina  Leonis. 

The  first,  as  M.  Rey  and  Herr  Rohricht  have  perceived,  is  certainly 
Beit  A'tdb  (to  the  south-east  of  Deir  Aban).  It  is  clear  that  the  other  four 
are  to  be  sought  for  in  the  same  region,  and  this  debars  us  from  the 
attempted  identifications  made  by  Herr  Rohricht  with  various  localities  that 
are  situated  at  much  too  great  a  distance.  I  therefore  propose  to  identify  the 
second  (=  Deir  Hasan)  with  the  Kh.  Hasan,\  to  the  north-west  of  Sar  a ;  the 
third  with  Deir  Shebib\  to  the  north  of  Sar  a  ;  the  fourth  with  Kh.  Kila,\  to 
the  north  of  Deir  Shebib;  and  the  fifth,  Vastina  Leonis,  "the  guastine  of  the 
Lion,"  with  Kh.  el  Asad,  "  the  ruin  of  the  Lion,"||  to  the  south-west  of 
Beit  A'tab. 

Legends  of  Place  Names.— \  have  noted  in  the  fellahin  folk-lore  a  certain 
number  of  legends  which,  as  we  have  seen,  centre  round  the  traditional 
memories  of  Samson.  I  am  of  opinion  that  these  more  or  less  superficial 
traditions  are  yet  deeply  rooted  in  the  soil,  and  may  be  found  attaching  to 
certain  place-names  in  the  environs  of  Sara,  the  country  of  Samson.  In 
the  Bible  narrative  even  a  process  of  localization  is  perfectly  evident, 
which  consists  in  explaining  the  origin  of  certain  place-names  by  certain  acts 

*  De  Roziere,  Cartulairc  du  Saint  Sepulcre,  pp.  195,  197,  266,  279. 

t  Not  far  from  here  is  the  homonymous  ruin  called  Kh.  El  Haj  Hasan. 

%  Derxerib,  Derxerip,  must  result  from  a  copyist's  error  for  Derxebib  (R  for  B).  One  might 
also  take  into  account  the  S/ieik/i  G/ier'ib  of  'Eslin,  but  I  have  doubt  about  it. 

§  Herr  Rohricht  is  divided  between  this  Kila  and  one  of  the  many  names  compounded  with 
the  word  Kal^a,  "  fortress." 

II  Here  is  perhaps  an  arbitrary  localization  of  the  legend  of  the  lion  that  Samson  slew  as  he 
went  down  to  Timnah.  It  is  hardly  necessary  for  me  to  remark  that  this  place,  styled  "  of  the 
Lion,"  is  situated  quite  off  the  line  of  route  from  Sar'a  to  Tibneh,  which  probably  represents  the 
Timnah  of  the  Bible  narrative.  On  the  other  hand,  there  is  another  place  also  called  7ib>ta, 
half-way  on  the  road  to  Sar'a,  and  lying  to  tlie  south  of  Beit  A'tab.  It  is  possible  that  the  legend 
has  been  diverted  to  this  locality. 

2     F 

2  1 8  ArchiBological  Researches  in  Palestine. 

attributed  to  the  Danite  hero.  It  appears  strikuigly  in  the  marvellous  story 
of  t\\<t  jawbone  of  an  ass,  in  the  account  of  Ramath  Lehi  and  the  spring  of 
En  Hakkore  ;  it  is  less  explicit,  but  still  probable,  as  I  think,  in  that  of  the 
three  hundred  foxes  (which  might  have  reference  to  the  name  of  the  Danite 
town  Shaalbini  {SImalwi)  ;  it  exists  perhaps,  without  being  declared,  in  other 
episodes,  where  it  is  beyond  our  reach.  It  looks  as  if  the  compiler  of  the 
Book  of  Judges  by  multiplying  these  points  of  topographical  connection  had 
done  his  best  to  fix  on  Danite  soil  the  more  or  less  mythical  personality 
that  we  know  under  the  name  of  Samson.*  Local  tradition  has,  I  think, 
subsequently  carried  on  this  process.  It  is  one  that  is  not  peculiar  to  any 
epoch,  and  in  some  cases  does  not  shrink  from  identifications  of  the  most 
arbitrary  description.      I  will  confine  myself  to  pointing  out  a  few  short  hints : 

Khiirbet  Ndkilra  (^yU),  to  the  north  of  Deir  Aban,  recalls  En 
Hakkore  ;t 

The  sanctuary  of  Sheikh  Nedhtr,  to  the  north-west  of  Sara,  recalls  how 
Samson  was  consecrated  as  nazir  ( jj^j',  "i''W) ; 

Quite  near  this  is  Kh.  Ism  Allah,  "name  of  God  ;"  cf.  the  appearance 
of  the  angel  and  the  "secret  name"  to  which  he  alludes; 

Also  near  this  is  Kh.  Kefr  Urieh  ;  cf.  the  young  lion  that  Samson  tore 
in  pieces  (mi"l«  TED^,  hj^y<>)  \\ 

To  the  south-west  of  Sar'a  is  Deir  et  Tdhuneh,  the  name  of  which  means 
"the  convent  of  the  mill;"  but  it  must  not  be  forgotten  \}cv3X  tdhtlneh  ?\so 
means  in  Arabic  "molar  (tooth);"  cf.  the  molar  of  the  ass's  jawbone,  whence 
Jehovah  made  the  miraculous  spring  to  flow  ; 

'Eselin,  an  ancient  name  brought  in  to  the  form  of  'asal,  "  honey  ;"  cf 
the  honey  found  by  Samson  in  the  carcase  of  the  lion,  etc. 

*  Beginning  perhaps  with  the  actual  name  of  Samson,  though  Zoreah  is  given  in  the  Bible 
as  the  home  of  the  hero,  it  may  well  be  that  his  name  has  some  connection  with  that  of  the 
neighbouring  town  of  Beth  Shanesh.  Many  different  legends  must  have  been  current  in  the 
tribe  of  Dan  about  the  origin  and  exploits  of  the  hero,  though  the  book  of  Judges  has  only 
handed  down  to  us  an  insignificant  part  of  them. 

t  This  identification  was  suggested  to  me  as  early  as  1870  by  the  existence  of  the  name, 
which  was  noted  by  M.  Guenn  without  further  comment.  Since  then,  I  see,  in  1887,  M.  Schick 
has  proposed  it,  but  he  takes  up  a  position  of  historical  reality  and  actual  identity  which  I  am  not 
inclined  to  adopt.     Nakiira,  properly  speaking,  means  "trumpet." 

X  Cf.  also  Khiirbet  el  Ased,  "  the  Lion's  Ruin,"  to  the  south-west  of  Beit  A'tab,  which  I 
have  already  mentioned.  The  legend  has  man.iged  to  take  its  course  all  about  these  parts,  and 
to  fix  itself  at  several  points  in  succession. 

Toitr  from  Jeriisalcm  to  Jaffa  and  tJie   Country  of  Samson.         219 

A  careful  comparison  of  the  Bible  text  and  the  toponymy  of  the  district 
would  probably  enable  us  to  increase  the  number  of  these  popular  allusions, 
which  already  form  a  homogeneous  and  significant  whole.* 

From  Deir  Aban  to  Jerusalem. 

Deir  el  Hawd. — From  Deir  Aban  we  proceeded  to  Deir  el  Hawa,  where 
we  halted  for  lunch.  I  noticed  in  the  village  some  ancient  architectural 
remains,  among  others  two  bases,  a  column,  and  a  carved  stone,  in  which  we 
thought  we  could  detect  a  part  of  a  balustrade.  In  the  village  itself  are 
numerous  caverns.  One  of  these  is  a  makam  sacred  to  Sheikh  Selmdn.  I 
had  already  found  a  similar  case  of  an  old  cave  serving  as  a  sanctuary,  at 
el  Midieh,  the  modern  representative  of  the  Modin  of  the  Book  of  Maccabees. 
Entrance  is  gained  to  the  cave  by  a  stone  door.  Observing  that  the  lintel 
was  besmeared  with  a  sort  of  reddish  paste,  I  inquired  the  reason,  which 
I  found  to  be  very  curious.  When  the  women  make  a  vow,  to  obtain  the 
cure  of  a  sick  child,  for  instance,  they  say,  "  I  will  give  so  much  henna  to  the 
wely,  one,  two,  or  three  piastres'  worth  of  henna,  if  my  child  recovers." 
When  their  prayers  are  heard  they  make  a  paste  with  henna  and  smear  the 
door  of  the  sanctuary  {bet'hannu  'l-bdb).  This  practice  vividly  recalls  that  of 
the  anointing  of  the  sacred  stones. 

I  observed  likewise  that  before  entering  the  sacred  cave  it  was  usual  to 
touch  the  lintel  with  the  hand,  asking  for  dcstiir,  "permission,"  and  to  avoid 
-Stepping  on  the  threshold. t  The  cave  is  vast  and  irregularly  hewn.  The 
visitor  enters  a  first  chamber  and  passes  thence  to  a  second.  There  are 
probably  other  openings  leading  to  chambers,  but  they  are  stopped  up  with 
large  stones. 

Ancient  Caves. — Opposite  Deir  el  Hawa,  on  the  other  side  of  the  wide 
and  deep  valley  of  Wad  Isma'in,  we  saw,  on  the  side  of  the  mountain  over 
against  us,  towards  the  north,  the  gaping  mouth  of  a  large  cave  forming 
a  sort  of  enormous  bay  with  a  rounded  top.      This  cave,  I  was  told  by  the 

*  I  have  already  drawn  attention  to  the  existence  of  a  makam  of  Neby  Sh'eib,  to  tlie  north- 
west of  Deir  Aban.  It  is  not  easy  to  see  why  the  Arabic  name  of  Jethro  comes  to  be  here. 
Sk"e'ib  suggests  the  Se'i'ph  of  the  rock  Etam  ;  we  know,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  that  the  Hebrew  and 
Arabic  roots  :]yD  and  v_;i^  are  very  closely  related  as  regards  their  form  and  the  meaning  of 
their  derivatives.     It  should  be  noted  that  this  S/i"dh  is  quite  near  Kh.  Nakura. 

t   Cy!  I  Sam.  v,  5. 

2  F  2 

2  20  Archceoloo-ical  Researches  in  Palestine. 


fellahin  of  Deir  el  Hawa,  is  also  a  makam,  consecrated  to  Sheikh  Ismain,  who 
lived  there  once  upon  a  time.  It  is  called  E'rdk  Sheikh  Ismain.  It  is  huge 
enough  to  hold  the  whole  population  of  the  country-side,  both  man  and  beast. 
Inside  it  is  an  ancient  keniseh  (church).  The  appearance  of  this  cavern,  its 
position,  and  the  peasants'  description,  tempted  me  to  the  idea  of  locating 
there  the  famous  rock  of  Etam,  where  Samson  is  represented  as  hiding*  in  the 
Book  of  Judges.  By  the  side  of  E'rak  Ismain  the  fellahin  indicated  to  me 
another  large  cavern  called  'Aid/e  7  Bendf.  They  added  that  in  former  days 
all  these  caverns,  on  both  sides  of  the  valley,  served  as  dwelling-places  for  the 

Khiirbet  es  Sciideh. — From  Deir  el  Hawa  we  pursued  our  way  towards 
Jerusalem,  passing  by  way  of  Kh.  es  Sa'ideh,  where  I  wished  to  copy  an 
inscription,  of  which  M.  Guerin  had  only  been  able  to  take  down  two  words. 
We  bent  our  course  towards  the  south-east,  so  as  to  rejoin  the  ancient  Roman 
road,  leaving  on  our  right  the  wely  el  Hdiibany,  and  farther  on,  at  some  distance 
off,  Kh.  Fukin.  Then  we  went  up  again  in  a  north-easterly  direction  to 
el  Kabu,  where  we  made  a  short  halt  for  a  drink  of  the  delicious  water  of  the 
spring  there.  From  here  we  proceeded  to  Kh.  es  Sa'ideh,  along  a  deep 
valley.  I  hastened  to  get  there  before  the  sun,  which  was  beginning  to  sink, 
should  set ;  so  could  make  no  observations  during  this  last  portion  of  the 
journey.  We  made  a  rapid  survey  of  the  ruins  of  Kh.  Dcii-  es  Sa'ideh,  utilizing 
the  last  rays  of  sunshine  to  look  for  the  fragment  of  Greek  inscription  noted 
by  M.  Guerin.  We  came  upon  it  placed  upside  clown  in  the  corner  of  a  dry- 
stone  wall  of  modern  construction.  M.  Lecomte  immediately  set  to  work  to 
make  a  careful  drawing  of  it. 

Meanwhile  I  examined  the  ruins,  which  are  of  considerable  size,  and 
appear  to  have  belonged  to  a  convent  of  the  Byzantine  period.  The 
Crusaders,  however,  must  have  occupied  it  later,  for  among  the  materials  of 
one  ruined  structure,  graced  with  the  name  of  wely,  and  consecrated  to  the 
Sheikh  Ahmed,  I  noticed  a  block  with  the  mediaeval  tool-marks  clearly  shown. 
Not  far  south  from  here,  in  the  valley,  is  another  ruin,  called  Kh.  Abii  V- 
EKiveiz.  However,  it  was  too  late  to  think  of  going  to  visit  it,  and  I  preferred 
to  devote  what  little  time  we  had  left  to  finishing  the  exploration  of  the  ruins. 
It  was  well  I  did  so,  for  it  was  not  long  before  I  discovered,  among  the  blocks 

*  I  see  that  M.  Schick,  on  his  side,  came  to  this  conclusion  when  he  visited  these  places  in 
1883  {Zdtschrift  des  Deuischen  Palastina-Vereins,  X,  p.  133).  Indeed  he  is  much  more  positive 
than  I  care  to  be, 

Tour  from  Jerjisalem  to  Jaffa  and  the  Country  of  Samson.       221 

that  strewed  the  ground,  to  the  south  of  the  small  wely,  a  second  inscribed 
fragment.  I  saw  at  a  glance  that  this  must  be  a  continuation  of  the  former 
one.  It  becomes  evident,  in  fact,  on  bringing  together  the  two  drawings  that 
M.  Lecomte  made  separately,  that  the  primitive  inscription  can  be  recon- 
structed in  its  entirety,  at  least  relatively  so,  as  I  shall  presently  explain. 

A  is  the  portion  mentioned  by  M.  Guerin,  b  the  portion  discovered  by  me. 




It  will  be  seen  that  the  whole  formed  a  large  lintel  2"'8o  long.  The 
under  surface  of  fragment  v,  is  fitted  with  recesses,  due  probably  to  the  block 
being  used  for  a  fresh  purpose  later  on,  either  by  Crusaders  or  Arabs.  The 
inscription  was  divided  into  two  symmetrical  portions  contained  each  within  a 
cartouche  with  triangular  ears,  and  separated  by  a  cross  inscribed  in  a  circle.* 

K   TovTO   KTijcrixa  MapCvov  St.aK6(vov) 
" this  is  the  foundation  of  the  deacon  Marinos." 

KxTjcr/xa  is  for  KTio-jxa.      Hitherto  all   that  was  known  of  this  inscription 
was  the  beginning,  which  remained  incomprehensible  ;  t  but  we  now  see  that 

*  Father  Germer-Durand,  who  subsequently  made  a  study  of  the  object  {Revue  hiblique, 
1893,  p.  209),  declares  he  has  distinguished  in  the  four  corners  of  the  cross  the  well-known 
Christian  sigles : 

t  M.  Guerin  read:  Kcii  loZno  Kti^ifut,  "and  this  acquisition;"  both  the  reading  and  the 
translation  are  altogether  inadmissible.  KriJ/tn  is  sometimes  found  in  ecclesiastical  language  in 
the  sense  oiJ>rcediuiit ;  on  this  point  see  the  Bollandisls,  28  September,  p.  622,  note  h. 

222  Archo'olos'ical  Researches  in  Palestine. 


it  gives  us  the  name  of  the  founder  of  the  convent  which  formerly  existed  at 
Kh.  es  Sa'ideh,  the  tradition  of  which  is  contained  in  the  appellation  deir 
given  to  this  ruin  by  the  Arabs,  as  I  have  already  remarked. 

In  the  Life  of  St.  Euthymios  (§  14  and  29)  mention  is  made  of  two 
disciples  of  this  Saint,  who  play  a  great  part  in  the  religious  history  of 
Palestine  in  the  fifth  century,  namely  Loukas  and  Marinos,  founders  of 
monasteries  not  far  from  Jerusalem.  The  first,  Loukas,  built  a  monastery 
in  the  neighbourhood  of  Metdpa,  now  Unini  Toba,  between  Jerusalem 
and  Bethlehem,  and  his  very  name  is  preserved  in  that  given  to  the 
neighbouring  ruin,  Kh.  btdr  Lickd  ("the  ruin  of  the  wells  of  Luka"),  near 
Deir  el  'Anmd.  The  second,  Marinos,  founded  in  the  same  neighbourhood 
the  monastery  called  monastery  of  Photinos.  It  occurs  to  me  that  the 
deacon  Marinos  of  our  inscription  may  be  the  same  person,  and  consequently 
that  the  convent  of  Kh.  es  Sa'ideh  may  be  the  monastery  of  Photinos  that 
he  founded.  It  was  not  uncommon  for  deacons  to  be  entrusted  with 
founding  monasteries  ;  thus  that  created  on  the  site  of  the  laura  of  this  same 
St.  Euthymios  was  built  by  the  deacon  Fidus.  But  though  admitting  the 
identity  of  the  personage,  we  may  hesitate  as  to  the  identity  of  the  monastery 
founded  by  him.  From  Umm  Toba  to  Kh.  es  Sa'ideh  is  six  miles  and  a  half 
This  distance  may  appear  rather  great  when  we  consider  how  closely  the 
monasteries  built  by  Loukas  and  Marinos  are  connected  in  the  narrative 
where  they  appear.  One  would  be  inclined  a  priori  to  look  for  the  convent 
of  Marinos  nearer  Umm  Toba,  in  one  of  the  numerous  ruins  of  Christian 
origin  that  have  been  noticed  in  the  neighbourhood.  However,  the  distance 
of  Kh.  es  Sa'ideh  is  not  great  enough  to  form  a  fatal  objection.  A  more  serious 
difficulty  is  that  the  inscription  does  not  contain  the  name  of  Photinos,  which 
belonged  to  the  monastery  founded  by  Marinos.  But  is  the  inscription 
complete,  in  spite  of  appearances  ?  It  begins  with  a  K,  having  a  mark  of 
abbreviation  appended,  which  is  rather  difficult  to  account  for,  not  in  itself  but 
in  its  relation  to  the  context.  To  explain  it  by  the  word  Kypto?,  Kvpte,  "Lord," 
is  not  satisfactory  ;  the  religious  invocation  would  be  short  and  somewhat 
awkward  to  bring  into  the  construction  of  the  sentence  ;  besides,  the  word 
Kvpto?  is  never  abbreviated  in  this  manner.  As  a  general  rule,  this  K  is  the 
abbreviation  in  current  usage  for  K(ai),  "and."  If  this  value  be  assigned  to  it 
here,  the  aspect  of  the  inscription  is  entirely  changed:  ''and  this  is  the 
foundation  of  the  deacon  Marinos."  It  becomes  merely  the  continuation  of  a 
lost  sentence  which  perhaps  contained  the  mention  we  should  expect  of  the 
name  of  Photinos,  after  whom  the  monastery  was  called.     We  may  suppose 

Tour  from  /enisala/i  io  Jajjct  and  the  Count ly  of  Satuson.  223 

that  this  hntel  formed  a  pair  with  another  of  the  same  kind,  in  some  eirchitec- 
tural  scheme  such  as  we  can  easily  imagine,  a  double  door  for  instance.  The 
way  in  which  our  inscription  is  divided  into  two  parts  enclosed  in  cartouches 
independent  of  each  other  would  help  to  bear  out  this  view.  The  proof  of 
this  hypothesis  perhaps  lies  hid  in  the  ruins,  in  the  shape  of  one  or  more 
similar  blocks  containing  the  beginning  of  the  inscription,  the  end  being  really 
all  that  we  have.  At  any  rate  we  are  justified  in  supposing  that  the  Marinos 
of  the  Life  of  St.  Euthymios  may  have  built,  besides  the  monastery  of 
Photinos,  another  one  which  is  that  at  Kh.  es  Sa'ideh  ;  but,  taking  everything 
into  account,  I  am  rather  inclined  to  regard  this  latter  as  the  actual  monastery 
of  Photinos. 

Return  Home. — The  sun  had  already  set  when  we  left  Kh.  es  Sa'ideh, 
and  the  rest  of  the  journey  was  taken  in  darkness.  It  was  a  quarter  past 
eight  when  we  got  back  to  Jerusalem,  whence  we  had  started  seventeen 
days  before. 


G  E  Z  E  R. 

I. — Gezer  Revisited. 

After  a  few  days  of  much  needed  repose  at  Jerusalem,  I  resolved  to  set  out 
without  further  delay  on  my  way  to  Gezer,  with  a  view  to  making  a  thorough 
exploration  there. 

Herein  I  was  actuated  by  a  twofold  motive. 

First,  I  wished  to  ascertain  whether  there  were  any  other  inscriptions  like 
the  one  I  had  discovered,  the  importance  of  which  daily  assumed  greater 
proportions  in  my  eyes.  My  train  of  reasoning,  which,  as  will  be  seen,  was 
amply  justified  by  facts,  was  this  :  If  this  inscription  really  marks,  as  I  think, 
the  limit  of  a  certain  zone  of  country  dependent  on  Gezer,  it  is  extremely 
probable  that  it  is  not  the  only  one  of  its  kind  ;  a  limit  involves  a  line,  and  a 
line  a  series  of  points  more  or  less  distant  from  one  another  ;  the  moment  one 
of  these  points  has  been  determined  by  an  inscription  cut  on  a  rock,  it  neces- 
sarily follows  that  there  are  some  more  boundary  marks  spaced  out  on  the  same 
epigraphic  system.  Further,  I  had  been  much  struck  with  the  fact  that  the 
Inscription  discovered  was  situated  exactly  to  the  true  east  of  Tell  el  Jezer. 
With  this  notion  in  my  head,  that  the  limit  in  question  was  likely  to  be  not  a 
line  of  demarcation  between  two  adjacent  territories,  but  a  periphery  normally 
orientated  and  enclosing  the  whole  city,  I  said  to  myself  that,  by  trusting  to 
the  orientation  of  the  cardinal  points,  I  had  a  good  chance  of  coming  across 
some  other  inscriptions  belonging  to  the  same  series,  in  spite  of  the  physical 
difficulty  of  exploring  all  the  rocks  of  complicated  shape  that  surround  the 
tell ;  in  this  way  my  researches  would  become  circumscribed  and  notably 

The  other  reason  that  impelled  me  to  return  to  Gezer  was  the  desire  I 
felt,  apart  from  the  study  of  all  the  questions  raised  by  my  find,  to  have  this 
precious  inscription  cut  out  of  the  rock  and  put  in  a  safe  place,  so  as  to  remove 
it  from  those  risks  of  destruction  which  it  hitherto  had  miraculously  escaped. 
My  intention  then  was  to  have  a  short  note  of  the  occurrence  cut  in  the  rock, 
so  as  to  mark  the  place. 



I  secured  the  services  of  four  good  stonemasons,  reliable,  skilled  work- 
men.   .   .   .   We  started  on  Sunday,   June  20th, 
Lecomte,  our  workmen,  our  servant,  and  myself. 

Reaching  our  destination  at  nightfall,  I 

left  our  men  in  a  dip  of  the  ground,  and  with 
the  aid  of  Lecomte  began  searching  for  our 
inscription.*  We  had  no  end  of  trouble  in 
finding  this  again,  for  being  on  a  flat  rock  level 
with  the  soil,  it  escaped  observation.  Though 
we  had  carefully  taken  our  bearings  with  the 
compass  at  our  last  visit,  it  was  no  easy  matter 
to  find  one's  true  position  in  the  rocky  ground 
with  erratic  undulations  that  extends  all  over 
this  district.  The  sun  was  on  the  point  ol 
disappearing  behind  the  tell,  and  the  bad  light 
was  not  calculated  to  aid  our  search.  Finally, 
we  managed  to  find  the  rock  just  as  the  sun 
was  dipping  below  the  horizon.  I  immediately 
called  up  the  main  body  of  our  forces,  which 
was  getting  impatient  and  beginning  to  wonder 
at  this  long  delay.  The  tent  was  pitched  close 
to  the  inscription,  and  we   slept   on  the  ground. 

In  the  evening  I  studied  the  inscription 

afresh,  by  the  light  oi  a  fine  moon  which  made 
every  letter  stand  out  in  bold  strokes,  and  was 
fully  confirmed  as  to  the  accuracy  of  my  first 
reading.  Our  master  mason  having  examined 
the  rock  by  this  brilliant  but  deceptive  light, 
declared  it  to  be  niizzeh  yaJmdy.  This  was 
serious,   for  the   luizzch  yahndy  is  the   hardest 


*  I  append  two  reproductions  of  the  inscription,  the 
first  after  photographs  directly  taken  from  the  original,  the 
second  (p.  226)  after  a  drawing  made  by  M.  Lecomte.  In 
the  first  there  will  be  noticed  the  difference  oi  colouring  o{\.\\ii 
two  first  letters ;  this  arises  from  the  fact  that  this  fragment, 
the  only  one  I  was  able  to  bring  to  London,  was  photo- 
graphed separately  and  fitted  on  afterwards  to  the  photo- 
graph of  the  fragment  now  at  Constantinople. 

2    (i 


Archcrolozicai   Researches  in  Pa/esfi. 


stone  in  Palestine,  a  cold  compact  limestone  most  difficult  to  work,  chisels  of 
finest  tempered  steel  breaking  on  it  like  glass.  This  portended  a  long  and 
severe  task,  so  I  went  to  bed  feeling  rather  anxious. 

Cir.ZRR  (Inscriptiim  A=). 

Next  morning  at  daybreak  I  set  our  men  to  work,  and  heaved  a  sigh  ot 
relief  on  seeing  from  the  first  strokes  of  the  chisel  that  we  had  not  to  deal 
with  the  viizzek  yalmdy,  but  a  softer  sort  of  limestone,  though  traversed,  it  is 
true,  by  cores  of  viizzeh.  Even  this  was  hard  in  places,  especially  at  the 
surface,  but  still  workable.  Moreover,  we  had  no  grounds  for  complaint  at 
this,  since  it  was  due  to  this  hardness  that  the  inscription  had  been 
preserved  proof  against  the  destructive  alternations  of  dew,  sun,  and  rain. 
.  .  .  Meanwhile  the  work  was  making  way.  .  .  .  Seeing  this,  I  thought  I  might 
leave  the  spot  and  take  a  stroll  with  a  fellah  of  Kubab  as  guide.      Lecomte 

stayed  behind   to  look   after  the  workmen I   began  by  taking  some 

observations  with  the  compass,  with  a  view  to  determining  the  position 
of  north  and  north-west,  south  and  south-west,  from  our  inscription.  By 
means  of  a  landmark  I  connected  the  position  of  the  inscription  with 
a  point  from  which  one  could  see  the  farmhouse  of  M.  Bergheim 
rising  above  the  tell  of  Gezer,  and  observed  270°  as  the  bearing  with  the 
north-east  corner  of  that  building  ;*  consequently  the  inscription  was  clearly 
to  the  true  east  of  the  tell.  From  another  standpoint,  a  few  yards  north  of 
the  inscription,  I  noted  : — •j']^  on  the  axis  of  the  guardhouse  of  Kubab,  and 
1 18|-°  on  the  wely  of  Sheikh  Mo'alla  (?)  near  'Amwas. 

*  Shortly  afterwards,  I  went  to  M.  Bergheim's  farmhouse  and  tested  my  results  in  the  other 
direction,  noting,  from  the  south-east  corner  of  that  building,  an  angle  of  9i|°  with  our  tent, 
which  was  visible  from  there.     This  is  in  pretty  accurate  agreement  with  my  first  observation. 

Gezer.  227 

Having  clearly  ascertained  my  position  from  the  bearings,  I  called 
together  some  other  fellahin  from  Kubab  who  had  joined  the  former  ones, 
and  having  pointed  out  to  them  by  means  of  a  series  of  landmarks,  which 
were  provided  by  conspicuous  features  of  the  landscape,  what  line  they  were 
to  take,  I  directed  them  to  examine  carefully  all  the  rocks  along  these  lines, 
telling  them,  if  they  noticed  one  with  any  characters  on  it  like  those  of  our 
inscription,  to  let  me  know  immediately,  and  promising,  in  case  of  success,  a 
fair  reward.  I  relied,  not  unreasonably,  on  their  lynx-like  sight,  and  on  the 
stimulus  given  to  their  zeal  by  the  hope  of  a  good  backsheesh. 

This  done,  I  set  off  on  my  own  account  to  roam  about  the  neighbourhood, 
and  examine  various  matters  that  I  shall  speak  of  later.  .  .  .  On  the  Tuesday 
afternoon.  .  .  .  The  fellahin,  whom  I  had  sent  out  the  evening  before  on  the 
epigraphic  chase  described  above,  came  running  up,  shouting  gleefully 
that  they  had  found  "a  second  inscription  carved  on  the  rock;  the  sister 
of  the  other  one  {tikhfa)."  I  at  once  left  the  tent  ...  to  go  to  the  spot 
indicated,  not  being  yet  able  to  believe  in  such  speedy  success,  and  distrusting 
the  imagination  of  my  worthy  "  beaters."  They  were  perfectly  right.  About 
170  yards  from  the  inscription  that  our  men  were  engaged  in  cutting,  and 
in  a  line  distinctly  lying  south-east  and  north-west,  as  I  had  foreseen,  my 
fellahin  brought  me  to  a  fiat  rock,  nearly  horizontal  like  the  other,  bearing 
a  magnificent  bilingual  Greek  and  Hebrew  inscription.  A  glance  was  enough 
to  assure  me  that  it  was  an  exact  repetition  of  the  other,  except  that  the  Greek 
and  Hebrew,  instead  of  being  written  one  after  the  other  on  the  same  line, 
were  here  arranged  in  two  lines  back  to  back.  This  arrangement,  which  may 
at  first  sight  appear  peculiar,  is  easily  explainable,  the  texts  being  cut  not  on 
a  vertical  but  a  horizontal  surface,  round  which  one  could  move  reading  in 
any  desired  direction.  The  characters,  which  here  also  were  of  very  large 
size,  were  in  a  perfect  state  of  preservation.  Moreover,  the  Greek  name  was 
in  this  case  written  in  full,  AAKIOY,  with  the  final  npsilon,  which  I  had  judged 
to  be  lacking  in  the  first  inscription,  partly  from  a  defect  in  the  rock,  and 
partly  from  want  of  space,  the  cutter  having  miscalculated  the  length  of  the 
line,  which  had  to  be  respectively  begun  from  the  left  for  the  Greek,  and 
from  the  right  for  the  Hebrew.  Thus  the  lingering  doubts  that  might  have 
clung  to  the  reading  and  interpretation  of  the  first  and  less  perfect  text, 
were  utterly  dispelled  by  the  second. 

But  what  was  above  all  invaluable,  was,  that  we  were  at  last  certain,  by 
means  of  this  second  fixed  point,  of  the  direction  of  the  line  of  demarcation 
mentioned  in  the  two  inscriptions.      Henceforth  it  became  extremely  probable 

2  ('■   2 


Arc/ueoIoQ-ica/  Researches  in  Palestine. 

that  another  series  of  similar  inscriptions  might  be  discovered  along  this  line 
by  extending  it  till  it  reached  well  to  the  north  of  Gezer.  It  was  then  that 
I  adopted   the   idea  that  the  object  of  our  investigations  would   turn  out  to 



..::SrXt^-  -^"V^ 






-■"«•,       -Stry.      . 


— ■ 

-iW-»«               \ 


\               -^ 






Gezer — (Inscriplion  V^\ 

Gezer — (Inscription  B-).* 




be  a  zone   circumscribing  Gezer,  consisting  ot   a   rectangle  with  its  angles,  not 
its  sides,  facing  the  four  quarters  of  the  compass.      However,  this  is  not   yet 

*  Bi  was  engravL-d  after  a  poor  photograph  of  the  original;  B-  after  a  drawing  by  M.  Lecomte 
made  with  great  care  from  the  squeeze. 



the  phice  to  discuss  the  question.  I  resume  my  narrative.  ...  It  was  decided 
that  the  second  inscription  should  be  likewise  cut  out,  and  after  the  two 
operations  were  over  the  villagers  should  be  paid  the  promised  reward.  .  .  . 
After  having,  in  company  with  M.  Lecomte,  examined  the  inscription  and 
made  preparations  for  its  excision,  we  returned  to  our  tent.  Suddenly,  as  we 
were  going  along,  we  noticed  some  way  ahead  of  us  on  our  right,  large 
characters  cut  in  the  rock  ;  the  sun  was  already  low  in  the  sky,  and  its  rays 
catching  the  characters  at  a  favourable  angle,  they  were  clearly  distinguishable 
and  at  once  attracted  the  eye.  We  went  up,  and  I  recognized  with  delight 
four  fine  Hebrew  letters  belonging  to  the  same  alphabet  as  the  Hebrew  part 
of  the  two  other  inscriptions.  This  third  inscription,  situated  about  half-way 
between  the  two  others,  is  not  cut  like  them  on  an  almost  horizontal  slab  of 
rock,  but  on  a  kind  of  almost  perpendicular  wall  of  rock,  slightly  concave. 
Though  shorter — its  length  is  o™"94 — it  is  complete  and  in  pretty  good 
preservation.  My  intention  was  to  have  it  cut  out,  like  the  others,  but  the 
course  of  events  did  not  allow  of  this.  Happily  I  took  the  precaution  of 
making  a   careful    squeeze    of    it.      We    had     had     a     really    good    day.  .  .  . 

Gezer  (Inscription  C). 

Gezer   (Inscii|ition  C-). 

On  the  Wednesday  I  went  on  with  my  exploration  of  the  surrounding 
country,  while  the  stone-cutters  went  on  with  their  task  under  the  superin- 
tendence of  M.  Lecomte.  At  nightfall  the  cutting-out  of  the  first  stone  was 
completed.  On  account  of  a  Haw  in  the  rock  it  broke  into  two  unequal 
portions,  the  smaller  containing  only  two  letters,  the  first  two  in  the  name 

*  Engraving  C^   is  made  from   a   pbuKigrai.h   of   the  squeeze;    C-  from  a  drawing  by  M. 

230  Arch(Tological  Researches  in  Palestine. 

A/kzos*  I  kept  the  latter  by  us  in  the  tent,  which  I  had  had  erected  afresh 
near  the  second  inscription,  the  object  of  to-morrow's  operations.  The  former 
portion,  containing  the  greater  part  of  the  inscription,  I  had  put  on  the  back 

of  one  of  our  mules  to  be  taken  to On  the  Thursday  morning,  at  the 

first  hour,  the  workmen  made  a  vigorous  onslaught  on  the  second  inscription. 
I  pressed  them  on  to  the  best  of  my  power,  being  in  a  hurry  to  have 
done.      I  made  yet  another  reconnaissance  in  the  neighbourhood. 

*  *  * 

[Here  fol/oivs,  in  the  Authors  viannscript,  an  account  of  occurrences  ivhich 
caused  him  mnch  vexation,  and  considerably  interfered  with  his  plans.  The 
Connnittee  has  deemed  it  desirable  to  suppress  this  account,  and  several  passages 
referring  to  it  in  the  preceding  pages.  These  have  therefore  been  struck  out, 
and  their  hlaces  indicated  by  dots.^ 

II.  —  Ultimate  fate  of  the  Inscriptions. 

For  a  long  time  I  never  knew  what  became  of  our  inscriptions. 
The  first  news  I  had  of  them  reached  me  in  an  amusing  way  enough.  In 
1876,  one  of  the  pupils  attending  my  lectures  on  Oriental  archseology  at  the 
Ecole  Pratique  des  Hautes  Etudes,  M.  Sorlin  d'Origny,  of  Constantinople, 
brought  a  copy  of  an  inscription  to  show  me  that  had  been  sent  him  by 
Dr.  Dethier,  then  Director  of  the  Ottoman  Museum  of  St.  Irene.  He  had 
already  communicated  it  to  MM.  Lenormant  and  Renan,  who  took  it  to  be 
a  Hebrew  inscription  beginning  with  the  word  r>D2J2,  ''  cippus,"  and  from  this 
it  had  been  supposed  to  be  some  Jewish  funerary  monument  from  Cyprus, 
where  the  Jews  were  formerly  numerous.  .'\t  first  glance  I  recognized  the 
so-called  epitaph  as  an  old  acquaintance  ;  it  was  none  other  than  one  of  the 
Gezer  inscriptions,  the  one  that  lacked  the  two  first  letters  A  A  !  From 
information  obtained  from  M.  Dethier  it  appeared  that  the  stone  had  been 
sent  from  Jaffa,  and,  oddly  enough,  it  was  said  to  have  been  regarded  as 
marking  "  the  boundary  of  the  ancient  Kondk  of  Jafta  !"  Here,  it  will  be  seen, 
was  a  regular  legend  in  course  of  formation. t     Afterwards,  in  1SS5,  my  friend 

*  See  supra,  note  relating  to  engraving  A^ 

t  Already  in  1874,  popular  legend  had  begun  to  seize  upon  this  notion.  The  fellahin  of  the 
neighbourhood  understood  pretty  soon  that  these  inscriptions  related  to  some  boundary, 
and  upon  this  basis  their  imaginations  had  set  to  work.  A  peasant  of  'Amwas  gravely  assured  me 
that  these  inscriptions  were  to  mark  the  limit  of  the  territory  of  Hebron  or  of  one  of  the  numerous 
waliefs  attached  to  it. 



INI.  J.  Loytved  saw  the  stone  at  the  Constantinople   Museum,   and  sent  me  a 
copy  of  the  inscription. 

As  for  the  other  inscription,  which  was  also  removed  from  its  original 
place,  it  has  not  been  noticed  in  the  museum,  so  far  as  I  know.  What  has 
become  of  it  ?  The  third  is  still  in  situ  at  Nejmet  el  'Ades.  Fortunately  I 
had  been  able  to  take  squeezes  and  copies  of  the  three  texts.  Thanks  to 
these,  and  the  photographs  that  I  procured  later,  I  am  able  now,  for  the  first 
time,  twenty  years  after  their  discovery,  to  give  faithful  reproductions  of  these 
inscriptions.  These  will  suffice,  I  hope,  together  with  the  explanations  I  shall 
give,  to  answer  certain  doubts  which,  until  lately,  some  people  have  been 
pleased  to  leave  hanging  over  their  real  worth  and  signification 

1 II. — Further  Discoveries. 

In  1 88 1,  seven  years  after  this  incident,  I  had  occasion  to  return  to 
Palestine,  and  resumed,  on  my  own  account,  the  exploration  of  the 
neighbourhood  of  Gezer,  which  had  been  so  unduly  broken  off.  I  had 
been  persuaded  all  along  that  some  more  inscriptions  must  be  in  existence, 
similar  to  those  I  had  discovered,  marking  out  the  boundary  of  the  town 
towards  the  north-west.  I  started  searching  in  this  quarter,  with  the  help  of 
the  fellahin,  as  on  the  previous  occasion  ;  it  was  not  long  before  my  labours 
were  crowned  with  success,  for  about  two  or  three  hundred  yards  to  the  north- 
west of  the  first  inscription  I  discovered  some  large  characters,  absolutely 
similar  to  the  former,  and  cut  into  the  face  of  a  rounded  rocky  platform  with 
almost  perpendicular  sides.  I  have  no  record  of  these  characters,  but  a  rough 
sketch  hurriedly  made  in  my  note  book.  I  meant  to  go  back  and  take  a 
squeeze  of  them,  fix  the  exact  position  of  the  inscription,  and  pursue  my 
investigations  on  the  spot ;  but,  unfortunately,  I  was  suddenly  recalled 
to  France,  and  was  unable  to  carry  out  this  intention.  I  regret  this,  for  I 
am  convinced  that  there  still  remains  quite  a  series  of  these  texts  to 
be  collected  round  about  Gezer.  I  am  certain  that  a  search  of  this  kind 
would  not  be  unfruitful,  and  earnestly  recommend  it  to  future  Palestine 

In   any   case,   here  is  the  copy  of  this  fresh  inscription  from   the  rough 
sketch  I  made  of  it. 

232  Arcluroiogical  Researches  in  Palestine. 

It  is  easy  to  recognize  in  the  first  line  the  word  AAKIOY,  in  the  second 
the  remains  of  the  words  iW  Dnn,  which  have  suffered  considerably.  The 
two  inscriptions,  Greek  and   Hebrew,  are  '  lentical  with  the  former  ones,  only 

mh'  mj 

i-S^ " 

GEZER.     (Inscription  D.) 

in  this  case  they  are  differently  arranged,  being  placed  one  above  the  other 
in  the  usual  way,  instead  of  being  placed  side  by  side  as  in  the  first  inscrip- 
tion, or  back  to  back  as  in  the  second.  The  surface  of  the  rock,  moreover, 
approaches  much  more  nearly  to  the  perpendicular  than  in  the  two  other  cases. 
It  really  was  a  lucky  accident  of  my  search  that  I  did  not  come  upon 
this  third  copy  of  the  text  first  of  all,  for  the  Hebrew  part  being  in  this  one 
so  much  damaged,  would  probably  have  remained  undecipherable  ;  I  could 
never  have  guessed  that  it  contained  the  name  of  Gezer,  that  it  indicated  the 
boundary  of  the  city,  and  that,  consequently,  other  specimens,  in  a  better 
state  of  preservation,  and  calculated  to  afford  a  clue  to  the  puzzle,  ought  to  be 
searched  for,  and  would  be  found  at  some  distance  from  it.  Certainly  the 
Greek  inscription  could  not  have  made  up  for  the  silence  of  the  Hebrew  one, 
for  even  now  a  number  of  people  hesitate,  wrongly  enough,  I  must  say,  to 
interpret  the  word  as  AAKIO  or  AAKIOY.  Doubt,  however,  is  no  longer 
admissible,  the  word  is,  as  I  shall  prove,  simply  the  genitive  form  of  a  man's 
name  AAKIOZ,  belonging  to  some  magistrate  or  person  of  note  who  presided 
officially  over  the  fixing  of  the  boundary  of  Gezer. 



Is  this  fourth  inscription  identical  with  the  one  noticed  at  Gezer  by  the 
Survey  Party  after  my  earlier  discoveries,  and  mentioned  in  the  Memoirs  ?* 
I  cannot  exactly  say.  The  position  marked  on  the  plan  might  be  made  to 
agree  with  it,  but  the  description  given  of  it,  and  the  only  two  marks  that 
are  reproduced  (flu)  in  nowise  correspond  with  the  details  given  above.  It 
may  be  merely  a  case  of  those  marks  of  doubtful  character,  such  as  I  have 
found  specimens  of  in  various  places  round  about  Gezer,  which  I  shall  speak 
of  further  on. 

The  new  find  that  I  made  in  1881  has  allowed  me  to  state  the  rule 
followed  in  setting  out  these  curious  epigraphical  landmarks  in  the  boundary 
of  Gezer.  The  town  is  encircled  by  small  low  undulating  hills,  with  the  rock 
everywhere  cropping  out  in  them.  Where  the  line  of  demarcation  cuts  through 
these  hills,  they  selected  as  sites  for  the  landmarks  the  points  where  the  line 
touched  the  foot  of  the  hill  and  where  it  left  it  on  the  further  side,  taklnof 
them  more  or  less  at  the  same  level.  This  observation  is  calculated,  I  think, 
to  facilitate  further  investigation  of  the  ground  containing  the  other  similar 
inscriptions  which  doubtless  exist. 

IV. — Various  Marks  on  the  Rocks. 

I  resume  the  narrative  of  my  researches  in  1874.  As  may  well  be 
supposed,  the  discovery  of  these  three  inscriptions,  one  after  the  other,  had 
put  me  on  my  guard,  and  while  sending  out  several  fellahin  as  sleuth-hounds 
and  beaters,  I  utilized  such  leisure  as  was  allowed  me  by  the  labours  of  our 
stone-cutters,  to  explore  the  surrounding  country,  making  a  careful  examination 
of  the  smallest  marks  to  be  noticed  on  the  rocks.  I  am  persuaded  that  if  we 
had  not  been  compelled  by  circumstances  to  beat  a  hasty  retreat,  we  should 
have  discovered  more  of  these  texts  marking  out  the  Gezer  boundary. 


II,  p.  436;  cf.  Quarterly  Statement,  1875,  pp.  5,  74. 

2    II 

2  34  Archcrological  Researches  in  Palestine. 

In  several  places  the  rock  presents  marks  here  and  there,  ot  such  a  kind 
that  it  is  difficult  to  say  whether  they  are  signs  cut  by  human  hands  and  more 
or  less  worn  away,  or  merely  freaks  of  nature  ;  for  instance,  furrows  worn  in 
the  rock,  by  the  running  roots  of  certain  shrubs  which  have  now  disappeared 
^..     .  along  with  the  vegetable    soil  in  which  they  grew.     Here 

i-' W  \  V'^X-         '^'"6  some  specimens  we  noted  of  these  marks  of  doubtful 
,^\  -i^LJl  ■         origin  (see  engraving,  p.  233). 

The  one  which  more  than  any  resembles  real 
characters,  suggesting  the  Hebrew  alphabet,  is  the  group  opposite.  I  took 
the  following  notes  of  its  position,  but  cannot  guarantee  the  correctness  of 
the  angles,  my  time  being  so  short: — Latrun  blockhouse,  71°;  great  fig-tree 
of  Sheikh  Ja'bas,  17°. 

V. — Explorations  around  Gezer. 

To  the  south  of  '  Ain  Yardeh  and  the  east  of  Abu  Shusheh  is  a  mound  of 
no  great  elevation  which  the  fellahin  call  t'/  Kas'a.  Here  I  noticed  wide 
esplanades  cut  in  the  rock,  steps  quite  regularly  cut,  and  a  number  of  those 
platforms  once  used  as  sites  for  houses,  such  as  I  have  described  in  Chapter  I. 
I  suppose  el  Kas'a  corresponds  to  the  spot  marked  as  "Khurbet  Yerdeh  "  on 
the  Survey  Plan. 

P'rom  here  I  crossed  the  widy  separating  'Ain  Yardeh  from  the  tell  which 
descends  from  Musa  Tali'a  to  'Ain  Yardeh.  Its  name  was  given  to  me  as 
Wddy  'E//eik  (  ijj_;).  Between  the  spot  where  I  crossed  the  wady  and  the 
foot  of  the  tell  I  noticed  the  site  of  a  spring  called  'Ain  el  Botnieh. 

At  the  eastern  extremity  of  the  tell,  at  a  spot  bearing  80°  on  'Ain  Yardeh, 
I  noticed  some  fine  presses  and  a  double  tomb  with  its  entrance  formed  by  a 
rectangular  ditch  with  open  top,  as  in  the  case  of  the  tombs  in  the  neigh- 
bourhood of  el  Midieh. 

Quite  close  to  here,  at  the  foot  of  a  large  fig-tree  that  rises  above  'Ain 
Yardeh,  there  passes  an  ancient  road,  in  great  part  rock-cut,  running  from  east 
to  west,  and  ending  at  Ni'aneh,  so  the  fellahin  said. 

I  followed  the  other  and  more  modern  road  which  skirts  the  tell  on  the 
south,  and  goes  up  from  'Ain  Yardeh  to  Abu  Shusheh.  Shortly  before 
arriving  below  M.  Bergheim's  farm,  and  to  the  south-east  of  it,  on  a  level 
with  the  word  ruin  on  the  Survey  Plan,  there  are  on  the  left  of  the  road  as 
you  go  up,  a  number  of  scattered  blocks  belonging  to  structures  now  vanished. 



Here  a  piece  of  rock  placed  upright  marks  the  exact  position  of  the  Tamuir, 
or  the  'Ain  etTantmr,  which  plays  a  large  part  in  local  tradition,  and  will  be 
more  fully  treated  of  in  dealing  with  the  curious  legend  connected  with  it. 

In  spite  of  the  name,  there  is  not  a  trace  of  a  spring  ;  however,  I  am 
inclined  to  believe  that  one  originally  existed  there,  but  has  dried  up,  and  that 
the  fellahin  are  not  altogether  in  error  when  they  say  that  the  water  of  the 
Tannur  goes  underground  and  comes  out  at  'Ain  Yardeh.  They  say  further 
that  the  Tannur  marks  the  origin  of  the  Wady  Tannur,  which  passes 
successively  by  Yardeh,  then  to  the  east  of  el-Berriyeh,*  to  the  east  of  Ramleh 
and  Lydda,  between  Kufiir  'Ana  and  Yazur,  and  finally  flows  into  the  sea, 
after  traversing  the  gardens  of  Jaffa. 

On  the  Survey  Plan  the  Tannur  is  marked  in  quite  a  different  place,  on 
the  eastern  slope  of  the  tell,  due  west  of  'Ain  Yardeh.  This  is  a  mistake,  the 
result  of  some  confusion  in  the  information  got  from  the  fellahin. i"  I  pointed 
this  out  in  1878  to  Lieut.  Kitchener,  who  kindly  proceeded  to  verify  the  fact, 
and  sent  me  a  special  sketch  which  fully  confirms  my  observation.  The 
Survey  Plan  ought  consequently  to  be  rectified. 

From  here  I  went  to  the  great  cavern  of  Jaiha,  to  the  south  of  the  tell, 
and  satisfied  myself  anew  that  it  was  an  old  quarry,  whence  materials  were 
taken  for  the  successive  buildings  of  the  town  of  Gezer.  Here  is  the  legend 
about  it  that  I  gathered  from  the  conversation  of  the  fellahin  :  "The  Jews 
{Yahiid)  had  entrenched  themselves  in  the  cavern  [inaghdra)  of  Jaiha  in  order 
to  fight  against  Noah,  while  the  latter  and  his  followers  occupied  Tell  el 
Jezer,  which  was  formerly  '  the  town  of  our  lord  Noah  '  {luedinet  Sidnd  NiVi). 
They  fired  at  him  unseen,  but  Noah  returned  the  fire,  aimed  at  the  cavern  " — 
an  artillery  duel,  evidently,  is  meant — "  and  broke  down  the  roof,  which  fell  in 
on  the  Jews  and  destroyed  them.  From  this  time  forward  the  cavern  was 
called ya///^,  because" — -jdhat'aleihein, — 'it  fell  in  on  them'  (a-^jJ-:  ^^j^i-l:^-)". 
This  queer  legend  wears  a  look  that  recalls  in  striking  fashion  certain  stories 
giving  the  etymologies  of  Bible  place-names,  but  it  has  at  least  one  merit  from 
our  point  of  view — that  of  helping  us  to  fix  the  genuine  spelling  of  this  name 
which  has  been  set  down  in  the  Memoirs  under  the  rather  divergfent  forms 
of  Hejjiha  and  Jdeiha.  There  runs  through  this  story  of  a  cave,  as  it  were 
a  vague  echo  of  the  drama  of  the  Cave  of  Makkedah. 

Continuing  my  southerly  course,  I  went  on  from  here  to  visit  the  sanc- 

*  Where  there  is  a  sanctuary  dedicated  to  Sheikh  Berry. 
t  Letter  of  March  ist,  1878. 

2    II    2 

236  Arch(Bological  Researches  in  Palestine. 

tuary  of  Sheikh  Jdbds,  or  rather  Ja'dds,  as  the  fellahin  pronounce  it.  It 
consists  of  a  plain  tomb,  in  the  Arab  style,  surrounded  with  an  enclosure,  open 
to  the  sky,  formed  of  large  blocks.  A  little  beneath  it  stands  a  fig-tree,  which 
is  visible  for  a  great  distance,  and  serves  to  indicate  the  spot  as  you  approach 
it  from  below.  The  tree  is  before  the  entrance  of  a  cavern  of  considerable 
size,  regularly  cut  out. 

Further  on,  and  to  the  south-east,  on  the  top  of  a  hill,  rises  the  sanctuary 
of  Miasa  Tali'a  or  Esh  Sheikh  Milsd  Talfa.  It  consists  of  a  small  kubbeh  of 
rough  masonry-work,  half  in  ruins,  with  a  court  in  front  of  it ;  the  tomb  is 
original.  Close  by  is  a  large  cistern,  with  its  mouth  fashioned  out  of  a  fine 
marble  capital  carved  on  two  sides.  I  regret  that  I  did  not  make  a  drawing 
of  this.  I  found  no  trace  of  the  inscription  which  I  had  been  told  the  previous 
June  was  to  be  found  there,  but  it  does  not  follow  that  it  is  not  really  there. 
The  holy  person  answering  to  the  name  of  Miisa  was  placed  there,  so  the 
fellahin  say,  as  a  ''scout"  {tali'a)  to  "observe"  (j-ii;)  the  movements  of  the 
Christians,  who  were  fighting  with  the  Mussulmans  in  the  Wad  es-Serar. 
The  Christians  surprised  him  at  his  post  and  killed  him,  he  died  the  death  of 
the  martyrs  [shchid).  It  is  a  fact  that  the  spot  is  situated  on  a  commanding 
point,  whence  there  is  a  very  fine  and  extensive  view.  The  three  points, 
Tell  el  Jezer,  Sheikh  Ja'bas,  and  Sheikh  Musa,  are  similarly  situated  in  this 
respect,  accordingly  the  fellahin  call  them  MUsa  Tali'a,  Jab'ds  Tali'a,  and 
Jezery  Tali'a,  making  these  three  more  or  less  real  personages  into  three 
warriors  of  old,  placed  as  scouts  on  the  three  places  that  command  the  region 
round  about.  I  am  greatly  inclined  to  believe  that  there  is  a  hidden  historical 
basis  to  the  legend  of  Miisa  Tali'a,  some  incident  of  the  great  battle  of  Mount 
Gisart  between  Saladin  and  the  Franks,  and  that  Mount  Gisart,  the  site  of 
which  has  remained  absolutely  unknown  up  to  the  present  time,  was,  as  I 
shall  explain  later  on,  none  other  than  our  Tell  el  Jezer. 

From  here  I  pushed  on  in  the  direction  of  Deir  er  Ruhban,  passing  by 
Khirbet  Bir  el  Moiyeh,  where  I  noticed  some  scattered  ruins  on  a  low  rising 
ground  between  Deir  er  Ruhban  and  Kubab. 

At  Deir  er  Ruhban  there  is  a  huge  broken-down  cistern  or  bciydra,  built 
of  stones  with  small  irregular  bosses  ;  the  sides  are  covered  with  thick  solid 
concrete-work.  The  ruins  were  overgrown  with  thick  impenetrable  brush- 
wood {i)inrrdr\  which  made  it  very  difficult  to  examine  them.  I  made  a 
vain  search  there  for  an  inscription  which  the  fellahin  had  told  me  was  there. 
This  perhaps  may  yet  be  discovered,  for  I  have  reason  to  believe  their  infor- 
mation to  be  correct. 

Gezer.  237 

VI. — The  Legend  of  Noaii  and  the  Flood  of  Gezer. 

Local  tradition  is  strangely  persistent  in  connecting  the  origin  of  Tell 
el  Jezer  with  the  name  of  Noah  and  traditions  of  the  Flood.  I  shall  shortly 
indicate  what,  in  my  opinion,  is  the  reason  of  this. 

Abu  Shusheh  himself,  the  more  or  less  fabulous  personage  who  has 
given  his  name  to  the  modern  village  is  the  subject  of  a  curious  legend,* 
evidently  forming  part  of  the  same  cycle.  He  met  his  death  by  drowning  in 
a  flood  of  water  that  came  from  underground.  I  will  remark  en  passant  that 
this  name  Abu  Shusheh,  which  properly  speaking  is  merely  a  nickname 
("the  father  of  the  tuft"),  occurs  again  in  other  places  in  Palestine,  for  instance 
in  the  neighbourhood  of  Caifa  and  of  the  Lake  of  Tiberias  (Map,  VIII,  L.j. 
and  VI,  O.g.).  It  is  quite  possible  that  in  these  cases  also,  as  in  that  of 
Gezer,  the  trivial  name  has  displaced  some  ancient  name  of  an  old  Bible  city.t 

I  have  already  stated,  in  speaking  of  the  Cave  of  Jaiha,  that  according  to 
the  fellahin  the  town  of  Tell  el  Jezer  was  the  town  of  Noah,  medtnet  Sidna 
Nilh.  Here  is  another  legend  that  I  gathered  from  their  lips,  relating  to 
'Ain  Tannur,  "the  spring  of  the  Oven." 

Noah  had  said  to  his  daughter  (and  not  to  his  wife),  "If  anyone  shall 
come  and  say  to  me,  '  taff  et-tanntir  (the  Tannur  has  overflowed),'!  ^  ^'^' 
cut  off  his  head."  One  day  his  daughter  went  to  knead  or  bake  the  bread 
(tokhbcz),  and  found  the  water  rushing  out  of  the  Tannur.  She  came  back  to 
her  father,  and  he  asked  her,  "Why  hast  thou  not  prepared  the  dough  i^lcish 
nid  khabczt  e/'aj'tn)  ?"  "  I  have  come  back  without  the  bread,"  she  replied. 
"  It  is  because  the  Tannur  is  overflowing,"  cried  Noah.  "  Thou  thyself  hast 
said  it,"  the  girl  at  once  replied,  thus  escaping  his  terrible  threat.  Noah  then 
.sent  for  a  vessel  {s'fmeh),  went  on  board  it  with  all  the  inhabitants  of  the  town, 

*  Memoirs,  II,  444. 

t  We  should  perhaps  take  this  circumstance  into  account  in  dealing  with  the  problems  of 
the  identity  of  Capernaum  and  of  Kinnercth. 

X  This  meaning  of  the  verb  , ^  appears  to  me  to  follow  from  that  of  the  derived  substantive 

taff,  "over-full,  of  a  pot  brimming  over."  The  geminate  root  faff,  on  the  other  hand,  seems  to  me 
to  be  closely  related  to  the  hollow  root  tdf,  by  reason  of  the  equivalence  which  is  so  frequently 
noticed  in  Semitic  languages  between  a  short  vowel  followed  by  a  double  consonant,  and  a  long 
vowel  followed  by  a  single  consonant.  In  this  way  the  root  would  be  connected  with  the  word 
tiifihi,  the  usual  Arabic  word  for  "the  flood,"  which  is  evidently  pointed  to  in  this  legend. 
This  word  tufan  is  borrowed  directly  from  the  Aramaic  tophana,  "  flood,"  and  the  very  same 

meaning  which  I  attribute  to  the  verb  1 ic  is  also  found,  it  seems  to  me,  in  the  Aramaic  tjBu, 

"to  fill  a  measure  up  to  the  brim." 

238  ArchcBological  Researches  in  Palestine. 

and  sailed  away,  passing  by  Ramleh.  In  the  latter  town  there  was  an  old 
woman  whom  he  had  promised  to  take  with  him  in  the  vessel,  but  he  forgot 
all  about  her.  The  water  submerged  the  whole  country  round,  except  the 
mosque  of  Jame'  el  Abiadh  at  Ramleh,  where  the  old  woman  had  taken  refuge. 
Noah  came  back  to  see  what  had  become  of  her,  and  asked  her  what  had 
happened  to  her.  "  I  stayed  there  quite  quietly,"  she  replied,  "  and  saw 
neither  flood  nor  water." 

Everyone  knows  what  an  important  part  is  played  in  the  Koran  and  its 
commentators  by  the  Tanniir.  This  oven,  from  which  the  water  of  the  flood 
was  supposed  to  gush  forth,  was  according  to  tradition  the  one  where  Eve 
baked  her  bread,  and  had  been  handed  down  through  the  ages  from  one 
patriarch's  wife  to  another  until  the  time  of  Noah.  This  belief  appears  to  have 
attained  great  popularity  in  Palestine  and  all  over  Syria,  for  we  come  across  a 
considerable  number  of  places  called  'Ain  Tannur  or  'Ain  et  Tannur:  as  near 
'Ain  bent  Nuh  ("  the  spring  of  the  daughter  of  Noah"),  in  the  neighbourhood 
of 'Allar  es  Sifla  {see  Appendix) ;  a  little  to  the  north-east  of  Deir  Estia  ;  near 
'Ain  Feshkha,  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  Dead  Sea  ;  a  little  way  south-east 
of  Zubkin  ;  near  Riblah,  close  to  the  Orontes,  etc.,  etc.  Compare  further  the 
Tannur  Eiyub,  or  Tannur  of  Job,  a  small  spring  near  the  supposed  site  of 
Capernaum,""  and  also  the  place-name  Tannurin,  to  the  north  of  Beyrout.t  I 
think  that  this  legend,  which  has  attached  itself  to  various  springs,  probably 
of  a  particular  sort  (those  that  bubble  up  violently  from  underground),  has  Its 
basis  In  a  very  old  Syrian  religious  tradition,  traces  of  which  are  still  discover- 
able in  the  Rabbinical  traditions  about  the  holy  rock  of  Jerusalem.  This 
Arabic  word  tannur,  which,  by-the-bye,  Is  an  old  Aramaic  word,  "ll^n,  as  to 
the  origin  and  various  meanings  of  which  a  good  deal  might  be  said,  is  a 
counterpart  of  the  famous  yaaixa  /xe'ya  that  was  pointed  out  at  Mabug 
(Hierapolis),  where  the  water  of  Deucalion  and  Pyrrha's  flood  Issued  and 
returned.  This  Idea  was  very  widely  spread  among  the  Greeks  themselves, 
who  were  wont  to  show  the  ^da-jjiaTa  of  the  Deluge  at  several  of  their 
sanctuaries,  as  at  Delos  and  Athens,  and  In  Samothrace.  It  would  be  very 
interesting  to  trace  out  the  develoj^ment  of  the  idea,  and  look  for  Its  starting 
point,  but  that  would  take  me  much  too  far  out  of  my  way.     I  shall  treat  of  this 

*  Robinson,  Zafer  Biblical  Researches,  p.  345.  It  will  be  noticed  that,  by  a  coincidence 
which  perhaps  is  not  mere  chance,  there  exists  not  far  from  the  Tannur  Eiyub  a  Kh.  Abu 
SMsheh,  which  two  characteristic  names  are  grouped  together  at  Tell  el  Jezer. 

t  Ibid.,  p.  601,  602. 



question  on  another  occasion,  as  also  that  of  the  curious  legend  of  the  so  called 
Daughter  of  Noah,  in  whom  we  may  discover  an  ancient  mythical  character." 
Returning  to  our  local  researches,  it  may  well  be  asked  why  Arab 
tradition  thus  tends  to  group  all  these  naive  legends,  drawn  from  the  story  of 
Noah  and  the  Flood,  around  Tell  el  Jezer.  Despite  their  well-nigh  childish 
nature,  I  do  not  think  them  unimportant.  They  must  have  their  raison 
dctre.  I  am  inclined  to  believe  that  it  was  the  actual  name  of  Gezer  that 
gave  rise  to  them.  Regarded  in  this  aspect,  they  furnish  us  with  a  fresh 
indirect  argument  in  favour  of  our  identification,  for  they  show  that  this  name 
really  did  at  that  time  belong  to  the  ancient  city  that  flourished  there.  What 
has  been  the  process  ?  In  the  name  1W,  ^ j^,-,  folk-lore  has  thought  it  could 
recognize  the  Arabic  word  jazar,  "  reflux,  tide  going  out,  sea,  part  of  the 
shore  left  uncovered  by  the  sea,"  a  word  very  closely  related  to  "Jezireh," 
"  island."  The  Hebrew  root  itself  has  given  rise  to  derivatives  of  similar 
meaning:  1W,  "partes  maris  discissi":t  cf.  rriy,:  "  desert,  waste,  isolated  land," 
which  has  every  appearance  of  being  the  prototype  of  'ij\:>-.  It  is  easy  to 
understand  that  tradition,  once  set  going  on  this  track,  and  keeping  in  view 
the  meaning  which  it  ascribed  (whether  rightly  or  wrongly  it  matters  little)  to 
the  old  name  of  Gezer,  was  carried  along  in  the  direction  we  have  noticed  it 

VII.— Bezka. 

In  reconnoitring  the  country  north-east  of  Gezer,  I  extended  my 
operations  as  far  as  Bezka.  I  was  the  more  eager  to  make  a  fresh  inspection 
of  the  ruins,  which  I  had  hurriedly  looked  over  on  the  occasion  of  my  first 
visit,J  as  I  had  been  struck  by  the  resemblance  between  the  name  and  that  of 
Bezek,  the  residence  of  the  Canaanite  kine  Adoni-Bezek,  "  the  lord  of 
Bezek."  This  time  I  discovered  there  a  very  curious  tomb,  consisting  of  a 
sort  of  large  sarcophagus,  hollowed  out  of  the  living  rock  and  projecting 
above  the  level  of  the  ground,  with  a  groove  round  the  edge  to  fit  the 
lid  into.  The  front  side  was  ornamented  with  carvings.  They  were 
greatly  mutilated,  but  I  thought  I  could  make  out  what  appeared  to  be  two 
quadrangular  altars  within  a  rectangular  border,  each  surmounted  by  a  cippus. 

*  I  will  content  myself  for  the  present  with  adding  that  this  daughter  of  Noah,  sometimes 
regarded  as  his  wife,  formerly  enjoyed  great  popularity  in  Syria.  Cf.  the  famous  coins  of 
Apamaeus  of  Phrygia,  which  represent  the  ark  with  Noah  and  his  wife. 

t  Psalm  cxxxvi,  13.  I   Cf.  supra,  p  83. 

240  Archaological  Researches  in  Palestine. 

and  a  sort  of  garland  displayed  at  the  top  of  them.  The  provisional  sketch 
that  I  took  is  too  crude  to  be  reproduced  by  engraving.  It  was  my  intention 
to  return  to  the  spot  and  have  a  good  drawing  of  the  object  made  by  M. 
Lecomte,  but  unfortunately  the  incident  which  cut  short  my  exploration  of 
Gezer  did  not  allow  of  this.  I  give  the  bearings  of  this  tomb,  which  will 
perhaps  enable  future  explorers  to  find  it  more  easily  :  Abu  Shiisheh,  249° ; 
a  tree  conspicuous  on  the  horizon,  5°. 

VIII. — Gezer  before  the  Captivity. 

Gezer  is  one  of  the  most  ancient  towns  in  Palestine  ;  it  was  in  existence 
previous  to  the  appearance  of  the  Israelites.  The  testimony  of  the  Bible  on 
this  point  appears  to  be  expressly  confirmed  by  the  find  at  Tell  el  Amarna,  as 
the  name  of  Gezer  has  been  noticed  several  times  on  the  cuneiform  tablets 
discovered  there.  For  instance  :*  "  the  town  of  Gezer,  the  servant  of  the 
king  my  master."  It  is  mentioned  on  the  tablets  along  with  other  towns  with 
more  or  less  doubtful  names,  Tumurka,  Manhatesum,  Rubute,  etc.  Now  that 
we  have  material  proof  that  Abu  Shusheh  represents  Gezer,  it  would  be  very 
desirable  that  deep  and  methodical  excavations  should  be  undertaken  there, 
since  one  is  henceforth  sure  of  being  on  the  real  site  of  an  old  pre-Israelite 
city,  and  that  too  under  conditions  of  certainty  that  are  exceptional,  and  may 
even  be  said  to  be  hitherto  unparalleled  in  Palestine. 

The  first  time  that  Gezer  appears  in  the  Bible  is  in  the  episode  of  the 
Book  of  Joshua  that  narrates  the  victorious  campaign  of  Joshua  against  the 
six  confederate  Amorite  kings  of  Jerusalem,  Hebron,  Yarmuth,  Lachish,  and 
Eglon.  Joshua  goes  up  against  them  from  the  environs  of  Jericho  (Gilgal), 
defeats  them  near  Gabaon,  pursues  them  by  the  road  of  the  mountain  of 
Beth  Horon  even  unto  Azekah  and  Makkedah.  Here  comes  in  the  account  of 
the  sun  made  to  stand  still  at  Joshua's  prayer.  The  five  vanquished  kings 
take  refuge  in  a  cave  at  Makkedah  ;  Joshua  fetches  them  out  and  hangs 
them.  After  this  he  takes  possession  of  the  town  of  Makkedah  and  the  town 
of  Lachish  ;  "Then  Horam,  king  of  Gezer,  came  up  to  help  Lachish,  and 
Joshua  smote  him  and  his  people,  in  such  wise  that  he  let  none  escape." 
(Joshua  X,  33.) 

Later  on  (xii,  12)  Gezer  reappears  in  the  list  of  the  thirty-one  kings  of 
the  country  {rnalke  ha-areg)  beaten  by  the  Bene  Israel,  kings  belonging  to 

*  Meinoires  publies par  ks  membres  de  la  mission  archeologiqiie  fran^aise  au  Caire,  vi,  2,  p.  299 
(an  article  by  Father  Scheil). 



the  people  of  the  Hittites  (Hitti),  the  Amorites,  the  Canaanites,  the  Perizites, 
the  Hivites  (Hiwi),  and  the  Jetpusites.  Gezer  was  therefore  one  of  those 
ancient  royal  cities  (Canaanitish,  as  we  shall  see)  that  had  their  own  melek, 
and  were  numerous  before  the  arrival  of  the  Hebrews  in  the  Promised  Land. 

Gezer  again  appears  once  more  in  the  Book  of  Joshua  in  chapter  xvi,  3. 

This  time  more  precise  topographical  data  are  given,  which  is  fortunate,  for 

no  argument  can  be  drawn  from  the  names  of  towns  linked  with  that  of  Gezer 

in   the  preceding  passage,  as  the  list  does  not  appear  to   be  arranged  in  a 

strict  geographical  order.     The  writer  is  speaking  of  the  territory  assigned  to 

the  tribe  of  Ephraim  on  the  occasion  of  the  division  of  the  conquered  country 

among  the  twelve  tribes  ot  Israel.      He  describes  the  southern  frontier  of  the 

territory  as  beginning  at  the  Jordan  near  Jericho  and  striking  out  westwards, 

ihat    is    to    say    towards    the    Mediterranean,    passing   by   Bethel,   Luz,   and 

Ataroth  ;  and  he  says,   "it  goeth  down   westward  to   the  coast  of  Japhleti, 

unto  the  coast  of  Beth  Horon  the  nether,  and  to  Gezer,  and  the  goings  out 

thereof  are  at  the  sea." 

It  may  be  as  well  to  contrast  this  passage  with  the  one  in  Josephus  i^Ant. 
Jud.,  V,  I,  22),  where  he  describes  summarily,  but  most  exactly,  the  territory  of 
Ephraim  : — this  territory  extended  in  breadth  (evpelav)  from  south  to  north — 
that  is  to  say,  from   Bethel   to  the  great  plain,  and   in  length  {jx-qKovo^ivriv), 
from  east  to  west,  from  the  Jordan  to  Gadara  {a^pi  raSdpcou  anh  'lophdvov 
noTafjiov).      There  can  be  no  doubt  as  to  the  identity  of  Gadara,  or  rather 
Gazara,  with  Gezer,  in  spite  of  the  changes  in  transcription.     We  shall  find 
several  times  the  name  Gezer  in  Greek  authorities  rendered  Gadara,  though 
it  is  ordinarily  transcribed,  Fa^ep,  Fe^ep.      In  fact,  it  was  this  that  at  a 
later  period  led  Strabo  to  confuse  Gezer  with   Gadara,  the  capital  of  Pera;a 
on  the  east  of  Jordan.     As  to  the  plural  form  of  the  word  it  is  perfectly  easy 
of  explanation,   it  originated  from  the  transcriptions  Va^dpa,   FaSdpa,   which 
have  the  Greek  feminine  singular  termination.     This  termination  in  course  of 
time  gave  the  name  the  appearance  of  a  neuter  plural,  ra  Vdi^apa,  instead  of 
■17  Val,dpa.     The  same  transformation  has  taken  place,  as  we  shall  see,  in  the 
incidents   in  the   book   of  Maccabees    in    which   Gezer  plays  a  part.       This 
confusion  has  likewise  arisen  under  the  same  conditions  in   the  case  of  other 
names  of  towns.      It  is  in  this  way,  for  instance,  that  the  name  of  the  Moabite 
town     Medaba,     i^nT'C     transcribed     MrjSa/Sa,     becomes     ttoXi?     "Sl-q^dfiiDv  ,* 
TO.  MijSaySa. 

*  Confirmed  by  a  Greek  Christian  inscription  (on  a  mosaic)  found  at  Madcba  itself 

2    I 


Archceolooiccil  Researches  in  Palestine. 

Thus  it  follows  clearly  from  the  above  passages  that  Gezer  must  have 
been  situated  to  the  west  of  Beth-Horon  the  Nether  and  at  no  great  distance 
from  it,  and  it  is  the  more  important  to  have  fixed  its  identity,  as  it  marked 
the  western  extremity  of  the  southern  boundary  of  the  territory  of  Ephraim. 

We  again  encounter  Gezer  in  Joshua  xxi,  21,  as  one  of  the  Levite 
towns,  that  is  to  say,  the  forty-eight  towns  assigned  by  Joshua  to  the 
Levites,  together  with  their  suburbs  {>)iigrasli),  in  the  territories  of  the 
different  tribes  of  Israel.  The  territory  of  Ephraim,  contained  four  of  these 
towns,  among  them  being  Gezer.  We  thus  learn  that  Gezer  not  only  marked 
the  limit  of  the  territory  ot  Ephraim  but  actually  formed  part  of  that  territory. 
This  view,  moreover,  is  also  explicitly  confirmed  by  Joshua  xvi,  10,  and 
Judges  i,  29. 

Joshua  xvi,  10,  gives  a  piece  of  information  doubly  interesting  for  us, 
since  it  shows  that  the  primitive  population  of  Gezer  had  not  been  destroyed 
by  Joshua  after  the  defeat  of  its  king  Horam,  but  simply  laid  under  tribute, 
and  that  this  population  was  of  Canaanitish  origin.  This  latter  fact  is  like- 
wise confirmed  by  Judges  i,  29.  The  Ephraimites  became  mingled  with  the 
old  Canaanitish  population  of  Gezer.  There  is  then  every  likelihood  that  by 
making  excavations  at  Abu  Shusheh,  a  genuine  Canaanitish  stratum  would 
be  reached.  The  art  and  religion  of  the  Canaanites  is  perhaps  responsible 
for  the  rude  terra-cotta  figure  that  I  spoke  of  above  (p.  6).      I  am  able  to  give 

here  a  faithful    reproduction    of   this,    having    at   last 
found  the  cast  of  it  that  I  made  but  afterwards  mislaid. 
We  shall  see  however  that  the   Philistines  appear 
to  have  occupied  Gezer  for  a  certain  period  as  well. 

Gezer  is  further  alluded  to  in  other  books  of  the 
P)ible,  but  in  these  more  light  is  thrown  on  its  historic 
importance  than  on  its  location.  However,  no  element 
in  the  problem  we  have  to  solve  should  be  passed  over. 
Gezer  j^lays  an  important  part  in  the  history  of 
David  (2  Sam.  v).  Upon  the  news  of  the  taking  of 
Jerusalem  by  David  and  his  being  crowned  King  of 
all  Israel,  the  Philistines,  hereditary  enemies  of  Israel, 
go  up  against  him,  and  are  beaten  successively  at  two 
places  difficult  to  locate  precisely  (the  valley  ot 
Rephaim  and  Baal-perazim).  They  must  however  have 
certainly  been  in  the  direction  of  Jerusalem,  and  even  in  its  immediate  neigh- 
bourhood.     "  And  David  did  so  as  the  Lord  had  commanded  him,  and  smote 


Gezer.  243 

the  Philistines  from  Geba  until  thou  come  to  Gezer"  (v.  25).  The  same 
incident  is  related  in  pretty  much  the  same  terms  in  i  Chron.  xiv,  16.  One 
fact  at  any  rate,  and  that  a  very  interesting  one,  seems  to  follow  clearly  from 
this  passage,  namely  that  Gezer,  the  furthest  point  to  which  David  extended 
his  pursuit,  must  have  been  well  on  the  way  to  the  Philistines'  country, 
perhaps  even  formed  part  of  it  at  that  period.  Josephus  gives  us  to  understand 
as  much  in  narrating  the  same  event  after  his  manner  (^Aiit.  Jud.,  vii,  4,  i). 
David,  having  beaten  the  Philistines,  pursued  them  to  the  town  of  Gazara 
{p-Xpi.  TToXeo)^  ra^dpcDv),  zvhiclt  marks  the  eastern  extremity  of  tlicir  territory 
(rj  8e  iaiLv  opos  avTwv  rrj';  ^copas).  We  shall  see  in  a  moment  that  he 
exjjresses  himself  elsewhere  even  more  definitely  on  this  point. 

It  may  very  well  be  that  this  affair  is  again  alluded  to  in  two  parallel 
passages  (A  and  B)  in  the  second  book  of  Samuel  (xxi,  18,  19)  and  in 
I  Chronicles  (xx,  4,  5).  There  is  a  very  curious  variation  between  these, 
they  look  as  if  they  had  been  extracted  from  some  old  chronicle  now  lost,  and 
had  been  copied  differently  in  the  two  recensions  that  have  come  down  to  us. 

A,  18.  "And  it  came  to  pass  after  this  that  there  was  again  a  battle  with 
the  Philistines  at  G06,  then  Sibbechai  the  Hushathite  slew  Saph,  which  was 
of  the  sons  of  Rapha." 

19.  "  And  there  was  again  a  battle  in  God  with  the  Philistines,  where 
Elhanan  the  son  of  Jaare-oregim,  a  Beth-lehemite,  slew  Goliath  the 
Gittite,  etc." 

This  town  God,  Gob  (I'Jl,  IIJ)  is  absolutely  unknown.  Comparison  with 
the  parallel  passage  B"  seems  to  prove  that  this  name  is  nothing  but  a 
modification  of  Gezer,  which  is  found  in  this  passage  letter  for  letter.t  The 
text  of  Chronicles  is  doubtless  the  right  one,  and  the  original  form  "lU  has 
become  11^,  through  a  wrong  reading  which  can  easily  be  accounted  for  by 
the  Hebrew  palaeographer.  Josephus  in  his  turn  is  of  this  opinion  in  his 
account  of  the  same  occurrence  [Ant.  Jud.,  vii,  12,  2).| 

Gezer  plays  an   important   part   in   the  history  of  Solomon  (i  Kings,  ix, 

*  I  am  inclined  to  think  that  the  verb  ij;33M  at  the  end  of  the  verse  in  i  Chron.  xx,  4, 
contains  a  play  on  words  having  reference  to  the  name  of  the  Canaanitcs :  "  they  were  abased  " 
or  "treated  like  Canaanites."  It  is  to  be  borne  in  mind  that  a  Canaanitish  population  had  been 
maintained  at  Gezer. 

t  I  Chron.  xx,  5  corresponds  to  2  Sam.  xxi,  19,  and  relates  the  same  feat  of  arms  with  some 
curious  variations  that  do  not  concern  me  here,  but  this  time  it  gives  no  place-name. 

\  Note  that  Josephus  this  time  gives  the  correct  transcription  Vii'C,iijinv,  in  the  fern,  sing.,  and 
not  neut.  plur. 

2    I    2 

244  ArchcFological  Researches  in  Palestine. 

15,  etc).  The  Pharaoh  of  Egypt  had  conducted  an  expedition  against  Gezer, 
had  taken  the  town,  and  had  burnt  it,  after  having  exterminated  the 
Canaanites  who  dwelt  there.  He  gave  the  town  he  had  destroyed  as  a  dowry 
to  his  daughter,  the  wife,  or  rather  one  of  the  wives  of  Solomon.  The  latter 
rebuilt  the  demolished  city,  by  which  he  appeared  to  set  a  particular  store. 
Unfortunately  we  do  not  know  either  the  name  of  this  Pharaoh  or  the 
historical  events — some  revolt  perhaps — which  led  to  his  making  this 
expedition  into  the  south  of  Palestine  and  destroying  Gezer.  According  to 
the  Bible  the  expedition  appears  to  have  been  directed  against  the  Canaanitish 
element,  but  it  may  be  that  the  Philistines  counted  for  something  in  this 
enterprise  of  Pharaoh's,  since  Gezer,  as  I  have  already  said,  and  will  proceed 
to  prove,  belonged  at  that  time  to  the  country  of  the  Philistines,  that  is  to  say, 
a  population  that  had  been  long  feudatory  to  Egypt.  In  the  parallel  account 
in  Josephus  {^Ant.  Jud.,  viii,  6,  i),  Gazara,  one  of  the  towns  rebuilt  by 
Solomon,  is  specifically  mentioned  as  belonging  to  Philistia :  ttjv  Tpir-qv  Se 
Fa^apa,  t^;/  ttj?  ITaXatcrTtVwv  )(wpas  vndp^ov(Tav.  We  had  already  arrived  at 
this  conclusion  by  inductions  based  on  another  passage  in  Josephus  and  on 
certain  indications  given  in  the  Bible  itself  It  may  therefore  very  well  be 
that  at  a  certain  period  Gezer,  which,  as  we  shall  see,  is  less  than  six  miles  to 
the  east  of  Ekron,  belonged  to  the  Philistines,  and  served  as  a  sort  of  advanced 
bulwark  against  Israel. 

IX. — Gezer  under  the  Hasmon.^iANs. 

We  have  to  proceed  as  far  as  the  Hasmoneean  period  before  we  find 
Gezer  reappearing  in  history.  It  plays  one  of  the  most  important  parts  in  the 
long  wars  kept  up  by  the  Jews  against  the  Seleucids,  and  narrated  in  the 
books  of  Maccabees  and  the  parallel  accounts  of  Josephus.  In  order  to  grasp 
the  full  value  of  this  testimony,  which  contains  more  than  one  precious  bit  of 
topographical  information,  we  must  not  lose  sight  of  one  most  essential  point 
— the  centre  of  the  struggles  of  the  early  Hasmon^eans  against  the  Greco- 
Syrian  armies  was  the  town  of  Modin,  the  place  of  origin  of  the  Hasmoneean 
family,  and  consequently  the  region  of  el  Midieh. 

The  first  incident  in  which  Gezer  figures  is  the  battle  between  Judas  and 
Gorgias  (i  Mace,  iv).  The  Syrian  general  had  taken  up  his  position  at 
Emmaus  ('Amwas).  Judas,  who  had  retired  to  the  south  of  that  town,  takes 
the  offensive,  and  utterly  defeats  the  army  of  the  enemy,  who  leave  the  field 
in  complete  disorder,  pursued  by  the  victorious  Jews  as  far  as  Gazera  and  the 

Gezer.  245 

plains  of  Iduma;a,  Azotus,  and  Jamneia.  Consequently  Gezer  must  have  been 
situated  on  one  of  the  two  lines  of  retreat,  between  Emmaus  and  the  sea.  In 
the  expression  ew?  Va.'Qripuiv  (v.  15)  it  should  be  noted  that  the  feminine  form 
of  the  name  of  Gezer  when  transliterated  into  Greek  is  yet  treated  as  a  neuter 
plural.  The  Latin  version  has  made  the  error  worse  by  taking  this  genitive 
plural  form  for  a  real  proper  name,  and  servilely  translating  usque  Gezeron. 

A  second  episode,  where  Gezer  again  figures,  is  the  battle  between  Judas 
and  the  Syrian  general  Nicanor,  whom  the  former  had  previously  defeated  at 
Capharsalama""  (i  Mace,  vii,  39,  40).  Nicanor  is  defeated  and  killed  in  the 
battle.  He  had  taken  up  his  position  at  Bethoron,  whilst  Judas  occupied 
Adasa  (30  stadia  from  Bethoron,  according  to  Josephus).t  The  defeated 
army  is  pursued  from  Adasa  to  Gazera  (v,  45)  during  a  whole  day,  which 
does  not  necessarily  imply  the  length  of  a  day's  march  under  ordinary  cir- 

Later  on  Gezer  is  mentioned  among  the  towns  which  Bacchides,  after 
his  defeat  on  the  banks  of  Jordan,  orders  to  be  fortified  (i  Mace,  ix,  52. 
Cf.  Josephus,  Ant.Jnd.,  xiii,  i,  3). 

These  various  passages  seem  to  imply  that  Gezer  was  an  important 
strategical  point,  always  remained  in  the  hands  of  the  Greco-Syrians,  and 
that  the  latter  managed  to  make  it  a  refuge  in  case  of  a  check,  since  on  two 
occasions  it  is  indicated  as  one  of  the  points  where  the  pursuit  of  the  victorious 
Jews  came  to  an  end. 

The  last  passage  shows  us  that  up  to  the  year  160  of  the  Seleucids,  the 
Jews  had  not  yet  succeeded  in  getting  possession  of  Gezer.  Now  a  few  years 
later  we  notice  that  it  has  passed  into  their  hands:  "And  Simon  saw  that 
John  his  son  was  a  valiant  man,  and  he  gave  him  the  command  of  all  the 
military  forces,  and  he  dwelt  at  Gazara  (eV  Vatfxpoii)"  [i  Mac.  xiii,  53].  The 
sentence  is  somewhat  ambiguous.  Was  it  John  or  Simon  himself  that  took 
up  his  abode  at  Gezer .''  The  point  is  of  little  importance,  but  what  is  certain 
is  that  Gezer  must  in  the  meanwhile  have  been  retaken  by  the  Jews. 

The  conquest  of  a  city  like  this  by  the  Jews  was  an  event  of  considerable 
importance,  so  that  it  seems  odd  that  no  mention  is  made  of  it  in  the  book  of 
Maccabees  between  ch.  ix  and  ch.  xiii.  Upon  nearer  investigation  of  the 
text  this  singularity  vanishes.      In  reality  the  siege  and  capture  of  Gezer  by 

*  To  the  north  of  Lydda.     For  the  site  of  Capharsalama,  see  i7ifra,  Ch.  VI. 
t  Ant.  Jud.,yM,  10,  5.     Here  again  Josephus  takes 'Afa<7a  for  a  neuter  plural,   iv  'Araao7 
See  (p.  76)  my  remarks  on  the  position  of  Adasa. 

246  Archceological  Researches  in  Palestine. 

the  Jews  are  related  at  length  hi  this  same  chapter  (xiii,  43-48),  immediately 
before  the  passage  that  speaks  of  the  residence  of  Simon  or  John  at  Gezer ; 
only  by  a  copyist's  error  the  name  of  Gezer  {Gazara)  has  become  Gaza.  It 
was  long  believed  that  this  passage  referred  to  the  celebrated  town  of  Gaza, 
but  it  is  easy  to  show  that  for  various  reasons  there  could  be  no  allusion  here 
to  the  town  of  Gaza,  and  that  the  correction  from  to  Vatp-pav  is  entirely 
warrantable.  The  narrative  will  repay  a  close  examination,  for  it  contains 
certain  details  which  will  be  of  the  greatest  interest  to  us,  and  may  even  throw 
some  light  on  the  interpretation  of  our  inscriptions,  if  they  really  ought,  as  I 
doubt  not,  to  be  referred  to  Gezer. 

Here  are  the  facts.  About  the  year  143  b.c,  the  date  of  the  definite 
liberation  of  Israel  from  the  Seleucid  yoke,  and  the  starting-point, 
moreover,  of  the  Jewish  national  era,  Simon  came  and  laid  siege  to  the 
so-called  Gaza,  with  a  large  park  of  artillery.  After  having  effected  a 
breach,  he  took  the  town  by  assault.  He  spared  the  lives  of  the  inhabitants, 
but  drove  them  out  of  the  town,  while  he  himself  made  his  entry  there, 
singing  the  holy  hymns.  He  purified  the  places  polluted  by  the  idols,  cast  out 
all  the  pollutions  of  the  town,  and  placed  stich  men  there  as  zvould  keep  the 
law  {oijiv^'i  Tov  vo/xov  ttolov(tl),  and  fortified  it  and  built  there  a  residence  for 
himself  (v,  48).''' 

This  town  certainly  cannot  have  been  Gaza,  as  appears  from  the  following 
facts.  In  ch.  xiv  of  Book  i  of  Maccabees  it  is  stated  that  the  land  of  Judah 
remained  in  peace  all  the  days  of  Simon,  and  a  list  of  his  conquests  is  given — 
Joppa,  Gazara,  Baithsura  and  Acra.  He  had  therefore  made  himself  master 
(eKuptevcre)  of  Gazara.  If  he  had  likewise  gained  possession  of  Gaza,  as  above 
narrated,  how  could  such  a  conquest  have  been  passed  over  without  mention 
in  a  recapitulatory  sketch  of  the  services  rendered  by  Simon  to  the  Jewish 
cause  ?  Now,  as  will  be  seen,  not  Gaza,  but  on  the  contrary  Gazara  is  the 
place  in  question. 

There  is  a  similar  argument,  even  more  decisive,  to  be  derived  from  the 
same  chapter  (27-34),  fo""  here  we  are  dealing  with  an  official  document,  a 
long  honorific  inscription,  a  regular  decree  of  the  people  of  Israel  passed  in 

*  This  latter  detail  appears  to  settle  the  question  that  arose  just  now  in  connection  with 
V,  53.  But  John,  son  of  Simon,  being  appointed  generalissimo  of  the  army,  might  very  well  have 
his  headquarters  at  Gezer  also,  since  the  town  was  situated  in  a  position  of  strategic  importance 
and  in  the  dangerous  zone  that  was  exposed  to  the  first  attacks  of  the  enemy.  On  this  point  see 
the  details  which  will  be  given  later  on,  clearly  showing  that  John  was  residing  at  Gazara  at  the 
time  of  his  father's  murder. 

Gezer.  247 

the  general  assembly  at  Jerusalem,  exhibited,  inscribed  on  brazen  tables,  in 
the  peribolos  of  the  Temple,  and  preserved  in  duplicate  in  the  archives  of  the 
public  treasury.  It  is  an  official  eulogy  of  Simon  and  a  narration  of  the 
services  rendered  by  him  to  Israel:  "and  he  fortified  the  town  of  Gazara,* 
which  is  situated  upon  the  borders  of  Azotus  (ji]v  IttXtuiv  opioiv  'A^wrou),  and  had 
previously  been  occupied  by  the  enemy  ;  and  he  caused  the  Jews  to  dwell 
there  and  furnished  them  with  all  that  was  needed  to  establish  them  on  a 
satisfactory  footing."  Here  again  is  no  whisper  of  Gaza,  but,  on  the  other 
hand  the  details  given  concerning  Gazara,  as  to  the  means  adopted  by  Simon 
to  establish  the  Jewish  population  there,  are  in  marvellous  accordance  with 
those  related  of  the  so-called  Gaza  in  chapter  xiii,  43-48. 

By  comparison  of  these  different  passages  with  those  in  Josephus  [Ant. 
Jitd.,  xiii,  6,  7,  and  Bc/l.  Jnd.,  i,  2,  2),  we  arrive  at  one  and  the  same 
conclusion,  the  Jewish  historian  expressly  states  Simon  seized  Gazara,  and 
nowhere  does  he  breathe  a  word  of  Gaza. 

Later  (i  Mace,  xv,  28)  we  find  King  Antiochus  sending  to  Simon  his 
ambassador  Athenobios  to  summon  the  Jewish  prince  to  give  up  to  him 
Joppa,  Gazara,  and  the  Acra  of  Jerusalem,  which  the  latter  had  forcibly 
seized  (/caTa/cpaTeiTe),  or  rather  to  pay  him  by  way  of  compensation  an 
indemnity  of  a  thousand  talents  of  silver.  Simon  replies  that  he  has  not 
taken  another's  goods,  that  he  has  merely  recovered  the  inheritance  of  his 
fathers,  and  he  adds  (35),  "As  for  Joppa  and  Gazara  which  thou  claimest,  and 
which  have  done  great  wrongs  to  the  people  in  our  land,  we  will  give  in 
exchange  for  them  a  hundred  talents."  Here  again  in  the  claims  of  Antiochus 
and  the  answer  of  Simon,  Gazara  and  not  Gaza  is  mentioned.  If  Simon  had 
really  seized  Gaza,  one  of  the  most  important  towns  in  the  kingdom  of  the 
Seleucids,  Antiochus  would  certainly  not  have  failed  to  include  it  in  his 
demands,  he  ought  even,  logically,  to  have  put  it  at  the  head  of  his  claims,  as 
beinof  the  gfreatest  grievance  he  could  have  against  the  Jews. 

Lastly,  there  is  one  more  argument,  an  historical  one,  which  proves  up  to 
the  hilt  that  all  the  interesting  details  of  the  siege,  capture,  and  Judaization 
of  Gaza  by  Simon,  ought  properly  to  apply  to  Gazara,  or,  to  put  it  in  another 
way,  to  Gezer.  It  is  that  it  was  at  a  much  later  date,  in  98  B.C.,  under  the 
Jewish  king  Alexander  Janneus,  that   the  town  of  Gaza  fell   finally  into  the 

*  It  should  be  remarked  that  the  name  uf  the  town  is  correctly  rendered  by  the  feminine 
singular,  ^<\v  rufo/m,  indeclinable,  and  not  as  is  generally  formed  by  the  neuter  plural.  This  small 
fact  seems  enough  to  indicate  that  the  text  is  really  borrowed  from  an  authentic  official  document. 

248  Archceological  Researches  in  Palestine. 

hands  of  the  Jews,  after  a  memorable  siege  that  lasted  no  less  than  a 

However,  Antiochus,  irritated  by  the  reply  of  Simon,  had  ordered  his 
general  Kendebseos  to  advance  upon  Judaea,  making  the  base  of  his  operations 
the  town  of  Kedron  or  Kedro,t  in  the  region  of  Jamneia  (v,  39-41).  John 
then  came  up  from  Gazara — which  fact,  we  may  stop  to  remark,  is  sufficient 
proof  that  he  resided  in  that  town,  as  I  have  said, — to  warn  his  father  Simon 
of  the  approach  of  the  enemy  (xvi,  i).  This  passage  at  the  same  time  shows 
that  Gazara  cannot  have  been  far  distant  from  Jamneia  (Yebna)  and  from 
Kedron  [Katrah),  and  that  it  was  exposed  in  consequence  to  the  first  attack  of 
Kendebaeos.  The  latter  place  may  likely  enough  have  been  the  chief  object 
of  his  efforts  in  this  fresh  campaign.  Kendebaeos  was  beaten  and  driven 
back  to  Azotus  by  the  Jewish  army,  which  issued  from  the  neigbourhood  of 
Modin  (v,  4-10).  ' 

It  was  at  Gazara,  again,  that  John  was  residing  at  the  time  when  he 
heard  of  the  death  of  his  father  Simon,  who  had  been  caught  in  an  ambuscade 
and  murdered  in  the  fortress  of  Dok,  near  Jericho,  by  his  son-in-law,  Ptolemy, 
son  of  Abubos,  the  governor  of  that  town.  At  Gazara  also  he  was  warned 
of  the  arrival  of  emissaries  entrusted  with  his  own  assassination.  Quite 
evidently,  Gazara  was  his  headquarters. 

The  Second  Book  of  Maccabees  would  seem  at  first  sight  to  contain  a 
passage  of  extreme  interest  concerning  our  town  of  Gazara  (x,  32-37).  But 
comparison  with  the  First  Book  of  Maccabees  (v,  6-8),  and  the  corresponding 
narrative  in  Josephus,  will  suffice  to  show  that  it  is  not  Gezer  at  all  that  is 
referred  to,  but  Jazer-,  a  quite  different  place,  beyond  Jordan,  and  that  the 
names  of  the  two  places  have  got  mixed.  Ta^dpa  is  a  copyist's  error  for 
la[,apa,l  '^^  '}^^^  before  Td^a  was  an  error  of  the  same  sort  for  Td(,apa.  This 
element  then  must  simply  be  eliminated  from  the  problem. 

On  the  other  hand  Gezer  is  certainly  the  place  referred  to  in  a  document 
of  rare  interest  that  has  been  preserved  for  us  by  Josephus.  About  the  year 
130  before  our  era,  John   Hyrcanus,  son  and  successor  of  Simon,  faithful  to 

*  Josephus,  Ant.  Jud.,  xiii,  13,  3,  and  Bcll./ud.,  i,  4,  2.  Gaza  remained  in  the  possession 
of  the  Jews  until  the  time  of  Ponipey,  who  took  it  from  them. 

t  The  identityof  Kedron  or  Kedro  with  the  modern  Katiali,  a  httle  south-east  of  Yamneia, 
has  long  been  admitted. 

X  Josephus  gives  the  vocalisation  'lag'tt'/jo,-;  the  First  Book  of  Maccabees  has  'loTv/'  (variant 
'IniTiyi').  This  of  course  is  the  Ammonite  town  Ja'ezzer,  transliterated  in  the  Septuagint  'I'/iT'}/'' 
The  Oncmastkon  renders  it  by  'Afny)  at  'IniTv/'. 

Gezer.  249 

the  Hasmonsean  tradition,  sent  an  embassy  to  Rome  to  draw  tighter  the  bonds 
of  an  almost  immemorial  alliance,  and  one  that  the  Romans  also  found  to  their 
profit,  for  it  aided  certain  political  views  which  were  afterwards  to  be  realised 
by  the  reduction  of  Syria  to  a  Roman  province.  Jews  and  Romans  at  that 
time  had  interests  in  common,  and  were  pursuing,  by  widely  different  means, 
the  same  purpose,  namely  the  struggle  against  the  power  of  the  Seleucid 
kings.  Josephus  {Ant.  Jiid.,  xiii,  9,  2)  gives  us  the  names  of  the  members 
of  the  Jewish  commission,  and  the  actual  text  of  the  decision  of  the  Senate  in 
reply  to  the  letters  of  Hyrcanus  conveyed  by  his  envoys.  In  these  letters 
Hyrcanus  asked  the  Senate,  among  other  things,  to  convey  to  Antiochus  an 
order  to  give  back  to  him  Joppa  and  its  ports,  Gazara  and  its  springs  (/cat 
Tdt,apa  koX  TT-qydi),  as  well  as  all  the  tov/ns  and  all  the  territories  which  the 
latter  had  seized  by  armed  force,  despite  the  decree  of  the  Senate.  We  see 
from  this,  that  in  consequence  of  events  unknown  to  us,  Joppa  and  Gezer  had 
fallen  again  into  the  hands  of  Antiochus.  We  ascertain,  moreover,  one 
precious  detail  of  topography,  on  which  I  lay  great  stress,  as  it  assists  in 
confirming  the  identification  of  Gezer.  It  is  that  this  town  had  considerable 
and  well-known  springs.  These  springs  we  find  again  near  Abu  Shusheh, 
firstly  in  the  magnificent  spring  of  'Ain  Yardeh,  next  in  two,  one  of  them  now 
dried  up,  the  other  less  important,  'Ain  et-Tannur  and  'Ain  el-Botmeh.  The 
abundance  of  water  in  this  district  is  moreover  borne  witness  to  by  the 
existence  of  the  ancient  aqueduct,  Kanat  Bint  el  Kafer,  which,  starting 
from  Tell  el  Jezer,  conveyed  it  as  far  as  the  neighbourhood  of  Ramleh,  and 
perhaps  beyond  that  to  Lydda. 

X. — Gezer  in  Strabo  and  the  Onomasticon. 

To  complete  the  ancient  testimonies  concerning  Gezer,  it  remains  still  to 
examine  two  of  unequal  value. 

The  first,  on  which  I  shall  not  lay  any  great  stress,  is  furnished  by 
Strabo.''  In  describing  the  coast  of  Judcea,  from  Joppa  to  Mount  Cassius,  on 
the  Egyptian  frontier,  he  mentions  after  Joppa  and  before  Azotus  and  Ascalon, 
the  town  of  Gadaris,  as  having  been  appropriated  by  the  Jews.     Although 

*  Strabo,  ed.  Didot,  p.  646,  16. 

^50  Archceological  Researches  in  Palestine. 

Strabo,  to  judge  by  the  historical  details*  that  he  furnishes,  appears  to  have 
confused  this  Gadaris  with  Gadara,t  the  capital  of  Pera;a,  it  is  tolerably- 
evident  that  he  is  referring  to  our  town  Gezer,  and  that  it  is  to  this  latter,  in 
any  case,  that  his  geographical  information  relates. 

The  second  testimony  is,  or  looks  as  if  it  ought  to  be,  decisive  in 
solving  the  problem.  It  is  furnished  by  the  Onomasticon,  and  in  view  of 
its  importance  I  reproduce  it  in  its  entirety.  Eusebius  expresses  himself 
as  follows  : — 

Tal,ip,  Kkrjpov  ^(^pdCp,,  Aeutrats  a<f>Q)picriJi.€vrj,  koI  TavTrjv  iTToXiopKYjcrev 
'lijcrovs  TOf  /SacrtXea  avTrj9  aveXcov'  rjv  koX  coKoh6p.rj<j€.  XaXop-cov'  Kal  vvv  KaXetrat 
Tal^dpa  Kcjpiy]  ^ LKonoXecj';  airi-^ova'a  cnqp-uois  S'  €v  ySopetoi?.  Ou  jxy]v  aveiXev  ef 
avTrj?  Toi'S  dkXo(f>v\ov<;  tj  (f)v\rj  'E^pat/A. 

This  St.  Jerome  renders  : — 

Gazer,  in  sorte  tribus  Ephraim,  urbs  separata  Levitis  ;  quam  et  ipsam 
expugnavit  Jesus  rege  illius  interfecto.  Aedificata  est  autem  postea  a 
Salomone  ;  nunc  Gazara  villa  dicitur  in  quarto  milliario  Nicopoleos  contra 
septentrionem.  Verumtamen  sciendum,  quod  alienigenas  ex  ea  Ephraim  non 
potuit  expellere.J 

This  is  categorical  enough.  As  the  position  of  Nicopolis  Emmaus,  now 
'Amwas,  is  perfectly  well  known  on  the  one  hand,  and  on  the  other  the  village 
of  Gazara,  is  placed  by  the  Onomasticon  at  four  miles  north  of  Nicopolis,  it 
seems  that  nothing  could  be  easier  than  to  discover,  at  its  site,  the  village 
which  to  Eusebius  and  St.  Jerome  represented  the  ancient  Gezer.  The 
unfortunate  part  of  it  is  that  there  is  nothing  on  the  spot  corresponding  to  the 
data.  After  having  long  exhausted  themselves  in  attempts  at  verification, 
commentators  and  topographers  had  ended  by  regarding  the  problem  as 
insoluble,  or  by  proposing  inadmissible  solutions,  which  I  will  not  stop  to 
discuss,  such  as  identifying  Gezer  with  Yazur,  to  the  east  of  Jaffa,  making 
the  old  Canaanitish  Gezer  and  the  Hasmonaean  Gazara  into  two  different 
towns  (Yazur  and  Katra),  assimilating  Gezer  with  Geshur  in  the  tribe  of 
Manasseh,  and  so  on. 

It  was,  however,  the  more  difficult  to  call  in  question  the  authority  of  the 
Onomasticon,  as  the  Gazara  mentioned    in  it   seems   to    have  prolonged  its 

*  Of  more  or  less  celebrated  persons  who  came  from  Gadara. 

t  We  have  already  seen  that  even  Josephus  himself  sometimes  gives  Gezer  the  name  of 
Gadara,  for  Gazara. 

X  Cf.  S.V.,  Tt'^ijpa,  Gazcra,  with  a  cross-reference  to  the  article  Te^t'/j  (sic)  and  Gazera,,  Gazara. 

Gezer.  251 

existence  well  into  the  Byzantine  period,  under  the  name  of  Gadara,  the  seat 
of  a  bishopric  in  the  province  of  Palsestina  P.* 

It  is  as  well  to  note  this  point  in  passing,  as  it  suffices  to  explain  the 
existence  at  Tell  el  Jezer  "of  an  early  Christian  or  Byzantine  work,"  which 
some  have  thought  to  detect  there  by  certain  archaeological  indications,  and 
which  has  been  most  wrongly  adduced  as  an  argument  against  the  great 
antiquity  which  I  had  assigned  to  the  site.t 

XI. — Gezer  in  Arab  tradition. 

Such  was  the  condition  of  the  problem  up  to  1871,  when  I  was  led  to 
propose  a  solution,  which  I  have  every  reason  to  believe  a  permanent  one, 
by  introducing  into  it  a  new  factor,  and  I  may  say  an  unexpected  one,  since  I 
borrowed  it  from  a  quite  different  and  much  more  recent  source,  which  no  one 
had  thought  of  using.  This  solution  is  based  on  a  datum  absolutely 
independent  of  all  those  we  have  discussed.  These  latter,  in  spite  of  their 
value  and  all  the  efforts  made  to  utilize  them,  were  insufficient  by  themselves 
to  lead  to  it.  It  had  the  advantage  of  satisfying  every  term  in  the  problem, 
without  exception,  and  was  destined  moreover  to  receive  a  few  years  later  a 
brilliant  confirmation,  in  the  discovery,  on  the  very  spot  I  had  pointed  out, 
of  inscriptions  containing  at  full  length  the  Hebrew  name  of  the  much- 
sought-for  city ! 

While  reading  in  1869  for  the  first  time  the  Arabic  chronicle  of  Mujir  ed 
Din,  often  .so  dry  and  tiresome,  I  lit  upon  a  pas.sage  which  was  to  me  as  a  ray 
of  light.  It  occurs  at  p.  702  of  the  Arabic  text  printed  at  Bulak.  Mujir  ed 
Din  there  narrates  to  us  in  very  great  detail  an  incident  of  quite  second-rate 
interest  by  itself,  which  took  place  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Ramleh  on  the 
1 2th  of  March;  1495.  The  author,  then  a  cadi  at  Jerusalem,  had  been  well- 
nigh  an  eye-witness  of  the  occurrence. 

He  is  speaking  of  the  bloody  encounter  between  the  emir  Janbulat, 
Governor  of  Jerusalem,  and  his  lieutenant  at  Ramleh, "on  the  one  hand,  and  on 
the  other  a  troop  of  Bedouin  who  had  come  to  make  a  razzia  on  the  territory 
of  Ramleh,  at  the  secret   instigation  of  the  Governor  of  Gaza,   who   had  a 

*  This  fact  has  been  long  admitted,  but  has  been  recently  disputed  by  Herr  Schlatter,  who, 
repeating  the  error  of  Strabo,  thinks  that  the  place  in  question  is  the  Gadara  beyond  Jordan  in 
Palrestina  IP.  However,  Herr  Gelzer  seems  to  me  to  have  met  his  objections  conclusively. 
(See  Zeitschrift  des  dcutschen  Falceslina-Vereins,  1894,  p.  36,  eU.  Cf.  Georgii  Cyprii  descriptio 
orbis  Ro7nani,  pp.  52,  191.) 

t  Memoirs,  Vol.  H,  431,  432.     Cf.  pp.  433,  434,  436. 

2    K    2 

252  Archc^ological  Researches  in  Palestine. 

hostile  feeling  towards  his  colleague  at  Jerusalem.  The  territory  of  Ramleh 
was,  and  still  is  at  the  present  day,  separated  from  that  of  Gaza  by  the  course  of 
the  little  river  called  in  its  lower  waters  Nahr  Rubin,  and  in  its  higher  course, 
Wady  Katra  and  Wad  es  Serar.  The  Kashef  or  under-Governor  of  Ramleh, 
at  the  command  of  his  superior,  the  Governor  of  Jerusalem,  who  had  gone 
in  person  to  Ramleh,  leaves  the  latter  town  to  make  a  tour  in  the  district  and 
stop  the  depredations  of  the  Bedouin  who  were  marauding  there.  He 
advances  in  a  southerly  direction  from  Ramleh  towards  the  village  of 
Ni'aneh,  which  exists  under  the  same  name  at  the  present  day.  He  reaches 
the  southern  frontier  of  the  district  and  meets  a  party  of  Bedouin,  whom  he 
chases  as  far  as  the  territory  of  'Amuria,  a  village  now  in  ruins  and  equally 
well  known,  belonging  to  the  territory  of  Gaza,  to  the  south  of  the  Wad  es 
Serar.  Here  the  Bedouin  face  about,  resume  the  offensive,  and  in  their  turn 
pursue  the  Kashef,  who  falls  back  In  the  direction  of  the  village  of  Khulda  and 
the  village  of  Tell  el  Jezer  ( ,-^1  Jj-  ajy),  both  belonging— the  writer  expressly 
mentions — to  the  territory  of  Ramleh. 

The  Kashef,  seeing  that  he  is  at  a  disadvantage,  entrenches  himself  in 
a  borj,  a  little  fort,  then  existing  at  Khulda,  and  here  an  obstinate  struggle 
takes  place  between  his  men  and  the  Bedouin.  The  latter  get  the  upper 
hand.  Meanwhile  the  Governor  of  Jerusalem,  who  had  left  Ramleh  a  litde 
while  after  his  subordinate  to  execute,  on  his  own  part,  a  reconnaissance, 
having  arrived  at  the  village  of  Tell  el  Jezer,  hears  in  that  place  the  cries  of 
the  combatants  hotly  engaged  in  mortal  conflict  at  Khulda.  He  hastens  to  the 
rescue,  guided  by  the  cries  (ej^l  ^^j)  to  bring  off  his  men,  but  is  himself  beaten 
and  his  small  escort  slaughtered,  and  hardly  manages  to  escape  with  his  own  life. 

The  latter  phase  of  the  affair  must  have  taken  place  between  Khulda  and 
the  village  of  Tell  el  Jezer,  and  quite  close  to  the  latter,  for  Mujir  ed  Din 
adds  that  the  authorities  commfssioned  later  on  to  make  an  inquiry  into  the 
affray,  and  to  fix  responsibility  in  the  proper  quarters,*  proceeded  first  of  all 
to  Tell  el  Jezer,  and  noted  that  several  of  the  men  who  had  been  massacred, 
some  ten  in  number,  were  lying  on  the  territory  of  the  village  (l^^^b). 

All  the  place-names  that  appear  in  this  recital  are  still  in  existence  in  the 
locality,  and  were  marked  on  Van  de  Velde's  map,  the  only  authoritative  one 
then  existing,  except  the  name  of  the  village  of  Tell  el  Jezer,  the  only  one  which 
was  missing.     I   had  been  greatly  struck  by  the  perfect  similarity  which  this 

In  this  inquiry  Mujir  ed  Din  took  a  personal  part  in  his  capacity  of  cadi. 

Gezer.  253 

name  presents  to  that  of  the  undiscoverable  Gezer,  and  immediately  proceeded 
to  argue  an  actual  identity  from  the  onomastic  identity,  and  though  as  yet 
unable  to  fix  definitely  the  position  of  the  place,  I  noted  that  the  district  re- 
ferred to  by  Mujir  ed  Din  would  agree  marvellously  well  with  what  we  know 
from  ancient  geography  of  the  site  of  Gezer.  What  had  to  be  done  was  to  dis- 
cover the  position  of  this  village,  which,  though  not  marked  on  the  maps,  was 
still  in  existence  nearly  four  centuries  ago  under  a  name  that  was  a  revelation. 

The  statement  of  Mujir  ed  Din  was  explicit,  and  was  moreover  confirmed 
by  the  testimony  of  various  other  Arab  authors,  as  I  subsequently  ascertained. 
Thus  the  secretary  of  Saladin,  'Emad  ed-din,*  tells  us  that  the  Mussulmans, 
who  occupied  Jerusalem  and  the  mountain  of  Juda;a,  and  were  in  almost 
exactly  the  same  situation  as  the  Jews  with  regard  to  the  Greco-Syrians 
commanded  by  Kendebseos,  directed  three  cavalry  raids  against  Richard  Coeur 
de  Lion  who  was  quartered  at  Ascalon.  In  order  to  surprise  the  Franks 
at  Yebna  early  in  the  morning,  they  went  to  Tell  el  Jezzr  to  pass  the  night. 

The  historian  Beha  ed  din,t  also  in  Saladin's  service,  relates  that  in 
November,  1191,  negotiations  were  begun  (destined  never  to  come  to  fruit) 
between  Richard  and  Saladin,  who  was  then  encamped  at  Tell  el  Jezcr. 

A  third  Arab  testimony  is  that  of  the  celebrated  geographer  Yak<at,;j; 
who  puts  down  Tell  el Jezer  as  "a  strong  place  in  the  province  of  Filastin," 
that  is  to  say,  in  the  province  of  Ramleh.  As  his  custom  is,  he  is  careful  to 
vocalise  the  name  letter  by  letter,  which  is  a  guarantee  for  the  pronounciation 
Jazar  with  two  fat  has. 

Thus  there  is  no  doubt  as  to  the  existence  of  a  village  of  the  name  of 
Tell  el  Jezer  not  only  in  the  15th,  but  even  in  the  12th  century  of  our  era. 
It  remained  then  to  discover  it  in  its  place,  and  to  see  whether  it  really  was 
built  upon  an  ancient  site,  and  whether  this  site  answers  all  requirements. 

It  was  only  in  the  course  of  the  year  1871  that  it  was  possible  for  me  to 
proceed  with  this  verification  on  the  spot.  I  shall  relate  further  on  (see 
Appendix)  how  I  managed,  not  without  trouble,  to  satisfy  myself  that  Tell 

*  El-fath  el  Kossy,  MS.  in  the  Bibliotheque  Nationale,  No.  839,  ancien  fonds  arabe,  fol.  171. 
Cf.  Arabic  text,  edited  by  Landberg,  p.  419. 

t  Historieiis  Orientaux  des  Croisades,  III,  291-292.  Willten,  and  Stubbs,  the  editor  of  the 
Itinernrium  Ricardi,  led  astray  by  the  odd  transliteration  of  Schultens  {Te/al-Sjusur),  wrongly 
imagined  that  this  name  stood  for  the  Arabic       ..  „U  J.;    "  The  Hill  of  the  Bridge,"  as  Stubbs 

writes ;  the  text  has  ,  isJl  Jj'  letter  for  letter. 
X  Mdjem  e/-Bulddn,  ed.  Wiistenfeld,  s.v. 

2  54  Archceological  Researches  in  Palestine. 

el  Jezer,  which  had  hitherto  bafifled  all  the  commentators,  was  to  be  found  in 
the  well-known  village  of  Abu  Shusheh,  the  modern  name  masking  the 
ancient  one,  which  however  was  still  living  in  tradition.  I  noted  there  all  the 
signs  that  characterise  an  important  city  of  antiquity,  and,  referring  back  to  all 
the  texts  discussed  above,  I  convinced  myself  that  Tell  el  Jezer  satisfied  all 
the  conditions  contained  in  them. 

I  had  therefore  succeeded  in  discovering  the  real  site  of  ancient  Gezer, 
after  having,  if  I  may  say  so,  theoretically  fixed  it  beforehand.  On  returning 
to  Europe  in  1872,*  I  read  before  the  Academie  des  Inscriptions  a  paper 
entituled  "  Decouverte  de  la  ville  royale  chananeenne  de  Gezer,"  which  has 
not  yet  been  published.  In  it  I  set  forth  the  reasons  that  led  me  to  propose 
the  identification  of  Gezer  with  Tell  el  Jezer.  This  part  of  my  dissertation  I 
have  given  in  substance  in  the  preceding  pages,  the  other  part,  relating  to  the 
material  operations  of  the  discovery,  is  given  in  abbreviated  form  in  the 

I  had  no  suspicion  then  that  two  years  later  it  was  to  be  my  lot  to  find  at 
Tell  el  Jezer  itself  epigraphical  proof  establishing  my  thesis  beyond  the 
possibility  of  question. 

It  still  remains  in  my  mind  how  when  I  had  finished  reading  my  paper, 
the  President  of  the  Academie,  the  lamented  M.  Miller,  thought  it  incumbent 
on  him  to  make  some  reservations  in  speaking  of  my  conclusions,  which 
appeared  to  him  somewhat  daring,  saying  it  was  to  be  regretted  that  I  could 
not  bring  forward  some  inscription  in  support  of  my  views,  which  could  only 
be  regarded,  it  seemed  to  him,  as  mere  conjecture,  in  the  absence  of  further 

This  was  perhaps  a  little  too  exacting,  for  at  this  rate  which  of  all 
the  topographical  identifications  in  Palestine,  though  seeming  most  solidly 
established,  could  stand  before  this  excessive  scepticism  ?  We  have  seen 
however  that  it  was  not  long  before  this  desideratum  was  supplied  in  a  way 
that  could  not  have  been  hoped  for,  proving  me  in  the  right  all  along  the  line, 
and  also,  most  valuable  of  all  in  my  eyes,  justifying  in  a  striking  fashion  the 

*  I  cannot  avoid  remarking,  by  the  way,  were  it  only  to  anticipate  those  claims  of  prior 
discovery  which  are  always  possible,  that  the  late  lamented  Tyrwhitt  Drake  proposed  to  identity 
Gezer  with  "Tell  Jezar"  in  the  Quarterly  Statement  of  1872,  p.  40.  He  only  omits  to  mention 
one  thing,  that  this  identification  had  been  suggested  to  him  by  me,  together  with  all  the  proofs 
in  support  of  it,  a  year  before,  in  the  presence  of  poor  Palmer  and  the  late  Sir  Richard  Burton. 
The  Memoirs  do  not  mention  Drake's  report,  but  on  the  other  hand  they  ascribe  to  me  (p.  439 
at  the  bottom)  the  paternity  of  a  short  notice  which  really  belongs  to  him. 



very  method  of  critical  induction  employed  by  me,  the  same  as  produced  such 
grand  results  in  the  hands  of  Robinson  and  his  successors.  We  are  henceforth 
warranted  in  applying  this  method  with  greater  confidence  than  ever,  for  we 
see  that  it  is  capable  of  leading  us,  upon  occasion,  to  results  of  absolute 

XII. — Tell  el  Jezer  and  the  Gazara  of  the  Onomasticon. 
The  Mount  Gisart  of  the  Crusaders. 

It  would  be  easy,  but  too  long,  to  show,  by  taking  one  by  one  the  series 
of  texts  above  quoted,  that  Tell  el  Jezer  answers  to  all,  absolutely  all,  of  the 
data  contained  in  them.  I  wish  in  this  place  only  to  touch  on  one  essential 
point,  which  at  the  same  time  raises  a  general  question  that  has  an  important 
bearing  on  our  knowledge  of  the  geography  of  Palestine,  I  mean  the  identity 
between  Tell  el  Jezer  and  the  Gazara  of  the  Onomasticon. 

The  Onomasticon,  as  we  have  seen,  places  Gadara  at  four  miles  north  of 
Nicopolis-Emmaus,  at  any  rate  this  was  the  meaning  that  had  always  been 
attached  to  the  Greek  expression  eV  /Sopetoi?,  which  St.  Jerome  renders  contra 
septentrionein.  Now  though  Tell  el  Jezer  is  obviously  situated  at  the  requisite 
distance  from  'Amwas,*  the  ancient  Emmaus-Nicopolis,  with  all  the  good  will 
in  the  world,  one  cannot  say  that  it  is  to  the  north  of  that  town.  In  reality  it 
is  at  most  north-west  of  it,  a  difference  of  45°,  which  is  a  good  deal.  At  the 
distance  of  four  Roman  miles  to  the  north  of  'Amwas  we  find  merely  an 
unimportant  place,  Khirbet  Rueisun,  which  cannot  in  any  respect  represent 
the  Gazara  of  the  Onomasticon,  still  less  the  Gezer  of  the  Bible.  How  is  one 
to  explain  this  serious  anomaly  which  seems  either  to  set  aside  my  identification, 
or  else  to  impute  a  gross  mistake  to  the  Onomasticon? 

All  we  have  to  do  is  to  attend  more  carefully  than  is  generally  done  to 
this  expression  eV  jSope.ioi<; ;  literally  translated  it  means  not  to  the  north  but 
rather  in  the  norths.  From  this  starting  point  I  arrived  at  the  following 
most  interesting  general  result,  that  in  his  orientations  Eusebius  constantly 
uses  the  plural  form,  the  norths,  the  souths,  the  easts,  the  wests,  when  he 
wishes  to  imply  a  quarter  intermediate  between  the  four  cardinal  points, 
corresponding  to  our  north-west,   north-east,    south-east,   and  south-west.      I 

*  I  will  remark  eti  passant  that  Tell  el  Jezer  is  directly  united  with  'Amwas  by  an  ancient 
road,  still  marked  out  by  large  blocks,  among  which  a  diligent  search  might  perhaps  reveal  one  of 
the  milestones  which  served  as  guiding  marks  to  Eusebius  and  St.  Jerome. 

256  Archcvological  Researches  in  Palestine. 

have  picked  out  in  tlic  Onoinasiicoii  numerous  instances  of  this  hitherto 
unnoticed  fact.  I  am  keeping  this  question  to  treat  thoroughly  at  some 
future  date,  when  I  mean  to  construct  a  very  curious  compass-card  for  the 
Oiioiiias/icoii,  in  which  each  expression,  in  the  singuk^r  or  pkiral,  combined 
with  a  judicious  use  of  the  prepositions  with  dehcatcly  varying  meanings, 
77/309,  a.7ro,  Kara,  /xera^u,  etc.,  corresponds  to  a  fi.xed  point  on  the  horizon. 
This  will  clear  away  man)-  so  called  inaccuracies  and  even  errors  in  orientation 
of  which  the  Onomasticoii  has  been  groundlessly  accused,  and  the  geographical 
data  which  modern  exegesis  borrows  from  that  work  at  every  turn,  will  gain  in 
precision  to  a  remarkable  extent. 

To  confine  myself  to  the  present  instance,  I  have  no  doubt  that  we  should 
render  eV  /8o/oetoi?,  "  in  the  norths,"  by  "  to  the  north-west,"  and  so  become 
perfectly  accurate.  If  Eusebius  had  meant  "  to  the  north,"  he  would  not 
have  employed  the  plural,  but  the  singular.  Here  is  one  case  out  of  a  score. 
The  Onoviasticoii  places  Nazareth  1 5  Roman  miles  in  the  easts,  tt/sos  avaToXd^, 
from  Legio  (Lajjun).  It  would  make  absolute  nonsense  to  translate  to  the 
east,  Eusebius  would  in  that  case  have  used  the  singular.  He  means  to  the 
north-east,  which  is  exactly  right. 

Thus  the  last  doubt  that  might  have  lingered  on  this  head  disappears. 
Tell  el  Jezer,  by  its  name  as  well  as  by  its  distance  from  and  position  with 
regard  to  'AmwSs,  undoubtedly  stands  for  the  Gazara  of  the  Onoviasticon. 

But  is  this  Gazara  really  identical  with  the  Gazara  of  the  Hasmona;an 
period,  and  consequently  with  the  Gazara  of  the  ages  preceding?  Here 
aijain  was  crround  for  hesitation.  Too  often  the  authors  of  the  Ononiasticon 
proceed  in  their  geographical  exegesis  by  way  of  guesses,  sometimes  very 
risky  guesses  too,  just  like  certain  modern  scholars,  allowing  themselves  to  be 
led  astray  by  superficial  likenesses  in  names.  Such  might  be  the  case  here, 
and  the  objection  might  rightly  be  made,  and  was  made,  to  my  theory  that 
if  I  had  discovered  at  Tell  el  Jezer  the  village  of  Gazara,  in  which  the 
Onoviasticon  rightly  or  wrongly  saw  the  Gezer  of  the  Bible,  there  was  nothing 
to  show  that  the  latter  view  was  correct.  The  appearance  of  our  inscriptions 
is  a  victorious  answer  to  this  objection  ;  whatever  their  date  may  be,  they  are, 
as  we  shall  see,  certainly  earlier,  and  that  by  a  long  way,  than  the  date  when 
Eusebius  compiled  his  Onomasticon,  and  they  prove  consequently  that  we  are 
really  on  the  site  of  the  Hasmoncean  Gezer,  which,  on  the  other  hand,  cannot 
be  distinct  from  the  Gezer  of  earlier  times.  Thus  we  have  an  uninterrupted 
chain  of  evidence  uniting  through  the  ages,  in  time  as  well  as  in  space,  the 
Canaanitish  Gezer  with  the  modern  Tell  el  Jezer. 



There  was  only  wanting  in  this  chain  a  single  link,  the  media;val  link, 
that  is  to  say  a  document  bearing  witness  to  the  existence  of  Gezer  under 
the  sway  of  the  Crusaders.  This  connecting  link  I  have  since  managed  to 
discover  as  I  did  the  others,  by  demonstrating,  in  a  special  memoir,*  to  which 
I  can  only  refer  the  reader,  that  Tell  el  Jezer  was  known  to  the  Crusaders, 
under  a  name  preserved  as  faithfully  as  possible,  as  Mount  Gisart,  a  castle 
and  fieft  of  the  county  of  Japhe,  which  no  one  had  yet  been  able  to  identify. 
In  this  memoir  I  prove,  among  other  things,  by  a  reasoned  comparison  of 
mediaeval  and  Arab  chronicles,  that  the  famous  battle  of  Mount  Gisart,  where 
Saladin  was  routed  by  Baldwin  IV  the  Leper,  in  11 77,  was  fought  at  Tell 
el  Jezer,  and  that  in  commemoration  of  this  glorious  feat  of  arms,  which  took 
place  on  November  25,  the  feast  of  St.  Catharine,  a  priory  of  St.  Catharine  of 
Mount  Gisart,  in  the  jurisdiction  of  the  bishopric  of  Lydda,  was  founded  on 
Tell  el  Jezer.  It  may  therefore  be  expected,  when  it  is  decided  to  make 
excavations  at  Tell  el  Jezer,  that  traces  of  occupation  by  the  Crusaders  will 
be  found  in  the  surface  strata.  It  is  very  likely  to  the  battle  of  Mount  Gisart 
that  we  should  refer  the  origin  of  the  numerous  skeletons  discovered  at  the 
south-western  extremity  of  Tell  el  Jezer,  mentioned  in  the  Memoirs,  II, 
p.  436,  as  "apparently  buried  after  a  battle."  Local  tradition  itself  appears 
to  have  retained  traces  of  this  memorable  event.  (See  the  legend  related 
above,  p.  236,  a propos  of  MCisa  Tali'a.) 

XIII.— Explanation  of  the  Inscriptions,  and  Commentary. 

I  now  arrive  at  the  explanation  of  the  inscriptions  given  already  in 
fac-simile.  They  raise  various  questions  of  the  highest  interest.  They  may 
be  divided  into  two  groups:  (i)  the  three  bilingual  ones.  A,  B,  D,  which  I 
discovered  in  succession,  and  which  being  identical  in  tenour  evidently  form 
part  of  one  and  the  same  group  ;  (2)  the  small  solitary  inscription  C. 

Inscription  C. — I  will  devote  myself  first  of  all  to  the  latter,  which  is  the 
only  one  at  all  doubtful  in  its  interpretation.  It  is  complete,  though  very 
short,  and  is  simply  composed  of  four  large  letters,  which  certain  people  have 
wanted  to  make  out  to  be  Cufic  characters  !|     This,  need  I  say  it  ? — is  a  mere 

*  Clcnnont-Ganncaii,  Recueil  d'Arckeologie  On'enlale,  I,  351-391  ;  cf.  p.  401  :  Monf  Gisart 
et  Tell  d-Djezer. 

t  In  documents  of  the  Crusades  we  find  mention  of  several  lords  of  Mount  Gisart. 
X  Cf.  Memoirs,  II,  p.  435.      Even  the  reading  ^,U^  ^  (!)  has  been  boldly  suggested. 

2    L 

258  Archcrological  Researches  in  Palestine. 

delusion.  Whoever  has  the  least  acquaintance  with  Semitic  palaeography  will 
have  no  hesitation  in  recognizing  them  as  square  Hebrew  characters,  of  the 
same  period  as  those  of  the  other  neighbouring  inscriptions.  As  for  the 
reading  and  explanation,  I  confess  they  present  genuine  difficulties.  There 
is  no  possible  doubt  as  to  the  second  and  fourth  characters,  which  are  certainly 
a  teth  and  an  aleph  respectively.  The  case  is  otherwise  with  the  first  and 
third  characters.  Is  the  former  a  nuii,  a  kaph,  or  a  bcth  ?  Is  the  latter  2iphe, 
a  beth.  or  a  mem  ?  I  give  below  a  table  of  the  different  readings  that  are 
paloeographically  possible,  without  venturing  as  yet  to  pronounce  a  decided 








According  to  the  value  assigned  to  these  letters,  they  lead  to  all  sorts  of 
combinations,  but  no  one  of  these  seems  to  me  very  satisfactory. 

i^2t}-  recalls  the  name  of  the  Bible  town  Netophah  ;  but  it  is  hard  to  see 
how  the  name  of  this  town  comes  to  be  here  at  the  gates  of  Gezer,  when,  if 
we  admit  the  conclusions  of  modern  criticism,  it  must  have  been  situated  in 
quite  another  part.  NCIO;;,  the  niphal  form  of  V^"^,  "to  be  impure,"  would 
suggest  some  ritual  direction  having  reference  to  the  sanctity  of  the  boundary 
of  Gezer,  if  that  boundary  is  of  religious  and  not  civil  origin,  as  for  instance 
the  indication  of  a  zone  beyond  which  the  presence  of  tombs  might  give  rise 
to  pollution.!  ^^^t}l,  "terebinth,"  would  suggest  the  name  oCAin  el-Botmeh, 
which  I  found  quite  close  to  the  town,  and  so  forth.  Moreover,  this  must 
not  be  lost  sight  of,  that  if  the  first  letter  is  a  beth,  it  may  perhaps  not  be  a 
radical,  but  the  preposition  2 . 

I  leave  to  more  skilful  hands  the  task  of  solvino;  this  riddle.  The 
answer  is  perhaps  quite  simple,  but  it  baffles  me.  All  one  can  say  is  that  if 
this  text  is,  as  it  appears,  contemporaneous  with  the  three  others,  it  does  not 

*  I  must  especially  remark  that  the  loop  forming  the  head  of  the  last  letter  but  one  in 
M.  Lecomte's  copy,  is  nothing  like  so  marked  in  the  original  (cf.  the  photographic  fac-simile  taken 
from  the  squeeze  and  given  above).     The  lower  stroke  of  this  loop  is  anything  but  certain. 

t  Cf.  all  the  minute  precautions  to  secure  purification  adopted  by  Simon  at  Gezer  after  the 
conquest  of  the  town,  in  view  of  its  being  a  hot-bed  of  idolatry.  See  also  a  curious  passage  in  the 
Talmud  (Tosiphta,  Ohol.  18)  relating  to  the  impurity  of  a  certain  zone  round  Ascalon,  where  the 
words  D'Dinn  and  D'XOD  are  actually  used. 

Gezer.  259 

form  part  of  the  same  series  of  the  boundary-marks  of  Gezer.  It  is 
noteworthy  also,  that  though  placed  between  two  of  the  large  inscriptions,  it  is 
not  quite  on  the  north-east  line  that  joins  them,  but  a  little  inside  that  line, 
to  the  west. 

The  three  other  inscriptions.  A,  B,  D,  are,  on  the  contrary,  certain  in 
reading  and  sense.  They  repeat  a  single  text,  and  illustrate  and  complete 
each  other.  They  only  differ  from  one  another  in  the  arrangement  of  the  two 
parts,  Greek  and  Hebrew,  of  which  they  are  composed.  Inscription  D  has 
suffered  greatly,  but  the  missing  characters  are  supplied  without  trouble  by 
comparison  with  A  and  B  : 

A.       'KkKloiy)       nu  onn 

B.  aoi>y\(y 

D.  AX/ciou 

["i]tM  »[n]n 

A,  B,  C:  "Of  Alkios"  {in  Greek).  "Boundary  of  Gezer"  (in  Hebrew). 
At  the  time  of  the  discovery  of  inscription  A,  I  had  been  supposing  that 
AAKIO  must  be  a  proper  name  of  a  man  in  the  genitive  case,  for  AAKIOY, 
and  that  the  stonemason  had  omitted  the  final  Y  either  by  inadvertence  or  for 
want  of  room.  This  supposition  was  fully  confirmed  by  the  subsequent 
discovery  of  B  and  D,  in  which  KKkIov  is  actually  written  at  full  length.  The 
omission  of  the  final  Y  in  inscription  A  tends  to  show  that  the  stonemason 
had  cut  the  Hebrew  inscription  first,  starting  from  right  to  left,  and  then 
the   Greek  inscription,  going  back  from  left  to  right. 

It  is  always  a  ticklish  matter,  and  sometimes  a  dangerous  one,  to  try  to 
date  an  inscription  from  palseographical  indications.  The  shapes  of  the  letters 
are  not  always  a  strict  guide  in  chronology.  However,  having  regard  only  to 
Greek  epigraphy,  and  setting  aside  the  historic  probabilities  that  I  shall  speak 
of  presently,  one  would  be  inclined  a  priori  to  admit  that  it  is  earlier  than  the 
Christian  era.  The  alpha,  it  will  be  noticed,  has  in  all  three  cases  its  cross-bar 
horizontal  (A)  and  not  broken  (a).  Now  on  the  stele  of  Herod's  temple, 
which  I  discovered  at  Jerusalem  in  1S71,  the  date  of  which  is  beyond  a  doubt, 
the  alphas  begin   to  have  the   broken   bar  (A).*     The   shape   of  the  kappa, 

*  The  paleography  of  the  stele  is  in  strict  accordance  with  that  of  the  coins  of  Herod  the 
Great,  especially  in  the  case  of  the  characteristic  letters  A,  E,  Z,  Xl. 

2    L    2 

26o  Arclueolog[ical  Researches  in  Palestine. 


though  less  decisive,  corresponds  fairly  well  with  this  diagnosis ;  the  two 
branches  have  the  acuteness  of  angle  and  the  shortness  that  characterise  the 
ancient  prototype  |< ;  whilst  on  the  temple  stele  this  letter  has  already 
assumed  the  more  modern  aspect,  K ,  with  the  branches  more  open  and 
prolonged  at  top  and  bottom  to  the  level  of  the  ends  of  the  upright  part. 

The  palaeography  of  the  Hebrew  part  is  not  at  variance  with  these 
conclusions.  As  we  know,  the  square  Hebrew  characters  which  came  into 
general  use  from  the  Christian  era  onwards,  were  certainly  in  use  before  that 
date,  and  must  date  as  far  back  as  the  Hasmonaean  period.  The  fact  that  the 
Hasmonsean  coins,  and  even  those  of  Barcocheba,  have  their  legends  written  in 
the  old  Phoenician  alphabet,  does  not  militate  against  this  universally  accepted 
theory  ;  it  was  from  a  deliberate  archaism,*  and  from  a  desire  to  assert  the 
reformed  nationality  of  Israel,  that  the  Hasmonsean  princes  and  those  who 
later  on  at  the  time  of  the  supreme  self-assertion  of  expiring  Judaism  resumed 
their  traditions,  used  for  the  legends  of  their  coins  the  ancient  script  of  Israel, 
whilst  for  the  daily  needs  of  life  this  script  had  been  replaced  by  the  square 
Aramaic  alphabet,  a  close  relation  of  that  of  the  Nabataeans  and  the 

What  was  the  period  when  this  change  was  effected  among  the  Jews 
from  one  alphabet  to  the  other  .''  In  my  opinion,  it  was  in  the  second  half 
of  the  2nd  century  before  Christ,  just  about  the  time  of  the  Hasmonaean 
ascendancy  ;  and  I  base  my  view  upon  historical  considerations  which  it  would 
take  too  long  to  consider.  It  is  difficult  to  assign  exact  dates  to  the  ancient 
Hebrew  inscriptions  in  square  characters,  now  so  numerous,  that  have  been 
discovered  in  the  immediate  neighbourhood  of  Jerusalem,  such  as  the  epitaph 
of  the  tomb  of  St.  James  and  others  like  it,  the  inscriptions  on  the  ossuaries, 
and  so  on.  All  that  can  be  said  is  that  they  border  closely  on  the  Christian 
era,  and  naturally  involve  the  existence  of  an  earlier  period  of  a  certain  length 
during  which  the  square  character  was  in  use.  I  shall  base  my  remarks  on 
two  documents,  which  enable  us,  I  think,  to  introduce  into  this  still  very 
obscure  question  of  chronology  two  precise  data,  furnishing  two  fixed  points, 
two  really  historical  points,  with  a  terminus  ad  queni  and  a  termimis  a  quo. 

The  first  is  the  Hebrew  inscription  on  the  sarcophagus  of  the  queen 
Saddan  or  Sadda,  discovered  in  the  Kubur  el  Muluk  by  M.  de  Saulcy.  I  have 
shown  elsewhere  by  a  series  of  proofs  that  the  unknown  queen  resting  in  this 

*   Cf.  the  use  of  the  Gothic  alphabet  for  the  legends  of  certain  English  coins  of  the  present 

Gi'zef.  261 

sarcophagus  is  none  other  than  the  very  queen  of  Adiabene,  the  celebrated 
Helen,  who  may  be  supposed  to  have  borne,  after  the  fashion  of  the  time,  the 
Semitic  name  of  Saddan  in  her  national  tongue,  simultaneously  with  her 
Hellenic  name  of  Helen.  Here  then  is  a  text  in  square  Hebrew  characters 
exactly  dated  by  the  death  of  Queen  Helen  of  Adiabene  and  her  burial 
in  the  mao'nificent  mausoleuni  that  she  had  had  constructed  at  the  g-ates  of 
Jerusalem  for  herself  and  her  family,  which  occurred  between  65  and  70  a.d. 

The  other  document,  on  the  contrary,  takes  us  back  to  a  period  when  the 
square  Hebrew  alphabet  had  not  yet  taken  a  definite  place,  but  was  already  in 
the  way  of  being  introduced  among  the  Jews.  This  is  the  famous  inscription 
carved  several  times  over  on  the  rock  at  A'rak  el  Emir,  which  has  given  rise 
to  so  much  palaeographical,  epigraphical,  and  historical  controversy.  Of  all 
the  readings  proposed,  only  one  is  possible,  namely,  rr^intD  "  Tobias."  This 
one  may  be  taken  to  be  certain.  The  character  is  still  akin  to  the  ancient 
type,  but  the  approach  of  the  square  character  already  makes  itself  felt. 

The  great  question  is  to  make  out  who  this  Tobias  is.  I  do  not  admit 
his  being,  as  various  scholars  have  proposed,  Tobias  the  Ammonite,  in  the 
book  of  Nehemiah.  The  date  (about  350  B.C.)  would  be  much  too  early  for 
the  palaeography  of  the  inscription  and  for  the  archaeology  of  the  monuments 
of  A'rak  el  Emir.  I  likewise  refuse  to  identify  the  person  with  that  Tobias, 
father  of  Joseph,  who  was  a  farmer  of  the  taxes  for  Ptolemy  V  Epiphanes 
about  187  B.C.,  and  was  the  grandfather  of  Hyrcanus,  that  is  to  say  of  the 
individual  to  whom,  according  to  Josephus,  we  are  to  ascribe  the  foundation  of 
the  citadel  called  by  him  Tyros,  and  to-day  by  the  Arabs  A'rak  el  Emir.  I 
have  arrived  at  the  conclusion  that  the  Tobias  whose  name  appears  cut  on  the 
rock  at  A'rak  el  Emir,  is  none  other  than  Hyrcanus  himself,  that  is  to  say  the 
actual  founder  of  this  most  remarkable  town. 

This  is  not  the  place  to  enter  on  a  regular  proof,  it  would  take  me  too 
much  out  of  my  way,  so  I  will  confine  myself  to  pointing  out  the  principal 
argument  on  which  I  rely. 

Hyrcanus  is  a  purely  Hellenic  name,  and  when  borne  by  a  Jewish 
personage  implies  the  existence  of  another  name,  a  national  Hebrew  one. 
This,  as  I  have  just  reminded  the  reader  in  the  case  of  Queen  Helen,  =  Saddan, 
was  a  common  practice  among  the  Hellenising  Semites,  who  assumed  or 
received  a  double  name.  Greek  and  Semitic  proofs  of  this  usage  are 
abundant  ;  to  go  no  further  than  the  name  of  Hyrcanus,  I  will  point  out,  for 
instance,  that,  later  on,  in  the  Hasmonaean  dynasty,  we  come  across  a  prince 
Ihrcanus,  who  at  the  same  time  bears  the  Jewish  name  oi John  {lojdvpri<;,  and 

262  Archceological  Researches  in  Palestine. 

on  his  coins  pnT^),  in  just  the  same  way  as  his  son  and  successor  will  bear  the 
double  name  (Hellenic  and  ]&v^h\\)  A/cxaiidcr  JaniKeus.'*  Thus  the  Hyrcanus 
who  founded  the  citadel  of  A'rak  el  Emir  might  have  borne,  nay  even  must 
have  borne,  a  Jewish  name  in  his  own  tongue.  Now  what  was  this  Jewish 
name  ?  I  do  not  hesitate  to  reply,  Tobias,  and  that  a  priori,  quite  apart  from 
the  existence  of  the  name  in  the  inscriptions  at  A'rak  el  Emir.  My  reason  is 
this  :  Our  Hyrcanus,  son  of  Joseph,  was  -a.  grandson  of  Tobias,  and  we  know 
how  often  the  name  of  the  grandfather  was  transmitted  to  the  grandson  by 
onomastic  atavism.  This  of  itself  is  a  strong  presumption  in  favour  of  my 
thesis.  But  here  is  something  else  that  appears  to  me  still  more  convincing 
than  this  simple  induction,  which  might  perhaps  be  considered  rash. 

Josephus  tells  us  that  Hyrcanus,  being  brought  to  bay  in  his  citadel  of 
A'rak  el  Emir,  ended  by  committing  suicide  (about  175  B.C.),  and  that  King 
Antiochus  (IV  Epiphanes)  took  possession  of  all  the  goods  that  had  belonged 
to  him  {Ani.  Jtid.,  xii,  4,  11).  I  am  persuaded  that  we  ought  to  identify  this 
latter  incident  with  what  is  told  us  in  2  Mace,  iii,  1 1.  The  Seleucid  General 
Apollonius  sends  Heliodorus  to  Jerusalem  to  call  upon  the  high-priest  Onias, 
in  the  name  of  Antiochus,  to  give  up  a  considerable  quantity  of  public  treasure, 
of  the  existence  of  which  he  had  been  informed  by  a  traitor.  Onias  in  vain 
objects,  saying  that  the  treasure  contains  the  savings  of  widows  and  orphans, 
and  also  "property  belonging  to  a  certain  person  of  great  consideration" 
((r(f>6Spa  dvSpos  ?f  vnepoxfj  Ki.ip.ivov)  called  Hyrcanus  son  of  Tobias.  This  at 
any  rate  is  the  meaning  hitherto  attached  to  the  expression  'TpKavov  tov 
TwJBlov  :  "  Hyrcanus  (son)  of  Tobias,"  taking  the  second  name  to  be  a 
patronymic,  with  vlov  understood,  according  to  the  usage  of  the  Greek 
language.  It  is  true  that  'TpK-avo?  6  TwySiou,  or  rather  'TpKuvos  TwySiov,  in 
the  nominative,  would  mean  "  Hyrcanus,  son  of  Tobias  ;"  but  when  in  this 
expression  the  name  is  in  the  genitive,  there  is  ambiguity,  and  the  phrase 
may  also  be  equivalent  to  'TpKavov  tov  koI  Tco^lov,"  of  Hyrcanus  zolio  is  also 
called  Tobias.t     The  latter  meaning  is  the  one  that  the  Latin  version  has 

*  It  is  very  probable,  in  my  opinion,  that  the  homonymous  Hyrcani,  for  instance  Hyrcanus 
II,  son  and  successor  of  Alexander  Jannfeus,  Hyrcanus,  the  nephew  of  Herod  Agrippa,  and 
Hyrcanus,  son  of  the  historian  Flavins  Josephus,  also  bore  a  national  Jewish  name  independently 
of  the  Hellenic  one. 

t  We  should  then  have  in  the  nominative  'YpKut'o^;  i  Tu-'/i/o?  and  not  o  Twih'ov.  It  is  in  this 
way  that  the  accusative  'laweav  tov  'AXe^ai/qioi',  which  is  found  in  Josephus,  presumes  the 
genitive,  'lavi/ea  rSv  'AXe^ducpov.  Now  it  would  be  absolute  nonsense  to  translate  the  latter 
expression  by,  of  Jannes  son  of  Alexander,  since  we  know  perfectly  well  that  the  person  was  called 
Alexandcr-Janiies,  and  was  the  son  of  J  ohn  Hyrcanus. 

Gezer.  263 

taken,  for  Hyrkani  Tobies  can  only  mean  in  Latin,  "  of  Hyrcamis-Tobias"  not 
"of  Hyrcanus,  son  of  Tobias."  This  is  how  I  understand  the  expression 
myself,  and  I  draw  from  this  series  of  comparisons  the  following  formal 
conclusions:  (i)  that  the  Hyrcanus-Tobias  of  the  Book  of  Maccabees,  the 
important  personage  whose  property  Antiochus  confiscated,  is  identical  with  the 
Hyrcanus  of  Fl.  Josephus,  whose  property  meets  with  a  similar  fate  ;  (2)  that  it 
was  this  Hyrcanus-Tobias  who  cut  ^xx"?,  Jeivish  name  Tobias  twice  over  in  monu- 
mental characters  at  AVak  el  Emir.  Consequently  the  disputed  inscription, 
thanks  to  this  historical  identification,  can  be  exactly  dated,  as  our  Hyrcanus 
died  in  176-175  B.C.,  and  occupied  his  residence  beyond  Jordan  during  seven 
consecutive  years,  as  we  are  informed  by  Josephus,  until  the  end  of  the 
reign  of  Seleucus  IV  Philopator,  the  predecessor  of  Antiochus  Epiphanes.'" 

I  apologize  for  this  digression,  a  somewhat  long  one  perhaps,  though  I 
have  attempted  to  compress  into  it  a  reasoning  which  really  demands  fuller 
treatment.  It  was  however  necessary,  in  order  to  ensure  a  firm  basis  for  a 
fact  of  some  importance  for  us,  namely,  that  the  use  of  the  square  alphabet 
must  have  been  introduced  among  the  Jews  subsequent  to  the  year  175  b.c, 
and  only  have  been  generally  adopted  under  the  Hasmonsean  dynasty,  which 
hardly  came  into  official  existence  before  143  B.C.,  the  date  when  the  new 
Israel  acquired  its  independence.  Consequently  our  Gezer  inscriptions  cannot 
in  any  case  date  farther  back  than  this,  while  on  the  other  hand  Greek 
palaeography  binds  us  not  to  overstep  the  boundary  of  the  Christian  era. 
There  is  still  a  margin,  it  will  be  seen. 

The  defective  spelling  of  the  word  QPID,  for  Dinn,  "boundary;"  the 
appearance  of  the  O,  which  in  this  word  does  not  yet  assume  the  final  form  it 
will  take  in  the  classic  alphabet ;  the  structure  of  the  component  parts  of  the 

*  It  would  in  no  way  surprise  me — but  I  can  only  put  forward  the  notion  here  in  brief^if 
our  Hyrcanus,  otherwise  called  Hyrcanus-Tobias,  was  really  a  descendant  of  the  famous  Tobias 
the  Ammonite  of  the  book  of  Nehemiah.  According  to  Josephus  the  f;imily  of  Hyrcanus  was 
known  at  Jerusalem  under  the  popular  name  of  "  Children  of  Tobias  "  (<«'  'Xioftlov  Truile<i  or 
vcoi'=  nUID  ''22  Bene-Tobiyah).  This  generic  appellation  perhaps  did  not  refer,  as  is  supposed, 
to  Tobias  the  grandfather  of  Hyrcanus,  a  person  who  appears  to  have  played  only  an  obscure 
part,  but  rather  to  a  more  distant  and  more  illustrious  ancestor,  the  Tobias  of  Ammonite  origin 
who  had  played  a  conspicuous  part  in  the  history  of  Jerusalem  on  the  return  from  the  Captivity, 
and,  to  the  great  indignation  of  the  orthodox  party,  had  made  himself  a  high  position  in  the 
Jewish  nation  by  exalted  alliances.  We  could  also  much  more  easily  explain  why  our  Hyrcanus- 
Tobias,  when  driven  from  Jerusalem  by  the  enmity  of  his  brothers,  went  and  established  himself 
in  the  very  heart  of  the  Ammonites,  if,  by  so  doing,  he  was  only  returning  to  the  land  of  his 
origin,  where  his  family  still  perhaps  had  powerful  connections. 

264  Archceological  Researches  in  Palestine. 

ri,  the  n,  the  3,  perhaps  also  the  t  (hi  inscription  A  at  least),  are  all  indications 
of  comparative  archaism,  agreeing  with  the  probable  age  of  the  Greek 
characters.  I  think  then  that  we  shall  not  be  far  wrong  in  placing  our 
inscriptions  at  or  near  the  first  century  of  our  era,  and  rather  before  than  after. 
We  shall  see  if  it  is  possible  to  reduce  the  problem  within  straiter  limits. 

No  doubt  can  remain  as  to  the  reading  and  sense  of  the  three  inscriptions 
A,  B,  D,  despite  the  reservations  made  with  singular  persistency  in  the 
Memoirs*  I  have  already  anticipated  certain  objections  more  or  less  clearly 
enunciated  there,  but  which  have  an  evident  tendency  to  lessen  in  the  reader's 
eyes  the  importance  of  the  conclusions  that  I  drew  at  the  first  from  these 
invaluable  documents ;  these  conclusions  I  still  maintain,  and  it  now  remains 
for  me  to  justify  them. 

With  regard  to  the  actual  name  of  Gezer,  which  is  repeated  three  times, 
there  is  nothing  to  be  said  :  it  is  written  "lU  quite  clearly,  just  as  in  the 
Biblical  texts. 

The  word  Orfri,  a  defective,  and  even  on  that  account  ancient  spelling  of 
mnn,  "boundary,"  does  not  belong  to  Biblical  Hebrew,  but  is  extremely 
common  in  the  Hebrew  of  the  Talmud  under  the  forms  mnn  and  NQinp, 
"boundary,  limit,  frontier."  It  likewise  exists  in  Syriac  {teJuimo).  It  is  one 
of  those  many  words  of  Aramaic  origin  that  must  have  got  into  the  language 
of  the  Jews  at  an  early  period,  since  the  latter  had  come  to  speak  an  Aramaic 
or  a  strongly  Aramaised  dialect  by  the  time  of  the  Hasmoneeans,  perhaps 
before  it.  In  fact  these  profound  changes  in  their  language  and  their  writing 
in  the  same  direction  were  of  simultaneous  occurrence.  At  the  same  time  that 
they  began  to  speak  Aramaic,  they  adopted  the  square  character,  in  the  form 
in  which  we  see  it  in  our  inscriptions,  that  is  to  say,  a  type  of  alphabet  allied  to 
those  in  use  around  them  among  the  Aramaic  peoples.  There  is  a  synchronism, 
so  to  speak,  in  our  inscriptions  between  the  appearances  of  the  Aramaic  word 
nnn  and  the  use  of  the  square  characters.  The  Judaeo-Aramaic  language  of 
the  Targums  even  admits  verbs  closely  related  to  this  word  :  Dnri,,  a  piel, 
"  to  bound,  to  trace  a  limit,"  and  ''^T\'r\-,  a. paei,  with  the  same  meanings. 

The  word  ann  is  also  used  in  the  plural,  D"<Qinn.,  ;  for  instance,  to  signify 
"  the  boundaries  of  Ascalon  "  {Tosiphla,  Oholoth,  18).      It  even  appears  that 

•  Memoirs,  II,  pp.  435,  436  :  "  The  first  word  is  supposed  to  be  an  abbreviated  form  of  the 
later  Hebrew  form  for  oinn,  "boundar)-."  .  .  .  The  letter  d  .  .  .  would  have  a  medial,  not  a  final 
form,  if  so  read  .  .  .  The  characters,  if  really  Hebrew,  approach  most  closely  to  the  later  square 
Hebrew  forms,  and  not  to  the  earlier  character  of  the  coins,  etc.,  etc." 

Gezer.  265 

it  finally  passed  into  the  general  meaning  of  "  territory  ;"  thus  we  find  the 
expression  n"'-)^  Qinn.  "the  territory  of  Ariah"  {Tosip/ila,  Kilaim  i.),  exactly 
similar  to  our  "IW  Dnn,  "  boundary  "  or  "territory"  of  Gezer.  The  word  must 
have  been  in  common  use  in  Syria,  and  consequently  in  Palestine  too,  which 
explained  why  the  Arabs  adopted  it  when  they  conquered  those  countries.  For 
it  is  clearly  evident  that  the  Arabic  ^^o',  *oiv',  JLt^',  taklun,  tokhiit,  takhfmia, 
as  well  as  the  factitious  plural  ^^-  tokhuni  (identical,  letter  for  letter,  with  the 
Aramaic  mnn),  are  simply  its  immediate  derivatives.  These  Arabic  words 
signify  in  their  special  sense,  "boundary  part  or  border  between  two  fields," 
and  in  their  more  general  sense,  "boundary,  frontier."  For  instance,  men  said 
^UJjJl  >^.^''>  "the  frontier  of  Balka,"  Aj:^\  *^ ,  "the  frontier  of  Damascus,  or 
of  Syria,"  c/r.  .  .  .*  The  word  has  likewise  furnished  verbal  derivatives  in 
Arabic  as  in  Aramaic  :  ^^^  "to  establish  a  boundary,"  and  ^r^b',  "to  be 
bordering,  contiguous." 

In  the  Talmud  the  word  Qinn  very  often  denotes  a  boundary  of  a  very 
particular  kind.  I  shall  recur  to  this  shortly,  when  I  discuss  the  origin  and 
intention  of  this  boundary  of  Gezer. 

Whatever  this  origin  and  this  intention  were,  it  is  clear  that  the  appearance 
of  the  male  proper  name  Alkios,  written  in  Greek,  by  the  side  of  the  Hebrew 
text  in  each  of  our  inscriptions,  admits  of  but  one  explanation.  This  name 
can  onty  be  that  of  some  personage  playing  an  essential  part  in  the  fixing  of 
the  boundary  :  either  a  magistrate  who  presided  over  it  ex  officio,  or  some  great 
person  for  whose  benefit  the  settlement  took  place,  the  land  marked  off  being 
his  personal  property.  I  incline  to  the  former  hypothesis  ;  the  use  of  the 
genitive  is  quite  in  conformity  with  the  usages  of  Greek.  We  must  understand 
the  preposition  eVt,  or  some  verbal  expression  in  the  genitive,  which  determines 
the  nature  of  his  function.  On  the  other  hand,  if  it  were  a  question  of  private 
property,  one  would  think  that  the  expression  "boundary  of  Gezer"  would  not 
have  been  used;  this  would  imply  a  boundary  concerning  the  town  itself  and  not 
a  mere  private  individual.  So  I  regard  Alkios,  till  the  contrary  is  proved,  as 
a  civil  or  religious  magistrate  possessing  authority  over  the  territory  of  Gezer. 

At   the  outset    I   thought   myself  able  to  assert  that  this  name  Alkios 

*  I  have  my  suspicions  moreover  that  the  present  name  of  the  village  of  Tc/iihn  {^t^), 
on  the  sea-coast  between  Jebeil  and  Bathnui,  is  a  weakened  form  of  the  word  /•vbJ';  ind  owes  its 

name  to  its  position  on  the  boundary  of  the  territories  of  these  two  latter  towns.  Several  Greek 
and  Roman  inscriptions  relating  to  the  establishment  of  certain  boundaries  have  been  discovered 
in  the  neighbourhood  {cf.  Renan,  Mission  de  Phhiicie,  pp.  147,  149). 

2     M 

266  Archcrological  Researches  in  Palestine. 

belonged  to  a  person  of  Jewish  origin.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  Alkios  is  a  purely 
Hellenic  name,  rather  rare  even  in  Greek  onomastics,  and  only  appearing  in 
documents  that  take  us  to  a  considerable  distance  away  from  Palestine,  for 
instance,  on  Phrygian  coins.*  It  even  appears,  from  a  comparison  between  a 
passage  in  Athenseus  (XII,  547)  and  other  authorities  that  mention  a  certain 
Alkios,  of  the  Epicureean  school,  that  "AX/cios  is  merely  a  variant  of  a  much 
more  widespread  form  'A^Kaio?.!  My  impression  was  that  in  any  case  our 
name  Alkios  belonged  to  the  well-known  category  of  Greco-Jewish  names 
chosen  purposely  by  the  Jews  from  Hellenic  names  because  of  their  assonance 
with  their  own  national  names  ;  for  instance  -.Jason — Jesus,  Joiakiin — Alkinios, 
Simeon — Simon,  San/ — Paulos,  and  others  like  them.  Taking  this  basis,  I 
suspected  Alkios  of  Gezer  to  be  a  Jewish  personage  having  as  his  national 
name  Hilkiyah,  npbn  ('E\/cta?j:),  an  abbreviation  of  Hilkiya/m,  "ir^pvPI, 
and  itself  admitting  abbreviation  to  Helka'i  V^n  (Nehemiah  xii,  15), 
transliterated  'E\Kat  in  the  Septuagint.§ 

There  is  another  instance  to  be  adduced  which  invests  this  conjecture 
with  a  high  degree  of  probability,  I  mean  the  long  Greek  epitaph  carved  on 
the  ossuary  or  sarcophagus  at  Lydda  which  I  shall  speak  of  later  on  (Ch.  VI). 
Whatever  meaning  be  attached  to  the  somewhat  obscure  genealogy  given  in 
it,  which  will  be  treated  of,  in  the  proper  place  and  at  the  proper  time,  one 
fact  stands  out  clearly,  that  the  name  Alkios,  identical  with  that  in  our  Gezer 
inscriptions,  is  there  found  associated  with  names  genuinely  Jewish  {Simon, 
Golmi-)  ;  consequently  we  are  fully  warranted  in  concluding,  as  I  have  done, 
that  this  name  really  did  belong  to  the  Jewish  personal  vocabulary. 

This  last  is  a  point  of  the  first  importance.  We  might  even  go  a  step 
further  and  inquire  whether  the  Alkios  of  Gezer  and  the  Alkios  of  Lydda  might 
not  by  chance  be  one  and  the  same  person. ||     The  distance  between  Lydda  and 

*  Mionnet,  Description  de  medailles,  etc.,  IV,  22B  ;  suppl.,  VII,  507. 

■f  Sec  Pape-Bensler,   Woerterb.  der  griec/i.  Eigennamen,  s.vv. 

X  This  name  was  still  much  in  vogue  in  the  first  century  of  our  era.  Cf.  Josephus,  Ant.  Jud., 
xviii,  8:4;  xix,  8  :  3 ;  xx,  8  :   11. 

§  Cf.  the  Gospel  name  'A\0a?o>:,  which  is  an  evident  Hellenisation  of  •'sbn,  Halphai 
(Talmud,  "B^-n,  Hilphai). 

II  It  may  be  as  well  to  recall  in  this  place  that  John  Hyrcanus  I  had  a  brother,  name 
unknown,  who  was  given  as  a  hostage  to  Antiochus  VII  Sidetes  (Josephus,  Ant.  Jud.,  xiii,  8,  3). 
This  unknown  son  of  Simon  is  not  generally  inserted  in  the  current  genealogies  of  the 
Hasmonajans.  Can  he  have  borne  the  name  of  Alkios  ?  The  practice  of  giving  Greek  names 
seems  to  have  taken  early  root  in  the  Hasmonaean  family.  John  Hyrcanus  set  the  example ;  his 
descendants  followed  it,  and  his  son  Judas  Aristobulus  went  so  far  in  his  taste  for  things  Greek 
that  he  earned  the  surname  of  Plu/hellenus. 

Gezer.  267 

Gezer  (about  four  miles)  is  inconsiderable  enough  to  allow  of  the  two  towns 
being  regarded  as  belonging  to  the  same  region.  Thus  there  would  be 
nothing  improbable  in  the  idea  of  the  descendants  of  Alkios  who  were  buried 
at  Lydda,  being  buried  in  a  family  tomb  belonging  to  Alkios  of  Gezer  and  his 
ancestors.  In  that  case  the  latter  would  naturally  have  belonged  originally  to 
Lydda.  It  is  interesting,  with  this  in  view,  to  compare  the  palaeography  of 
the  Greek  inscriptions  at  Gezer  with  that  of  the  epitaph  at  Lydda,  since  on  this 
hypothesis  the  two  texts  would  be  separated  by  an  interval  of  one,  perhaps 
two,  generations,  according  to  the  sense  it  may  be  thought  necessary  to  attach 
to  this  ambiguous  epitaph.  Now  to  judge  from  the  shape  of  the  letters,  this 
epitaph  might  perfectly  well  be  placed  about  the  beginning  of  the  first  century 
of  our  era,  which  would  put  the  Gezer  inscriptions  further  back,  into  the  latter 
half  of  the  century  preceding.  However,  I  do  not  insist  on  the  second  part 
of  this  comparison,  for  it  is  always  possible  that  the  Alkios  of  Gezer  and  that 
of  Lydda  are  merely  homonyms.  But  what  remains  certain,  in  any  case,  is 
that  Alkios  really  is,  as  I  expected,  a  name  belonging  to  the  Greco-Jewish 
personal  vocabulary. 

XIV. — Nature  and  Origin  of  ■iiie  Boundary, 

What  was  the  nature  of  the  boundary  which  our  inscriptions  helped  to 
mark  out  ?  For  reasons  to  which  it  is  useless  to  recur,  I  have  already 
rejected  the  idea  that  we  only  had  to  deal  with  a  mere  boundary  of  private 
property  belonging-  to  a  person  named  Alkios.  The  tenour  of  the  texts  is 
explicit :  boundary  of  Gezer,  so  that  the  boundary  is  one  concerning  the  town 
itself  not  a  private  individual.     But  what  is  the  nature  of  the  connection  ? 

It  may  occur  to  us  to  inquire  whether  this  boundary  may  be  a  line  ot 
demarcation  between  two  contiguous  territories  subject  to  two  more  or  less 
neighbouring  towns.  We  have  in  Greek  and  Roman  epigraphy,  and  even  in 
Syria,  numerous  instances  of  inscriptions  fixing  boundaries  of  this  sort.  In 
the  present  case  one  is  almost  tempted  to  think  of  a  passage  in  Josephus, 
{Ant.  Jud.,  xiv,  5:4;  Bellnni  Jnd.,  i,  8  :  5),  where  he  states  that  in  69-63  B.C. 
Gabinius,  sent  by  Pompey,  divided  the  Jewish  nation  into  five  Sanhedrins, 
having  as  their  centres  Jerusalem,  Gadara,  Amathous,  Jericho,  and  Sepphoris. 
Gadara,  as  we  have  seen,  is  often  put  for  Gazara.  Can  it  be,  then,  that  we 
have  come  across  the  territorial  boundary  of  the  Sanhedrin  of  Ciczcr,  and 
that  the  latter  was  placed  under  the  chief  jurisdiction  of  Alkios,  a  member 
of   that    Jewish    aristocracy,    (dpicrro/cparta)    which     Gabinius,    according    to 

2     M     2 

68  Ai'chcrolozical  Researches  in  Palestine. 


Josephus,  substituted  for  the  royal  dynasty  ?  The  idea  is  assuredly  attractive  ; 
but  it  raises  more  than  one  difficulty.  In  the  first  place,  it  is  by  no  means 
proved  that  in  the  passage  quoted  Gadara  stands  for  Gezer,  and  not  rather  for 
Gadara  in  Peraea.  Again,  the  boundary  of  the  territory  of  the  Sanhedrin, 
which  must  have  been  of  great  extent,  would  have  passed  very  near  the  town 
that  was  its  capital.  On  the  other  hand,  it  is  to  be  noted  that  in  the  division 
of  Judaea  into  eleven  toparchies,  which  was  in  existence  in  the  time  of 
Vespasian  (Josephus,  Belhuti  Jud.,  iii,  3:5;  ef.  Pliny  the  Elder,  Hist. 
Nat.,  5  :  14)  we  hear  nothing  of  a  toparchy  of  Gezer,  although  there  is  one  of 
Emmaus  and  Lydda,  which  are  important  towns  not  far  away.  Lastly,  and 
most  forcible  objection  of  all,  if  the  "boundary  of  Gezer"  was  that  of  some 
district  having  Gezer  as  its  capital,  this  district  would  have  been  of  necessity 
contiguous  to  some  other  district,  and  in  this  case  our  inscriptions  would  have 
to  mention,  as  the  custom  always  is,  the  tivo  districts  separated  by  the  line  of 
demarcation  :   "  boundary  of  Gezer  and  0/,  etc." 

From  this  I  conclude  that  the  boundary  of  Gezer  can  only  be  a  line 
encircling  the  whole  city,  and  marking  out  a  certain  zone  of  comparatively 
limited  extent,  which  formed  an  integral  part  of  the  immediate  dependencies 
of  this  city,  was  considered  by  itself  apart  from  any  contiguous  exterior 
territory,  and  formed  the  perimeter  of  a  suburb — of  a  shape  yet  to  be 
determined — having  Gezer  as  its  centre. 

Before  searching  in  the  Biblical  and  other  sources  for  analogies  that 
might  enlighten  us  as  to  the  nature  and  purpose  of  this  perimeter,  it  will  be 
as  well  to  examine  more  nearly  the  position  of  these  inscribed  landmarks,  and 
particularly  their  orientation  with  regard  to  Tell  el  Jezer  and  their  distance 
from  that  spot.  Circumstances  did  not  allow  of  our  going  on  with  these 
observations,  but  of  course  it  was  my  intention  to  make  them  with  the  greatest 
possible  accuracy,  reckoning  them  as  an  essential  factor  in  the  solution  of  the 
problem.  However,  at  my  request  the  Committee  was  pleased  to  give 
instructions  for  their  being  made  by  the  Survey.  The  results  will  be  found  in 
a  plan  on  a  large  scale  published  in  the  Memoirs  (II,  p.  429). 

This  plan,  though  very  detailed,  still  leaves  some  doubt  at  certain  points. 
Thus  the  exact  spot  of  the  inscriptions  mentioned  in  the  explanation  of  the  plan 
is  not  clearly  indicated.  The  numbers  used,  i,  2,  3,  do  not  correspond  to  the 
order  in  which  I  made  the  successive  discoveries.  They  answer,  in  my  series, 
to  B,  A,  C,  not  A,  B,  C.  As  regards  my  inscription  D,  I  cannot  say  whether 
it  is  identical  with  No.  4  on  the  plan  (see  stLpra,  p.  233).  At  all  events,  it  is 
pretty  nearly  in  the  same  direction,  and  I   shall  argue  as  if  it  were  identical. 

Gezer.  269 

Moreover,  as  far  as  I  can  judge,  there  is  an  appreciable  difference  between  the 
Map  and  the  special  plan  as  regards  the  orientation  of  the  medial  axis  of  the 
Tell.  I  will  mention,  just  to  remind  the  reader,  an  error  I  have  already 
pointed  out,  in  the  position  of  'Ain  et  Tannur.  This  was  more  a  mistake 
as  to  toponymy  than  to  topography. 

According  to  the  Survey  plan  my  inscription  A  (=No.  2)  is  on  the  right 
and  to  the  east  of  the  Tell,  which  agrees  precisely  with  my  own  observation, 
and  at  a  distance  from  the  middle  of  the  Tell  that  may  be  reckoned  at  5,600  feet.* 
Inscriptions  B  (=:No.  i),  C  (:=No.  3),  and  D  (=:No.  4)  appear  set  out  at 
irregular  intervals  along  a  line  starting"  from  A  (No.  2)  and  bearing  to  the 
north,  which  amounts  to  saying  that  the  texts  are  easily  seen  to  be  arranged 
in  a  row  from  south-east  to  north-west.  The  orientation  is  perhaps  not 
faultlessly  exact,  but  the  slight  variations  in  the  relative  positions  of  the 
inscriptions  are  not  sufficient  to  warrant  us  in  denying  this  visible  tendency 
towards  a  scheme  of  position  depending  on  the  four  points  of  the  compass,  to 
say  nothing  of  the  fact  that  when  the  inscriptions  were  cut  the  cardinal  points 
were  perhaps  not  the  same  as  those  that  we  use  now-a-days.  I  do  not  mean 
the  variation  due  to  the  lessening  of  the  mean  obliquity  of  the  ecliptic — that 
would  only  give,  for  2000  years,  an  inconsiderable  difference  of  15' — but  we 
cannot  be  sure  whether  at  that  time  observers  fixed  their  positions  by  the 
equinoctial  or  (quite  possibly)  the  solstitial  points.  Taking  the  rising  sunt  as 
the  basis,  there  might  be  a  difference  of  27°  55'  under  this  head,  on  the 
horizon  of  Jerusalem,  either  to  the  north  or  south  of  the  true  astronomical  east. 

If  we  attempt  to  discover  a  circumference  passing  through  the  points 
marked  out  by  our  inscriptions,  by  attaching  an  importance  to  their  slight 
deviation  from  the  straight  line,  which  in  my  opinion  they  do  not  possess, 
we  should  find  for  the  centre  of  this  more  or  less  regular  circumference  a  spot 
very  far  from  Tell  el  Jezer,  and  nearly  at  Sheikh  Ja'bas,  which  seems 
extremely  improbable. 

From  these  various  considerations  therefore,  I  am  finally  persuaded  that 
we  should  regard  our  group  of  inscriptions  as  marking  out  a  straight  line  running" 
grosso  iiiodo  from  south-east  to  north-west.      This  straight  line  could  only  forni 

*  Memoirs,  II,  pp.  431  and  434. 

I  I  need  hardly  remark  that  in  practice  the  ancients,  and  especially  the  Semites,  when  they 
wished  to  determine  the  bearings  of  a  place  or  building,  did  not  look  to  the  north,  as  we  do,  but 
looked  to  the  east,  having  on  their  right  hand  the  south  and  on  their  left  the  north  :  that  is  to  say, 
if  they  had  had  maps  they  would  have  placed  the  east  at  the  top.  This  is  indicyted  by  the 
Semitic  names  of  the  cardinal  points  ;  "before,"  "right,''  "left." 

270  Ai'chccological  Researches  in   Palestine. 

part  of  a  quadrilateral,  having  Tell  cl  Jczer  in  the  middle,  and  its  angles 
pointing  to  the  four  quarters  of  the  compass.  Inscription  A  (  =  No.  2)  would 
fix  the  east  corner  of  the  square,  inscriptions  B,  D,  would  give  the  line 
from  east  to  north,  and  by  following  the  lines  of  the  four  sides,  a  whole 
series  of  inscriptions  might  be  still  discovered.  It  will  be  noticed  that  one 
very  important  point  is  included  in  this  area,  the  fine  spring  of  'Ain  Yardeh, 
the  possession  of  which  must  always  have  been  a  question  of  \'ital  interest 
for  the  town  of  Gezer.  In  this  connection  it  is  worth  while  recalling  the 
closely-related  passage  of  Josephus  quoted  above  :  "  Gazara  and  its  springs." 

It  must  be  admitted  that  this  figure  by  its  shape,  and  as  we  shall  see  by 
its  dimensions,  is  remarkably  like  the  niigrash  of  the  Levitical  towns  that 
enjoyed  the  right  of  refuge,  a  suburban  zone  encircling  the  town  proper,  and 
in  various  respects  resembling  the  trpoadTtiov  and  the  ponia:riunt.  I  cannot 
undertake  to  give  in  this  place  a  thorough  treatment  of  this  question  of  the 
niigrash,  and  to  follow  so  many  predecessors  in  discussing  the  classical  passage. 
Numbers  xxxv,  2-5,  on  which  it  rests.  I  will  content  myself  with  remarking 
that  from  comparison  of  this  passage  with  the  other  Biblical  data  the  following 
results  seem  clearly  established  : 

(i)  That  the  Levitical  towns  were  surrounded  by  a  first  zone  distant 
1,000  cubits  from  the  outer  wall. 

(2)  That  from  this  first  zone  2,000  cubits  were  measured  in  the  direction 
of  each  of  the  cardinal  points,  and  that  the  second  zone  thus  formed,  encircling 
the  first,  formed  the  niigrash  proper. 

The  niigrash  therefore,  with  its  four  equal  dimensions,  could  only  be  a 
square,  and  this  square  was  normally  orientated.*  All  we  want  to  know  is 
whether  it  was  the  sides  or  the  corners  that  were  orientated  ;  whether  it  was 

or  a 

*  This  arrangement  of  the  inijrrash  recalls  in  more  than  one  respect  that  of  the  ager publicus 
of  the  Roman  cities,  and  especially  the  Roman  colonies.  This  territory  was  marked  out  according 
to  minute  rules  borrowed  from  Etruscan  practice,  and  formed  an  exactly  square  area,  orientated 
on  the  cardinal  points  according  to  two  main  lines  E — W  {itecionanus  inaximus)  and  N — S 
(cardo  maximus) ;  the  main  bounding  lines,  or  extremitates,  were  marked  out  either  by  posts,  or 
marks,  or  inscriptions  on  the  roclts.  These  were  the  termini  terriforiales.  'I'he  square  was 
orientated  by  its  sides,  not  its  angles. 

Gezer,  271 

In  the  second  case,  if  we  consider  the  eastern  corner,  there  must  have 
been  between  this  corner  and  the  wall  of  the  town  a  total  distance  of  2,000 
+  1,000  (=3,000)  cubits.  It  will  at  once  be  noticed  that  the  latter  is  just 
the  state  of  the  case  at  Tell  el  Jezer.  Our  inscription  A,  to  the  right  and  the 
east  of  Gezer,  at  the  beginning  of  a  line  running  from  east  to  north,  is  easily 
found  to  be  3,000  cubits  distant  from  the  base  of  the  Tell. 

The  comparison  becomes  still  more  striking  if  the  reader  will  bear  in 
mind  : 

(i)  That  Gezer  was  one  of  the  towns  of  Ephraim  assigned  together 
with  their  migras/iQS,  to  the  Levites,  and  possessing  the  right  of  refuge. 
(Joshua  xix,  21.      Cf.  i  Chronicles  vi,  52.) 

(2)  That  apart  from  the  data  above  set  forth  in  brief,  which  necessarily 
imply  the  existence  of  a  fixed  line  limiting  the  viigrash,  this  line  encircling  the 
inviolable  territory  is  expressly  mentioned  by  the  name  of  gebiil  ("  boundary," 
Numbers  xxxv,  26,  27). 

(3)  That  according  to  a  Jewish  tradition,*  which  is  valuable  at  any  rate 
for  the  Talmudic  period  in  which  it  first  appears,  the  zone  of  protection  of  the 
Cities  of  Refuge  seems  to  have  been  marked  by  conspicuous  signs,  such  as 
stelae,  a  sort  oi  cippi  poiiKerii,  bearing  written  notices. 

At  the  time  of  my  discovery,  I  put  forth  the  idea  that  the  landmarks  on 
the  Gezer  boundary  probably  were  not  only  indicated  by  inscriptions  on  rocks 
lying  flat,  and  rather  difficult  to  detect,  but  that  they  may  have  originally  had 
at  the  side  of  them  some  prominent  indications,  better  adapted  to  catch  the 
eye,  such  as  stelce  or  cippi  poincerii.  Although  my  researches  on  the  spot 
have  not  enabled  me  to  find  any  indications  that  are  conclusive  in  this  respect, 
I  keep  to  my  idea.  It  appears  to  me  moreover  to  be  confirmed  to  a  certain 
extent  by  the  Jewish  tradition  just  related,  which  I  was  not  acquainted  with 
at  the  time. 

Does  this  mean  that  I  propose  to  regard  our  Gezer  boundary  as  the 
boundary  of  the  ancient  Levitical  viigrash  spoken  of  in  Numbers  ?  By  no 
means,  of  course,  for  the  mere  palaeography  of  our  inscriptions  brings  us 
down  to  between  the  Hasmonaean  and  Herodian  periods;  only  we  must  not 
lose  sight  of  this,  that  the  state  of  things  described  in  the  Book  of  Numbers 
may  very  well  hold  good  of  a  much  more  recent  period.  To  say  nothing  of 
the  dates,  some  of  them  extraordinarly  late,  assigned  by  the  hypercritical  school 

*  See  the  curious  passages  collected  under  the  word   '^VODX  in   Levy's  Neuhebr,  u.  Chald. 
W'^rterhuch,  ■     - 

272  Archcrological  Researches  in  Palestine. 

of  exegesis  to  the  drawing  up  of  the  priestly  code,  we  may  at  all  events 
suppose  without  rashness  that  this  code  may  have  remained  in  force  until 
quite  late.  It  is  not  improbable,  under  the  Hasmonaeans,  who  were  bent 
on  reviving  what  they  regarded  as  the  oldest  traditions  of  Israel,  special 
importance  was  attached  to  the  delimitation  of  the  viigrash  of  the  towns 
which,  like  Gezer,  had  been,  and  perhaps  still  were,  assigned  to  the  Levites. 
Have  we  not  seen  that  when  Simon  had  retaken  Gezer  from  the  Greco-Syrians, 
he  had  the  place  carefully  purified,  meaning  to  make  it  his  own  residence  and 
that  of  his  son  John  Hyrcanus,  and  that  he  settled  in  it  men  charged  with 
observing  the  law,  that  is  to  say,  the  religious  law?  It  is,  of  course,  a  tempting 
idea  to  see  one  of  these  individuals,  who  were  endowed  with  both  civil  and 
religious  functions,  or  one  of  their  successors,  in  the  person  of  our  Alkios,  by 
whose  diligence  the  inscriptions  were  cut  that  mark  the  boundary  of  Gezer. 
We  might  even  go  so  far  as  to  wonder  whether  by  chance  the  Alkios  of  Lydda, 
son  of  Simon,  identical  with  the  Alkios  of  Gezer,  may  be,  on  the  other  hand, 
if  not  some  other  son,  to  us  unknown,  at  any  rate  some  more  or  less  distant 
descendant  of  the  illustrious  Hasmoncean  prince  who  brought  back  Gezer,  as 
we  have  seen,  into  the  patrimony  of  Israel.  But  this  is  the  mere  mirage  of 
history — I  should  not  dare  to  go  such  lengths.  The  palaeography  of  the 
inscriptions,  the  presence  of  the  Greek  name  we  find  in  them,  even  the  possible 
relation  between  these  inscriptions  and  the  Lydda  epitaph  are  not  in  favour  of 
this  daring  hypothesis,  the  effect  of  which  would  be  to  put  back  the  Gezer 
texts  to  the  second  century  B.C. 

What  may  at  all  events  be  admitted,  without  danger  to  probability,  is  that 
our  Gezer  boundary  corresponds  to  the  famous  Sabbatical  boundary,  which 
plays  such  an  important  part,  and  which  is  mentioned  in  the  life  of  Jesus 
(o-aySySarou  680s,  Acts  i,  12).*  Now,  on  the  other  hand,  critics  are  generally 
agreed  in  thinking  that  the  Sabbatical  boundary  was  calculated  in  precisely  the 
same  way  as  that  of  the  migrash,  and  was  to  some  extent  confused  with  it.  I 
cannot  take  up  afresh  the  whole  of  this  much-discussed  question,  but  will  content 
myself  with  recapitulating  the  essential  data,  laying  stress  on  those  which  have 
a  particular  interest  for  us. 

The  basis  of  this  Sabbatical  limit  is  well  known  ;  it  was  the  distance  from 
the  city  beyond  which  one  could  not  go  without  risking  a  violation  of  the  law 
enjoining  absolute  rest  on  the  Sabbath.     To  go  beyond  it  was  to  make  a  real 

*  Denoting  the  distance  from  Jerusalem  to   the  spot  on   the  Mount  of  Olives  where  the 
Ascension  took  place. 



journey,  and  all  journeys  on  the  holy  day  were  forbidden.  This  distance  was 
strictly  fixed  at  2,000  cubits,  according-  to  the  rabbis"  and  the  weightiest 
of  the  ancient  commentators.  The  2,000  cubits  were  to  be  reckoned  from 
the  first  imaginary  perimeter  within  which  the  city  was  supposed  to  be 
inscribed.  Now  we  have  seen  that  this  first  zone  had  a  uniform  breadth  of 
1,000  cubits,  so  that  we  get,  starting  from  the  outer  wall,  a  total  length 
(measured  towards  one  of  the  cardinal  points)  of  1,000  +  2,000  =  3,000 
cubits,  a  length  identical  both  with  the  total  width  of  the  iiiigrash  and 
the  distance  actually  existing  between  our  inscription  A  and  the  base  of 
Tell  el  Jezer. 

The  specific  word  used  in  the  Talmud  to  denote  this  Sabbatical 
boundary  is  just  the  one  that  appears  in  our  inscriptions,  namely  rQti^  Dinn, 
b^rQiyi  ^^'^inn,  "  Sabbatical  boundary,"  and  often,  too,  for  short,  Oinn, 
"boundary,"  without  the  following  word  Twy,  "  Sabbath." 

It  may  be  supposed  that  the  Sabbatical  limit,  at  any  rate  in  most 
important  towns,t  was  properly  marked  out  on  the  ground  and  in  a  more  or 
less  conspicuous  way,  were  it  only  to  enable  people  to  avoid  involuntary  error 
in  the  observation  of  the  law.  This  was  the  more  necessary,  as  in  practice 
the  application  of  this  law  involved  a  curious  compromise,  which  itself  implied 
the  previous  existence  of  a  well-defined  boundary :  this  was  the  middle 
course,  called  in  the  Talmudj  □"'Qinn  ''n"l''y,  "  the  mingling  of  the  limits." 
In  order  to  be  able  to  go  on  the  Sabbath  day  further  away  than  the  regulation 
distance,  the  following  fiction  was  resorted  to  :  On  the  Friday  evening  the 
traveller  went  and  deposited  at  the  limit  food  ready  prepared  for  the  next  day's 
meal,  and  then  it  was  allowable  on  the  Saturday  to  make  this  extreme  point, 
which  in  this  way  was  regarded  as  an  inhabited  place  or  legal  domicile,  the 

*  Sometimes  certain  rabbis  admit  variable  distances,  2,800,  2,000,  or  1,800  cubits.  These 
variations  are  perhaps  due  to  the  actual  variations  of  the  cubit  in  the  different  systems 
happened  to  be  used. 

t  It  is  odd  that,  in  spite  of  the  attention  attracted  by  the  finds  at  Gezer,  no  similar  inscriptions 
have  been  discovered  at  other  places  in  Palestine.  This  must  be  for  want  of  looking  ;  I  have  not 
any  doubt  that  others  might  be  found  elsewhere.  Recently  Father  van  Kasteren  {Zeitschrift  des 
deutschen  Faldstina-Vereins,  1891,  p.  148)  has  claimed  to  discover  an  inscription  of  this  kind  in  a 
few  not  very  intelligible  Greek  characters,  cut  on  the  rock  between  Shefa  'Amr  and  Khiirbet 
Husheh  ;  but  I  think  he  is  under  an  illusion.  If  this  obscure  inscription  relates  to  a  boundary, 
which  is  very  doubtful,  it  is  not,  in  my  opinion,  the  Sabbatical  limit  of  Jewish  ritual. 

X  See  the  special  treatise  on  the  Erubin.  These  erubiii,  or  mixed  combinations,  were  also 
applied  to  various  other  injunctions  of  the  same  kind,  such  as  the  one  relating  to  the  preparation 
of  food  on  the  Sabbath,  and  allowed  of  a  partial  evasion  of  these  commands,  which  were  very 
troublesome  in  practice. 

2    N 

2/4  ArcJucological  Researches  in  Palestine. 

starting-point  for  a  fresh  journey  of  2,000  cubits  ;  so  that  the  Sabbath  day's 
journey  was  doubled  in  length. 

It  is  likely  enough  that  this  was  the  essential  object  of  our  Gezer  boundary. 
The  observance  of  the  Sabbatical  limit,  which  we  find  in  full  vigour  at  the 
beginning  of  the  first  century  of  our  era,  must  certainly  date  farther  back  than 
that.  Without  going  so  far  as  to  assert,  with  certain  rabbis,  that  it  was 
really  Biblical  in  its  origin — though  the  telmm  are  evidently  shaped  on  the 
migrash — we  shall  not  exceed  historic  probability  if  we  allow  that  it  must  have 
existed  during  the  Herodian  and  Hasmonaean  periods,  when  the  sacerdotal 
and  religious  organization  of  the  Jewish  nation  assumed  their  most  characteristic 
and  narrowest  forms.  We  know  how  strict  the  observance  of  Sabbath  rest 
was  under  the  Hasmonceans.*  It  needed  the  application  of  force  majenre 
before  the  infringement  of  it  was  thought  warrantable  (i  Maccabees  ii,  32-41  ; 
ix,  43,  44.  Cf.  Josephus,  Ani.  Jud.,  xiii,  8  :  4,  etc.).  So  naturally  every 
precaution  was  taken  to  ensure  a  full  and  complete  observance  of  the  rules 
required  by  it,  and  the  material  settling  of  the  limit  allowed — the  tehnm — was 
assuredly  the  most  effectual  of  these  precautions. 

XV. — Gezer   and   the   contiguous   territories   of    Ephraim,    Dan, 

JuDAH,  AND  Benjamin. 

The  reader  will  be  able,  from  what  has  been  already  said,  to  form  a 
tolerable  idea  of  the  importance  and  variety  of  the  questions  which  the  identi- 
fication of  Gezer,  henceforth  immovably  fixed  on  a  basis  of  epigraphy,  either 
solves  or  raises.  I  have  for  the  most  part  confined  myself  to  skimming  the 
surface  of  these  questions,  so  as  not  to  be  drawn  away  into  too  lengthy  develop- 
ments. There  is,  however,  one  among  them  possessed  of  exceptional  interest, 
which  I  cannot  refrain  from  shortly  noticing  before  I  finish  this  study  of  Gezer, 
which,  for  all  its  length,  is  nothing  but  a  sketch.  The  fixing  the  site  of  Gezer 
furnishes  us  with  the  key  to  a  riddle  which  was  the  subject  of  much  vain  search 
before  that  discovery,  namely,  the  direction  of  an  important  part  of  the  southern 

*  Cf.  the  curious  episode  related  by  Josephus  {Ant.  Jud.,  xiii,  S  :  4),  on  the  authority  of 
Nicholas  of  Damascus  :  Antiochus  VII,  Sidetes,  being  accompanied  on  his  expedition  against  the 
Parthians  by  John  Hyrcanus,  out  of  deference  to  Jewish  customs,  stops  the  march  of  his  army 
for  two  consecutive  days,  the  Saturday  (Sabbath)  and  the  Whitsunday  immediately  following. 

Gezer.  275 

boundary  of  the  tribe  of  Ephraim.  We  have  seen,  It  will  be  remembered,  that 
Gezer  belonged  to  the  territory  of  this  tribe,  and  marked  its  extreme  western 
point;  the  Hne,  starting  from  Jordan,  passed  by  Bethel  [Bciiin),  and  lastly  by 
Bethhoron  the  Nether  {Beit  Ur  et  Tahia),  finally  coming  to  an  end  at  Gezer.* 
Henceforward,  therefore,  we  can  with  absolute  certainty  draw  the  line  through 
the  three  known  points,  Bcitin,  Beitur,  and  Tell  el  Jezer,  otherwise  called 
Abu  Shusheh.  It  is  extremely  remarkable  to  find  that  Gezer  is  in  an  exact 
line  with  Bethoron  the  Nether  and  Bethel ;  the  fact  is  assuredly  not  a  mere 
coincidence.  In  this  way  we  obtain  for  this  portion  of  the  southern  boundary 
of  Ephraim  (the  northern  one  of  Benjamin,  and  then  of  a  part  of  the  territory 
of  Dan)  a  tolerably  straight  line,  running  uniformly  from  north-east  to  south- 
west. Gezer  was  thus  situated  at  the  actual  intersection  of  the  boundaries  of 
Ephraim,  Dan,  and  Judah,  which  hitherto  have  been  so  difficult  to  clear  up. 
This  point  then  is  a  definite  acquisition  for  Bible  geography,  and  one  of 
capital  importance.  It  will  tend  to  modify  much  theoretical  mapping-out 
suggested  by  more  or  less  ingenious  commentators.  It  strikes  me  that  in  all 
these  systems,  both  old  and  new,  that  have  been  continually  putting  forth  their 
first  buds  or  coming  into  flower  anew  ever  since  the  discovery  of  Gezer, 
sufficient  account  has  not  been  taken  of  this  henceforth  all-important  datum  ; 
yet  it  would  be  easy  to  show  that  it  also  has  a  bearing  on  the  much-discussed 
determination  of  the  line  which,  leaving  the  southern  boundary  of  Ephraim  at 
Bethhoron,  dipping  southwards  at  Kirjath  Jearim,  and  branching  oft  along  the 
northern  boundary  of  Judah,  separated  the  territory  of  Benjamin  (on  the  east) 
from  that  of  Dan  (on  the  west).  I  have  my  own  ideas  on  this  subject,  and 
hope  I  may  some  day  take  my  turn  and  set  them  forth.  I  cannot  think  of 
doing  so  here,  it  would  mean  writing  a  fresh  chapter. 

*  Joshua  xvi,  3.     {Cf.  Josephus,  Ant.Jiid.,  v,  i  :  22.) 

2     N     2 




{August  26th  to  September  2gth,   1874.) 
From  Jerusalem  to  'Ain  SiniA. 

We  set  out  from  Jerusalem  on  Wednesday,  August  26th,  for  this  tour, 
which  was  to  last  five  and  thirty  days.  I  had  resolved  to  push  north  as  far  as 
Sebaste,  then  to  make  south  as  far  as  Gaza,  stopping  at  El  Midieh  to  make  a 
thorough  search  over  the  ruined  edifice  which  it  had  been  proposed  to  identify 
as  the  burial-place  of  the  Maccabees  ;  and,  finally,  to  return  from  Gaza  to 
Jerusalem  by  way  of  Beit  Jibrin. 

'Andta. — After  passing  through  the  village  of  'Isawiyeh  we  reached 
'Anata,  where  we  stopped  to  lunch.  The  better  to  loosen  the  tongues  of  the 
fellahin,  I  bought  a  huge  dish  of  fresh  figs,  and  asked  them  to  join  us  at 
dessert.  This  attention  much  deliijhted  them,  but  it  was  near  costing  us 
dear.  A  Bedawy,  who  was  in  the  village  on  business,  insisted  on  having  a 
share  of  the  treat,  with  a  rudeness  that  I  could  not  tolerate.  I  put  the  ruffian 
back  in  his  place  with  some  sharpness,  whereupon  he  got  up  in  a  rage  and 
rushed  on  me,  sword  in  hand,  yelling  forth  abuse.  By  pointing  our  revolvers 
at  him  we  kept  him  at  a  respectful  distance,  and  the  fellahin  themselves 
undertook  to  bring  him  to  reason,  and  make  him  respect  their  hosts.  This 
was  one  of  the  very  few  occasions  when  we  required,  I  will  not  say  to  use  our 
fire-arms,  but  to  show  that  we  had  them. 

The  inhabitants  of  'Anata,  whose  ethnic  name  is  'Andty  in  the  singular, 
'Andtiyeh  in  the  plural,  did  not  originally  belong  to  that  village.  Their 
ancestors,  they  say,  came  from  Khurbet  'Almit,  situated  a  mile  to  the  north- 

From  Jerusalem  to  Scbastc  [Samaria),  and  from  Sebaste  to  Gaza.        277 

east.  The  village  has  two  sanctuaries,  that  of  Neby  Sdleh  and  that  of  Neby 
Rumin,  called  by  some  Rubin  and  by  others  again  Ritmia*  This  last  form, 
I  must  say,  looks  as  if  it  had  been  connected  by  the  folk-lore  with  the  name  of 
Jeremiah,  the  initial  Je  being  removed  by  aphseresis,  as  so  frequently  happens 
in  Arabic.  'Anathoth,  which  indubitably  is  represented  by  'Anata,  was,  as  is 
well  known,  the  home  of  the  prophet. 

We  noticed  here  the  ruins  of  an  ancient  church  that  had  just  been 
brought  to  light,  with  a  pavement  of  fine  mosaic  carefully  laid.  Probably 
some  Byzantine  church ;  we  could  detect  no  signs  of  anything  mediaeval 
about  it. 

—  From  'Anata  we  went  on  to  Jeba',  passing  through  Hizmeh,  the  ethnic 
of  which  is  Hesmdtvy  in  the  singular,  Hezaw'meh  in  the  plural. 

We  cast  a  passing  glance  at  the  curious  tombs  of  which  I  had  made  a 
detailed  study  some  years  before.  This  time  they  were  pointed  out  to  me 
under  the  name  of  ICbiir  beni  Isnin  {sic). 

I  think  it  desirable  at  this  point  to  give  some  extracts  from  my  note- 
books, containing  a  few  short  observations  made  by  me  in  1871  at  'Isawiyeh, 
'Anata,  and  Hizmeh.     They  will  serve  to  complete  what  has  gone  before  :t 

—  Near  'Isawiyeh,  to  the  south-east,  separated  from  it  by  the  valley,  is  a 
tell  called  Tell  el  Midbcseh.  The  valley  is  called  Mudawwara  ("the  round"); 
there  was  a  spring  once,  but  it  has  now  disappeared.  There  are  numerous 
excavations  in  the  rock,  which  itself  has  been  levelled  in  places  ;  presses, 
threshing-floors,  sepulchres  with  "ovens."  The  fellahin  of  the  place  tell  me 
that  an  hour  to  the  east  there  is  a  ruin  called  Deir  es  Sidd ;  half-an-hour  to 
the  east  is  Kliitrbet  B'ki'  edlidn  (or  B^kV  edhdhdn  ?),  near  Sheikh  'Anbar.  On 
the  way  you  meet  with  a  iiighdret  I  mm  cs  Sicltdn  ("  the  cavern  of  the  King's 
mother  ") ;  Kh.  Khardzeh  ;  a  little  below,  but  quite  near,  is  a  Khiirbet  Ij'ivar 
er  Rummdn  {^^^\z=  ^^\=^,^  ?  perhaps   ,1^^ ?). 

—  To  the  south  of  Rds  el  Kharrilb,  on  a  small  mound  of  lesser  height, 
is  a  well  called  Bir  Imrd,  which  must  at  one  time  have  had  masonry  over  it. 
I  note  here  some  fragments  of  fluted  pottery. 

—  At  Rds  el  Kharrilb,  on  a  high  hill  surmounted  by  a  plateau,  are  caverns 

*  The  co-existence  of  these  two  forms  .,Xt.  ,  and  lj..<.,  is  curious  ;  it  suggests  the  question 
"whether  this  mythical  name  may  not  conceal  an  ancient  Aramaic  plural  which  has  been  preserved 
in  the  two  states,  the  absolute  and  the  emphatic  :  Riaiiin  ;<on  and  Ei'imia  x'Dll  (Rumaiyd). 

t  Carnet  IV,  pp.  14-17,  February,  7,  1S71. 

278  ArchcBological  Researches  in  Palestine. 

converted   into  tombs  with   "ovens;"  four  or  five    rock-hewn   cisterns;  old 

—  At  'Anata  is  a  small  mosque  dedicated  to  Ncby  Sdlcli,  and  a  cave  called 
M'ghdrt  Rubin  ("cave  of  Reuben").  I  noticed  a  piece  of  ancient  stone- 
work of  large  blocks  with  coarse  bosses,  with  a  modern  built  wall  round  it ;  a 
capital  of  a  pilaster  in  the  Corinthian  style  is  imbedded  in  the  lower  part ; 
some  fraijments  of  columns  and  bases. 

—  At  Hizmeh,  numerous  rock-hewn  caves  (troglodytes). 

—  Exactly  opposite  Hizmeh,  and  separated  from  it  by  the  Wddy  Rds  el 
Fdrd,  are  to  be  seen  the  tombs,  properly  called  ICbur  b'ni  Isrdin,  "the  tombs 
of  the  sons  of  Israel."  A  peasant-woman  told  me  that  K'bur  el  'Amdl'ka 
("  the  tombs  of  the  Amalekites  ")  was  not  their  name. 

—  Just  near   Fara  there  are  some    rocks  (^etwkdn),   called  Abu  M'sarrah 

—  The  fellahin  tell  me  of  the  K'biir  lakhkhein  {=■  el akhein,  "the  two 
brothers),  tombs  situated  an  hour  or  an  hour  and  a  half  from  Hizmeh,  near 
En  N'kkcilch ;  these  are  the  tombs  of  the  two  brothers  [cl  ikhwcin). 

—  Many  of  the  fellahin  use  the  pronunciation  Fdrdn  instead  of  Fdrd. 
Near  Fdrd,  at  the  spring,  there  is  a  reservoir  called  DJibi'Abd  Allah. 

K'biir  beni  Isrdin. — I  proceed,  with  the  assistance  of  Brother  Lievin, 
who  is  good  enough  to  accompany  me,  to  examine  these  remarkable  re- 
mains. For  reasons  that  I  cannot  here  set  down,  I  had  a  mind  to  locate 
there  the  real  Tomb  of  Rachel.  The  hypothesis  may  seem  a  very  daring  one. 
Some  day  perhaps  I  will  discuss  it,  and  I  shall  not  hide  from  myself  the 
various  difficulties  it  calls  up,  which  I  have  been  and  shall  be  the  very  last 
person  to  disregard. 

*  *  *  -;;-  #  *  # 

The  five  tombs*  rise  in  tiers  one  above  the  other  on  the  hill-side,  on  the 
right  bank  of  the  Wdd  Z'reik,  which  joins  the  IVdd  Fdrd  at  an  oblique  angle. 

*  *  #  #  -j;-  #  # 

The  blocks  used  in  the  construction  of  them  are  generally  of  the  square 
rather  than  the  oblong  shape.  The  courses  deviate  considerably  from  the 
horizontal.  .  .  .  The  corner  stones  are  of  larger  dimensions  than  the  others. 
The  rock  as  a  rule  has  been  levelled  underneath  the  courses Here  are 

*  I  merely  wish  to  give  here  some  few  details  from  my  notes  which  serve  to  complete  the 
very  exact  study  of  these  remains  which  has  since  been  made  by  the  Survey  {Memoirs,  III,  100). 

From  Jerusalem  to  Sebastc  (Samaria),  and  from  Sebaste  to  Gaza.       279 

transverse  sections  of  two  of  these  tombs,  which  will  give  an  idea  of  the  way 
in  which  they  are  placed  on  the  sloping  ground  : 


V     \ 

k'bur  bexi  israin  :  section  and  doorway 

r^r\;. :;  -^^v-^SSS^S-^v:-;,;;? 

To  this  I  add  a  small  sketch  of  the  door  of  one  of  the  central  chambers 
or  recesses.* 

JebcC. — At  Jeba'  we  made  our  arrangements  for  passing  the  night.  My 
idea  was  to  make  a  detailed  study  of  the  neighbourhood,  so  as  to  try  to  clear 
up  if  possible  the  vexed  questions  of  several  Bible  places  mentioned  as  being 
in  these  parts  :  e.g.,  Migron,  "  the  teeth  of  rock,"  Seneh  and  Bozez,  lying  the 
one  to  the  south,  the  other  to  the  north  of  the  valley  separating  the  Israelites 
from  the  Philistine  camp  at  Michmash  (Mukhmas),  etc. 

According  to  my  custom,  before  I  began  my  search  on  the  chosen 
ground,  I  drew  the  fellahin  into  conversation.  Here  are  various  bits  of 
information  that  I  got  from  them  : 

—  The  ethnic  \s  Jeb'y  in  the  singular,  Jebciiyeh  in  the  plural.  The  sanctuary 
of  the  village  is  called  after  Neby  Ydkiib.  Sidna  Ya'kub,  "  our  Lord  Jacob," 
came  there  in  the  guise  of  an  old  man  riding  on  a  white  horse.  There  was 
formerly  in  the  midst  of  Jeba'  a  Ka/'ah,  "  fortress,"  connected  by  a  thread  with 
a  bell  (Jaras)  at  Rama.  Rama  is  probably  er  Ram,  the  ancient  Ramah,  rather 
less  than  two  miles  south-west  of  Jeba'.  This  legend,  with  its  interesting 
pronunciation  of  Rama,  harmonises  with  the  statements  in  the  Bible,  which 
establish  the  close  connection  of  Geba  and  Ramah.  Jeba'  was  in  the  days  of 
old  the  residence  of  Su/tdn  esh  slihddeh,  "  the  king  of  the  profession  of  faith," 
or  of  "  the  martyrdom." 

—  The  modern  inhabitants  declare  that  they  came  originally  from  the 
country  east  of  Jordan. 

—  An  old  fellah  of  the  village  told  me  the  following  story,  which  he  received, 
he  said,  from  his  ancestors  and  from  the  Christians  of  Bethlehem.     A  Christian 

*  Different  from  the  one  given  in  the  Memoirs, 

28o  Archcrological  Researches  in  Palestine. 

of  Bethlehem  was  going  to  Tayibeh,  with  his  wife  or  his  daughter.  Night 
coming  on,  they  stopped  at  Jeba'  to  sleep.  Some  men  of  the  town  entered 
the  house  where  they  were  sleeping,  and  outraged  the  woman,  who  was  found 
dead  next  morning.  The  Christian  thereupon  cut  her  dead  body  in  two  and 
sent  one  half  to  Tayibeh  and  the  other  to  Mukhmas  to  the  people  of  his  party. 
These  instantly  rose  at  his  call,  one  band  coming  from  the  east,  the  other 
from  the  west.  They  first  feigned  flight  in  order  to  entice  out  the  Jeba'iyeh, 
who  were  caught  between  the  two  troops  and  all  slain.  The  massacre  took 
place  in  the  plain  called  El  Merj  fil-MunkcC  (jJLxJl  ^  -v^')'  between  Jeba' 
and  the  source  of  the  Wddy  Bab  esh  Shcib,  in  the  immediate  neighbourhood 
of  Jeba'.  To  this  day  the  corn  at  this  spot  is  of  considerable  height,  but 
produces  no  ears  {ind  bisabbilisli). 

This  legend,  which  reproduces  in  naive  fashion  the  narrative  of  Judges 
xix-xx,  is  not  without  interest,  in  spite  of  the  avowed  influence  of  Christian 
tradition  ;  it  is  particularly  curious  in  its  localization  of  the  episodes. 

—  In  conversing  with  the  peasants  of  Jeba',  I  noticed  the  usage  of  an 
expression  frequently  employed  by  them,  namely,  tufdn,  in  the  sense  of 
"much."  The  word  J^ya  appears  in  Arabic  lexicons  in  this  acceptation,  but 
this  was  the  first  time  I  had  noticed  it  in  the  popular  speech.  It  is  much 
better  known  in  the  sense  of  "  flood  ;"  from  this  one  might  say  a  "  heap,"  or 
"flood"  of  things  and  so  "a  quantity."  It  is  certainly  a  word  of  Aramaic 
origin  that  has  got  into  Arabic  :  cf.  ■'Oip>  N;''''D1t3)  n31Q''l3,  of  the  Aramaic  of  the 
Talmud,  bearing  the  same  sense  of  "  much." 

—  I  proceed  to  extract,  as  they  stand,  from  my  note-book,  the  topographical 
observations  I  made  either  in  exploring  the  various  physical  features  of  the 
ground  between  Jeba'  and  Mukhmas,  or  in  questioning  the  fellahin  of  those 
two  localities.  Many  of  these  names  do  not  figure  on  the  Map,  and  it  is 
unfortunately  difficult  for  me,  as  my  recollections  have  grown  dim  after  twenty 
years,  to  indicate  their  exact  position.  I  should  premise  for  the  better 
understanding  of  what  follows,  that  I  copy  the  fellahin  in  giving  the  name 
IJ'ddy  Stnveinit  to  the  upper  part  of  the  valley  of  this  name,  to  the  north  of 
Tell  Miriam.  The  Wddy  en  Netif  oi  the  Map  was  pointed  out  to  me  by  the 
peasants  under  the  name  of  ]]'ddy  JcbcC ;  others  disputed  the  existence  of 
this  name. ' 

I  give  these  notes  in  the  same  order  and  in  the  same  form  as  I  took 
them,  leaving  them  in  their  condition  of  brevity,  which  often  involves 
ambiguity,  sometimes  contradiction : 

—  Deir  Abu  Zidd. 

From  fcrusaloii  to  Scbastc  [San/aria),  and  from  Scbasfc  to  Gaza.        281 

—  Kuskttn  (and  Wddy  Kushttn)  is  the  slope  below  Tell  Miriam,*  between 
the  tell  and  Deir  Abu  Ziad. 

—  A  little  to  the  north  of  Mukhmas  is  Tell  cl  'Asker,  with  ruins  (this 
from  hearsay). 

—  Between  Wady  Jeba'  and  Wady  Suweinit  is  Dhahrat  imiii  'Asiveijeh. 

—  Dhahrat  Abu  Rif'a  and  Wad  Abu  Rif'a  (between  Wady  Jeba',  Tell 
Miriam  and  Sammtika). 

—  The  name  of  Wady  Suzuciiiit  is  pronounced  and  must  be  written  with  a 

Jrt(/ and  a  td :  k>^u.w. 

—  Can  Tell  Miriam  and  Deir  Abu  Rif'a  be  the  two  conical  hills  spoken  of 
by  Robinson  ? 

—  According  to  others  of  the  fellahin,  there  is  no  such  place  as  Deir  Abu 
Ziad,  it  is  merely  Abti  Zidd. 

—  The  KUl'at  Abu  Damns  of  the  Map  (to  the  east  of  Jeba'  on  the  edge  of 
Wady  Suweinit)  was  pointed  out  to  me  as  Da'mns  ,^w^cj,  and  not  ^j^y^S^. 

—  Between  Jeba'  and  Mukhmas,  to  the  north  when  you  have  crossed  the 
wady,  you  find  some  high  rocks,  called  E'j'-dk  el  Munser  (^.^J^l) ;  to  the  south 
of  the  wady  are  the  corresponding  E'rdk  Abou  Zidd. 

Notes  made  next  day  between  Jeba'  and  Mukhmas  : 

—  The  false  Wady  Jeba'  is  called  Wad  el  Meisa. 

—  The  "back"  [dhahrak)  between  this  wady  and  Wady  Suweinit  {sic  ; 
possibly  Wad  el  Medineh  ?)  is  called  cl  Khashmch. 

—  The  Ras  Abu  Ziad  is  bounded  by  Wady  Suweinit. 

—  Five  or  six  minutes  east-north-east  of  Jeba'  there  is  a  vast  cave  of 
irregular  shape,  with  two  fig-trees  planted  at  the  entrance  ;  it  is  called 
Meo-hdret  Tin  Mnsd,  "the  cave  of  Moses'  fig-tree,"  or  &rdk  Mihd,  or  Shikaf 
Tin  Mnsd.\  The  inhabitants  of  Jeba'  pronounce  the  word  tin,  "fig-tree,"  as  if 
it  were  written  with  an  emphatic  ta.  Probably  this  is  the  same  word  as  enters 
into  the  composition  of  the  name  Knshtin  given  above. 

—  At  the  foot  of  Ras  Abu  Ziad,  above  the  wady  (after  the  bend),  a  large 
cavern  of  irregular  shape,  called  itrdk  or  Shikaf  Abu  Zidd,  comes  into  sight. 

—  After  crossing  the  little  glen  of  Khallet  erArildh,  we  found  opposite  the 

*  Can  the  name  Miriam  be  altered  from  Migron? 

t  In  ordinary  Arabic  ^_sjj^  shul;af  means  "bits  of  broken  pottery  or  glass,  potsherds." 
In  the  dialect  of  the  fellahin  it  means  "  rocks."  This  is  the  word  that  is  found  forming  part  of 
several  Syrian  place-names,  the  best  known  of  which  is  S/ialiif  Arniin.  It  is  a  direct  survival  of 
the  Aramaic  shekifa  and  shel;apha,  XD'pC",  XDpC,  "rocky  peak."  The  permanence  of  the  cJiuin- 
tant  sound  of  the  .f  {sJi)  is  remarkable. 

2    O 

282  Archccoloo-ical  Researches  in  Palestine. 


E'rdk  Abii  Zidd,  as  we  followed  the  mountain  side  round,  some  jagged  rocks 
called  Skhtirel'Arudh*  (to  the  south-south-east  of  Abu  Ziad). 
— ^  In  the  bend  of  Wady  Suweinit  (?)  is  a  rocky  promontory  bearing  the 

name  of  Reucheiib  (^ <■,)  el  Lozeh;  the  mountain  stretching  above  it  is  called 

Hari/it  es  Sa'da.f 

—  To  the  east  is  /orel  Bdb  el  Wdd,  "the  hole  of  the  gate  of  the  valley," 
with  pointed  rocks  on  the  right  and  left  of  the  valley  ;  those  on  the  left  are 
called  Jaiet  Hassuneh,\  and  those  on  the  right  Jdiet  Bdb  el  Wad. 

—  There  is  no  such  valley  as  Wddy  E'l-dk  ;  it  should  be  IVdd  EUradiyeh 

—  At  Reucheub  el  Lozeh  and  at  Abu  Ziad  there  are  great  patches  of 

Over  above  el  Munser  are  some  e'rdk  of  the  same  name. 

—  Various  names  of  rocks  {eurkdn,  e'rdk,  shikaf,  nighdir)  between  Jeba' 
and  Mukhmas  : 

Shikaf  ed  Dora  ;  M'ghdrt  csh  Sli'ir ;  M'ghdrt  el  Hnwdr ;  Krdk  Abu 
'Aitn  ;  RFghdrt  el  Battikh. 

—  At  Mukhmas  the  people  say  Deir,  not  Rds  Abu  Zidd. 

Mukhnids. — When  we  reached  Mukhmas,  we  found  a  funeral  going  on. 
It  was  an  interesting  scene.  A  cortege  of  weeping  women,  with  raiment  rent, 
their  breasts  bare,  uttering  cries  of  anguish  in  regular  rhythm — veritable 
threnae — were  attending  the  corpse.  The  latter  lay  with  his  head  foremost 
on  the  bier  carried  on  men's  shoulders.  The  widow  walked  alongside  with 
her  hand  placed  on  the  body.  Behind  followed  the  old  father,  supported  and 
consoled  by  another  aged  fellah,  who  repeated  to  him  incessantly,  Ktdlnd 
hetk,  "  we  are  all  thus." 

In  the  village  there  is  the  makam  of  Sultan  Ibrahim.  Just  a  little  to  the 
north  we  examined  a  piece  of  ground  that  had  been  recently  e.xcavated  to  get 
squared  blocks  from  it.  There  is  a  quantity  of  them,  without  a  trace  of 
mediaeval  origin,  and  many  white  mosaic-cubes,  not  one  of  them  in  situ. 

*  'Arudti  means  a  narrow  path  along  the  side  of  a  mountaui. 

t  Cf.,  further  on,  in  the  Appendix,  the  place-name  Har'ik't  el  Ka/iMie/i,  which  I  noted 
near  'Ellar,  and  which  is  compounded  with  the  same  word  ;  harika  properly  means  "  confla- 
gration." It  must  have  some  peculiar  meaning  in  the  fellahin  dialect,  but  I  did  not  think  of 
elucidating  the  point. 

X  I  cannot  possibly  remember  whether  I  heard  Hassuneli  pronounced  with  a  ha  or  a  he.  I 
doubt  very  much  whether  one  is  justified  in  taking  it  to  be  the  rock  of  Seneh  of  the  Bible 

From  Jcrnsalciii  to  Scbaitc  (Saiiiai-iii),  and  front  Sebastc  to  Gaza.        283 

Among  the  hewn  stones  we  noticed  a  few  sculptured  fragments  ;  here 
is  a  specimen  of  one,  a  sort  of  ridge-shaped  piece  of  stone  rather  curiously 
fashioned,  and  displaying  a  decorative  treatment  of  Byzantine  style  : 

Elevation.  Section. 

SCULPTURED   STON'E   KROM    NEAR    MUKllMAS.      Scale  J^. 

While  M.  Lecomte  was  engaged  in  drawing,  with  fellahhi  crowding  round 
him,  one  of  them  managed  to  rob  him,  with  a  dexterity  that  professional 
pickpockets  might  envy,  of  his  handkerchief,  a  silk  wrapper,  and  various 
small  articles.  We  only  discovered  the  theft  when  the  drawing  was  done, 
and  it  was  impossible  to  find  the  thief 

It  is  possible  that  the  important  edifice  that  existed  here  was  the  convent 
founded  by  Abbot  Firminus,  disciple  of  St.  Sabas,*  near  Mukhmas. 

On  the  western  side  of  Wad  Abu  Rif'a  are  visible  the  doors  of  rock-hewn 
tombs,  which  must  represent  the  ancient  burying-ground  of  Mukhmas.  At 
the  end  of  the  hill  on  which  the  village  is  built  are  a  quantity  of  irregular- 
shaped  caves. 

Dcir  Dubzvdn. — From  Mukhmas  we  proceeded  to  Deir  Dubwan.  The 
inhabitants  of  the  village  pronounce  the  name  Dcir  Diwdn.  The  ethnic  is  in 
the  singular  Diwdny,  in  the  plural  Debdivneh.  According  to  them  the  ancient 
town  was  at  the  ruin  of  Khurbet  Haiydn,  just  a  little  to  the  south  ;  Deir  Diwan 
is  only  the  convent.  The  great  plain  Hanking  it  is  called  Haiydn.  The  name 
of  the  tell  lying  immediately  to  the  north  of  Deir  Diwan  is  Tel/  Silr.  At 
Burjmus  there  is  no  Khurbeh,  absolutely  nothing  but  rocks,  my  guide  assured 
me.     Opposite  is  el  Mentdr. 

—  At  el  Mukater  we  took  a  hurried  survey  of  the  ruined  basilica.  The 
stones  are  "pock-marked"  and  not  mediaeval. 

—  At  Burj  Beitin  we  noticed  a  quantity  of  ancient  remains  used  to  enclose 
the  fig-gardens,  consisting  of  architectural  fragments  in  the  Byzantine  style, 
capitals,  cornices,  mouldings,  &c.  M.  Lecomte  made  sketches  of  a  few. 
Some  of  the  fragments  are  actually  built   into  the  tower.t     Here  are  a  great 

*    Life   of  St.    Sabas,   by  Cyril   of    Scythopolis,    in    the    Monuinenta   EcclesicB    GrcBcce   of 

Cotellerius  III,   16:    u   fniKiijHi t^^   ^lU/t^iiro'^,   o   Uttl   t«   fic/ii/    M«^^i«9    Xui'/tcw   (riiGjijtTa^ici'Ov. 

t  Drawings  not  to  be  found. 


284  ArcJuTological  Researches  in  Palestine. 

quantity  of  large  blocks  well  cut,  not  one  of  them  looking  mediseval.  These 
materials  may  very  well  have  been  worked  up  in  Crusading  times,  but  I  think 
they  come  from  the  basilica  of  el  Mukater. 

—  At  Beitin,  on  the  contrary,  I  noticed  in  the  remnant  of  the  church  some 
stones  with  the  mediaeval  tool  marks  clearly  showing  ;  the  cornice  of  the  apse 
is  certainly  of  the  Crusading  period. 

—  The  oreat  birkek  oi  Beitin  \s  cdiWcd  Bahdr  Bciiin,  "the  sea  of  Beitin." 
The  name  recalls  that  of  "the  sea  of  Jaezer"  in  the  Bible.  The  ethnic  is 
Beitiny  in  the  singular,  Beidfiieh  in  the  plural. 

El  Bireh. — From  Beitin  we  descended  again  towards  el  Birch.  The 
ruined  church  is  entirely  mediaeval,  as  is  shown  by  the  tool-marks  on  the 
stones,  and  the  nature  of  the  masons'  marks.  At  the  beginnings  of  the  apses 
the  blocks  have  the  grooves  entirely  oblique,  even  in  the  concave  parts, 
contrary  to  what  I  noticed  at  Abu  Ghosh  and  elsewhere. 

I  discovered  the  inscription  that  I  had  been  told  of  some  time  before  by 
the  natives  of  Lydda,*  hidden  behind  a  pomegranate-tree,  as  they  described. 
It  is  carved  on  a  pillar  imbedded  in  the  inner  south  wall.t 

The  ethnic  is  Birdivy  in  the  singular,  Beidrweh  in  the  plural. 
Jefneh  or  Jiifna. — From  el  Bireh  we  went  again  to  Jefneh,  where  we 
were  to  pass  the  night.  The  ethnic  is  Jefndivy  in  the  singular,  Jefdw'neh 
in  the  plural.  The  vines  of  Jefneh  are  highly  celebrated,  whence  probably 
the  village  derives  its  present  name,  ja/n  meaning  "vine-stock."  This 
peculiarity,  I  think,  finally  establishes  the  identity  of  Jefneh  with  the  Gophna 
{oiiJLTTe\o<;,  "  vine  ")  of  the  Onomasticon,  the  Gnphna,  Gnphnit,  Beth  Guphin  of 
the  Talmud  {Gu/na  likewise  meaning  a  "vine-stock"). 

As  for  the  attempted  identification  with  the  Ophni  of  the  Bible,  it  appears 
very  doubtful,  the  change  of  the  initial  'ain  to  ginicl  and  to  jini  being 
improbable,  to  say  nothing  of  the  topographical  difficulties,  Ophni  being  in 
the  territory  of  Benjamin,  and  Jefneh,  from  position,  more  probably  in  that 
of  Ephraim. 

—  Next  morning,  as  we  left  Jefneh  on  our  way  to 'Ain  Sinia,  we  noticed 
on  the  left  hand  on  the  outskirts  of  the  village  numerous  rock-hewn  tombs. 

'Ain  Sinid. — We  made   rather  a  long  halt   at  'Ain  Sinia,  which   is  an 

*   Cf.  supra,  p.  100. 

t  By  an  unaccountable  fatality  I  can  find  no  trace  of  this  inscription  among  my  notes  and 
squeezes,  and  now  I  do  not  even  remember  what  language  it  was  in.  I  counsel  future  explorers 
to  supply  this  want. 

From  Jcntsalcm  to  Scbastc  {Samaria),  and  front  Scbastc  to  Gaza.        285 

important  locality,  as  we  shall  see.  The  ethnic  is  'Ansdivy  in  the  singular, 
'Andsweh  in  the  plural.  There  are  two  sanctuaries  :  the  makam  of  Sheikh 
H'sein  and  that  of  Sheikh  Ahmed  el  'Adjemy.  The  village  has  numbers  of 
springs,  called  as  follows  :  'Ain  el  Mezrdb,  'Ain  Sheikh  H'sem,  'Ain  el  farab, 
'Ain  el  Merj,  'Ain  el  Ballitta. 

I  explored  the  rock-hewn  tomb  with  its  Hebrew  inscription  carved  above 
the  door,  discovered  in  1872  by  the  lamented  Drake.*  On  having  the  inside 
cleared  out  a  little,  I  saw  that  it  consisted  of  a  chamber  of  irregular  shape, 
with  an  attempt  at  a  funerary  loculus  (arcosolium  ?)  on  the  right  hand  side, 
I  picked  up  a  ring  or  small  bracelet  of  copper,  but  found  no  trace  of  the 
ossuaries  that  Drake  saw  fragments  of.  The  fellahin  told  me  that  two 
foreigners,  H'n/id,  "  Indians"  (probably  dervishes  from  central  Asia),  had  been 
buried  there  a  few  years  before  ;  and,  in  fact,  we  saw  their  bones  at  the 
surface  of  the  soil  that  filled  up  the  cavity.  Here  are  the  elev^ation  and  the 
section  of  the  entrance  to  the  tomb,  with  the  position  of  the  inscription 
marked  : — 

Front  view. 


ROCK   TOMB    NEAR   'aIN    s'lNIA.      .Scale   yJ^r 

I   copied   the  inscription,    and  took   a   good   squeeze  of  it.      It  consists  of  a 
longish  line  of  square  Hebrew  characters  difficult  to  make  out.     The  characters 

Inscription  on  the  above. 

are,  however,  cut,  as  a  rule,   carefully  enough  and  deeply,  but  at  the  end  ot 

*   Qiiarterty  Statement,  July,  1872,  p.  87.     Memoirs,  II,  p.  302. 

286  Archceological  Researches  in  Palestine. 

the  line  the  work  is  more  negligently  done ;  they  are  larger,  not  so  well  kept 
in  line,  and  disfigured  by  broken  places.     The  beginning  is  easily  deciphered  : 

•••-a  -W-h^  'yi  rr^liry*  ••  Hananiah,  son  of  Eleazar,  son  of  .  .  .  ." 
This  reading,  which  was  my  suggestion,  has  been  rightly  adopted  in 
the  Memoirs  (1882,  II,  p.  302!);  those  that  have  subsequently  been  put 
forward  in  the  Quarterly  Statement  {1883,  p.  170,  and  1885,  p.  14)  are 
inadmissible.  It  is  absolutely  impossible  to  read  "  Moses  bar  Eleazar  bar 
Zechariah  the  priest." 

The  use  of  the  Aramaic  form  bar,  "  son,"  instead  of  the  Hebrew  form  ben 
is  in  no  wise  extraordinary.  We  have  many  examples  of  this  in  the  language 
of  the  Talmud  and  in  inscriptions.  From  the  palaeographic  point  of  view 
attention  should  be  given  to  the  very  peculiar  shape  of  the  aleph  in  the  name 
of  Eleazar,  which  strikingly  reminds  one  of  the  Nabattean  aleph.  This  is  not 
the  first  time  I  have  noticed  analogies  of  this  sort  between  certain  Nabataean 
letters  and  the  corresponding  letters  of  the  Hebrew  alphabet  used  in  ancient 
inscriptions  in  square  characters.  This  holds  good,  for  instance,  of  the  shin 
and  the  final  mem  in  the  inscriptions  on  the  ossuaries  of  the  Mount  of 
Stumbling  {see  Volume  I). 

The  word  bar  after  the  name  of  Eleazar  was  certainly  followed  by  a 
third  proper  name,  that  of  the  grandfather  of  Hananiah,  but  I  have  no 
hope  of  making  it  out.  I  will  content  myself  with  giving,  for  the  end  of 
the  line,  a  transcription  of  the  characters  as  far  as  I  can  distinguish  them, 
with  their  different  possible  values  : — 

(?)  (?)  (?)  (?)  (?)  (?)         (?)        (?)   (?)        (?)    (?) 

-r  T  n  j  :  1  o  -1   n  3  1  (?)  1     "^ 
"I  "I  n  "^  2  "^       T        n   "I        "•     T 

t  1    ^    t  ST  T       T 

It  will  be  seen  that  with  the  exception  of  the  n  and  the  Q,  all  the  characters 
are  more  or  less  doubtful,  and  lend  themselves  to  many  combinations  too 
conjectural  to  detain  us:   Joseph  {}),  Jacob  {}),   of  /?«;;/ ("^rDin  ?),   or  of  Rim- 

*  The  long  upright  stroke  after  the  'ain  is  not,  as  might  be  supposed  at  first  sight,  the  stem 
of  a  lamed,  but  a  wrong  stroke. 

t  Only  it  is  doubly  inaccurate  to  say  that  the  inscription  was  plainly  legible,  but  so  roughly 
cut  that  a  squeeze  was  impossible. 

From  Jerusalem  to  Scbastc  {Samaria),  and  from  Sebastc  to  Gaza.        287 

man  (?)  ?  ?,*  and  so  on.  The  style  of  the  characters  is  strongly  reminiscent 
of  that  of  the  inscription  cut  on  the  architrave  of  the  so-called  Tomb  of 
St.  James  at  Jerusalem,  the  epitaph  of  the  family  of  Bene  Hezir.t  They 
probably  belong  to  the  same  period,  that  is  to  say  to  the  beginning  of  the 
Christian  era. 

Considering  the  well-known  alternation  of  the  same  proper  names  in  the 
same  family  from  generation  to  generation,  it  might  be  asked  whether  our 
Hananiah,  son  of  Eleazar,  may  not  have  been  related  to  Eleazaros,  son  of 
Ananos  (or  Ananas  =  Ananias)  the  High  Priest,  who  was  himself  appointed 
High  Priest  by  the  Praetor  Valerius  Gratus,  the  predecessor  of  Pontius  Pilate.J 

Jeshanah. — The  village  of  'Ain  Sinia  has  been  known  for  a  long  time — 
Robinson,  Guerin  and  others  have  visited  it.  Hitherto,  however,  no  one  had 
thought  that  it  might  represent  a  Biblical  spot.  After  an  attentive  examina- 
tion of  the  locality  and  the  texts,  I  have  come  to  the  conclusion  that  we 
probably  ought  to  recognise  in  it  the  town  of  Jeshanah,  which  plays  a  very 
important  part  in  ancient  Jewish  history.  This  will  I  hope  be  clear  from  the 
historical  and  topographical  considerations  following. 

Rehoboam,  King  of  Judah,  Solomon's  son  and  successor,  does  not  appear 
to  have  engaged  in  a  regular  war  against  Jeroboam,  though  the  latter  had 
brought  about  the  secession  of  the  Ten  Tribes,  and  managed  to  set  up  in 
his  own  interest  the  Kingdom  of  Israel  in  opposition  to  the  Kingdom  of 
Judah,  without  meeting  with  any  serious  opposition. 

The  Bible  says,  indeed,  twice  over,  that  the  two  rivals  were  perpetually 
in  conflict  (i  Kings  xiv,  30,  xv,  6);  but  this  state  of  chronic  hostility  does 
not  seem,  at  least  so  far  as  our  documents  go,  to  have  resolved  itself  into  any 
great  military  adventures. 

The  real  cause  of  the  inaction  of  the  King  of  Judah  is  to  be  sought  in 
the  terrible  Egyptian  invasion  under  Shishak,  probably  provoked  by  Jeroboam 
himself,  who,  fleeing  before  the  wrath  of  Solomon,  had  formerly  been  the 
guest  of  the  Egyptian  Pharaoh,  and  afterwards  probably  his  agent.  A  curious 
addition  in  the  Septuagint  version  (BacrtX,  iii,  12,  [15])  declares  further  that 
Jeroboam  married  the  sister-in-law  of  Shishak,  Ano,  the  elder  sister  of  Theke- 

*  Ra7n  and  Rammon  are  places  near  'Ain  Sinia. 

t  At  the  time  I  had  an  idea  that  the  end  of  the  Hne  might  be  -\tn  ]1,  "son  of  Hezer"  (for 
Hezir),  but  this  is  very  doubtful.     "  Son  of  Hod  "  (i  Chron.  vii,  37)  is  hardly  more  probable. 

I  Josephus,  Ant.  Jud.,  xviii,  2:2;  <■/.  Bell.  Jud.,  ii,  17:  2  ;  17:  5  ;  20  :  4,  where  there 
appears  an  Eleazaros,  son  of  Ananias  the  High  Priest,  who  plays  a  most  active  part  in  the  great 
Jewish  rising  under  the  Procurator  Florus. 

2  88  Archcsologkal  Researches  in  Palestine. 

mina,  own  wife  to  the  Pharaoh.  This  matrimonial  alliance  could  not  fail  to 
draw  tighter  the  political  bond  uniting  Jeroboam  and  Shishak. 

Not  until  Rehoboam  saw  his  kingdom  invaded  and  his  very  capital 
pillaged  by  the  Egyptians,  did  it  occur  to  him  to  assert  by  force  of  arms  his 
rights  against  an  all-powerful  usurper. 

The  first  intention  of  Rehoboam  was  surely  to  attack  the  Israelite 
secession.  With  this  view  he  gets  together  a  considerable  army  (2  Chron. 
xi,  i),  but  all  at  once  he  thinks  better  of  it,  and  at  the  bidding  of  Jehovah 
abandons  this  fratricidal  struggle  [id.,  iv) :  "  Fight  not  against  your  brethren." 

It  is  allowable  to  suppose  that  the  threatening  attitude  of  Egypt  counted 
for  something  in  this  sudden  change  of  front,  which  this  mere  sentimental 
reason  is  not  adequate  to  explain.  We  see,  in  fact,  that  while  Rehoboam 
abandons  his  expedition  against  insurgent  Israel,  he  diverts  all  his  warlike 
activity  to  putting  his  country  in  a  state  of  defence.  He  fortifies  the  towns, 
stores  in  them  provisions  and  material,  puts  in  them  garrisons  with  their 
captains,  and  so  forth.  The  position  of  these  towns  shows  well  enough  from 
what  quarter  the  storm  was  expected.  They  are  all  to  the  south,  or  south- 
west of  Jerusalem  :  Bethlehem,  Thekoa,  Etam,  Beth-zur,  Shoco,  Adullam, 
Gath,  Mareshah,  Ziph,  Adoraim,  Lachish,  Azekah,  Zorah,  Aijalon,  and 
Hebron  (2  Chron.  xi,  6-10). 

Despite  these  measures  of  defence,  the  kingdom  of  Judah  was  unable  to 
resist ;  but  it  survived  the  invasion  of  Shishak,  which  in  reality  was  nothing 
but  a  ^r^diX.  ghazzi a,  with  pillage  for  its  main  object,  and  seems  to  have  borne 
as  hardly  on  Israel  as  on  Judah,  to  judge  from  Egyptian  sources  of  information. 

Abijah  or  Abijam,  the  son  and  successor  of  Rehoboam,  was  the  first  to 
approach  Jeroboam  arms  in  hand,  and  to  call  him  seriously  to  account  for  his 

The  chapter  of  the  First  Book  of  Kings  already  quoted  (and  xv,  7)  contents 
itself  with  remarking  laconically,  using  the  same  expression  as  in  verse  6, 
that  there  was  "war  between  Abijam  and  Jeroboam."  We  are  therein 
referred  for  fuller  details  to  the  "Chronicles  of  the  Kings  of  Judah"  {sepher 
dibre  hayyamini),  where,  it  says,  the  words  and  acts  of  Abijah  are  related. 

It  may  be  this  source,  now  unfortunately  lost,  that  furnished  the  com- 
piler of  the  Book  of  Chronicles  with  the  more  circumstantial  details  that  he 
gives  us  about  the  history  of  this  war.* 

*  2  Chronicles,  xiii.     The  narrative  (v.  2)  begins  by  repeating  the  same  formula  as   that 
in  the  passage  of  i  Kings  (xv,  7). 

From  Jerusalevi  to  Scbaste  {^Sa)uaria\  and  from  Scbaste  to  Gaza.       289 

Here  we  see  Abijah  taking  the  offensive  against  Jeroboam,  who  for 
eighteen  years  had  enjoyed  the  fruits  of  his  usurpation  without  any  serious 
anxiety.  Abijah  assembles  an  army  of  "four  hundred  thousand  chosen  men." 
These  figures  of  course  cannot  be  taken  seriously,  any  more  than  those  of  the 
army  of  Jeroboam,  which  is  reckoned  at  "eight  hundred  thousand  men  "  in 
the  Hebrew  text.  The  Vulgate  reduces  these  figures  to  forty  thousand  and 
forty-eight  thousand  respectively.  It  is  enough  for  us  to  suppose  that  Abijah 
attacked  with  forces  half  as  numerous  as  those  of  his  adversary. 

According  to  Josephus,  the  King  of  Judah  invaded  the  enemy's  territory 
[Antiq.  Jttd.,  viii,  11,  2),  but  the  fact  of  the  matter  is  that  it  was  Jeroboam 
who  assumed  the  offensive.  However,  even  according  to  the  narrative  of 
the  Jewish  historian,  the  King  of  Judah  does  not  await  the  arrival  of  his 
opponent,  but  advances  to  meet  him  :  dmjvTrjcre  tS)  'lepofiodfKi).  At  all  events, 
Abijah  takes  up  his  position  on  Mount  Zemaraim,  "in  Mount  Ephraim": 
D''-1Q!J  •^rh  hyCi  n^inW  ap^T  (H  Chron.  xiii,  4). 

Mount  Zemaraim  is  near  the  town  of  the  same  name  belonging  to  the 
territory  of  Benjamin.  No  one  has  yet  succeeded  in  discovering  either  the 
town  or  the  mountain.  I  wonder  whether  it  could  by  chance  be  the  Ras  ez 
Zeiinera,  a  little  to  the  south  of  Taiyibeh.'"  Despite  its  thoroughly  Arabic 
appearance,  the  name  Zcimara  would  be  the  strict  phonetic  equivalent  of 
Zemaraim,  the  Arabic  rMin  often  standing  for  a  Hebrew  or  Aramaic  zade. 

*  The  same  idea,  I  see,  has  occurred  to  Mr.  Trelawney  Saunders  {Old  Testament — map).  It 
follows  naturally  from  the  identification  of  Jeshanah  which  I  had  proposed  and  he  adopted.  Up 
to  this  time  it  had  been  supposed  that  the  Benjamite  town  of  Zemaraim  might  be  identified  with 
Ktiurbet  es  Samra,  which  is  situated  on  the  side  next  Jordan.  This  identification,  which  is  still 
adopted  in  the  21-sheet  Map,  seems  to  me  to  deserve  rejection  on  several  grounds.  In  the  first 
place,  from  the  onomastic  point  of  view  : — the  resemblance  between  Samra  and  Zemaraim  is 
merely  on  the  surface,  and  disappears  upon  comparing  the  real  forms  of  these  names.  Samra  is 
written  with  a  sin,  which  cannot  correspond  to  the  Hebrew  zade.  The  two  letters  are  two 
radically  different  sibilants  which  can  only  be  interchanged  under  particular  circumstances,  which 
do  not  occur  here,  namely,  when  another  eniphatic  consonant  is  present  in  the  word.  Samra  is 
nothing  more  or  less  than  the  feminine  of  asmar,  "  black,"  or,  if  it  be  preferred,  the  collective 
plural  "Samaritans;"  it  has  no  sort  of  connection  with  the  Hebrew  Zemaraim.  From  the 
topographic  point  of  view  the  identification  is  no  less  unsatisfactory,  for  Kh.  es  Samra  is  much 
too  far  away  from  the  neighbourhood  of  Bethel,  Jeshanah,  and  Ephron.  Now  the  town  of 
Zemaraim  could  not  have  been  far  from  Bethel,  being  mentioned  along  with  it  in  Joshua  xviii,  22. 
It  is  no  less  clear,  from  the  general  tenour  of  the  account  of  the  battle  between  Abijah  and 
Jeroboam,  that  Bethel  and  Mount  Zemaraim  (a  namesake  of  the  town)  were  in  proximity.  The 
latter  must  have  been  in  the  south-south-east  part  of  the  disputed  belt,  near  the  boundary  between 
the  kingdoms  of  Judah  and  Israel.  From  the  point  of  view  of  onomastics  and  of  topography, 
therefore,  Ras  ez  Zeimara  stands  a  very  good  chance  of  being  identical  with  Zemaraim. 

2    P 

290  Archceological  Researches  in  Palestine. 

At  this  point  the  Bible  narrative  puts  into  the  mouth  of  Abijah  one  of 
those  conventional  discourses  that  reminds  us  of  the  rhetorical  declamations 
so  dear  to  the  heart  of  the  historians  of  classical  antiquity.  This  long  and 
vehement  harangue,  addressed  to  the  traitorous  and  sacrilegious  rebel,  extends 
from  verse  4  to  verse  13. 

However,  Jeroboam  taking  advantage  of  his  superiority  of  numbers 
had  turned  the  position  that  Abijah  occupied,  taking  him  in  front  and 
rear.  Battle  is  joined,  and  in  spite  of,  or  rather  on  account  of  the  man- 
oeuvre of  Jeroboam,  who  seems  to  have  been  as  poor  in  generalship  as 
he  was  good  at  diplomacy,  the  result  is  the  utter  defeat  of  the  army  of 
Israel.  The  latter,  while  trying  to  carry  out  a  flanking  movement,  had  let 
itself  be  cut  in  two. 

I  do  not  wish  to  lay  any  stress  on  the  total  losses — five  hundred  thousand 
men!  Here  again  the  Vulgate  reduces  the  figure  to  fifty  tliousand.  It 
would  perhaps  be  better  still  to  read  five  thousand,  and  to  suppress  without 
further  ceremony  the  "hundred"  in  this  passage,  as  in  that  already  quoted. 
This  would  bring  the  number  of  combatants  to  four  thousand  on  one 
side  and  eight  thousand  on  the  other.  Or,  if  you  prefer  it,  eliminate  the 
word  "thousand"  from  the  figures  of  the  losses,  which  would  bring 
them  down  to  five  hundred,  a  reasonable  proportion  enough,  if  we 
admit  four  thousand  and  eight  thousand  as  being  the  real  numbers  of  the 

In  a  word,  Abijah  wins  all  along  the  line.  He  pursues  Jeroboam,  and 
takes  from  him  three  towns,  "  Bethel  and  her  daughters,  Jeshanah  and  her 
daughters,  Ephron  and  her  daughters"  (verse  19). 

Of  these  three  towns  Bethel,  JeshanaJt,  and  Ephrait)!,  one  only,  Bethel, 
can  be  located  with  any  precision.  Topographers  agree  in  placing  Bethel  at 
Beitin  ;  Ephron,  or  according  to  the  variant  of  the  "  Keri,"  Ephi'ain,  is  gene- 
rally regarded  as  identical  with  Ophrah,  which  is  located  with  some  probability, 
but  without  absolute  certainty,  at  the  village  of  Taiyibeh,  nearly  an  hour  to 
the  north-east  of  Beitin. 

This  leaves  us  with  Jeshanah,  which  up  to  now  had  been  classed  by 
commentators  among  the  desiderata  of  Biblical  topography. 

I  am  not  here  concerned  with  the  subsidiary  question  whether  Jeshanah, 
the  name  of  which  is  transliterated  'Icrava  in  the  corresponding  account  given 
by  Josephus  {Antiq.  Jud.,  viii,  11,  3),  is  the  same  locality  as  the  village  of 
'lo-ava?,  which,  according  to  this  same  writer,  was  long  afterwards  the  scene 
of  the  meeting  between   Herod  and    Pappus,   the  general    of    the    army    of 

Frojn  Jerusalem  to  Sebasie  [Samaria),  and  from  Sebaste  to  Gaza.       2gi 

Antigonus.*  If  these  two  places  are  really  one,  so  much  the  better;  what  I 
am  going  to  suggest  for  the  first  will  in  that  case  apply  to  the  second,  and 
thus  we  shall  kill  two  birds  with  one  stone. 

Even  if  we  did  not  know  from  another  source  what  kind  of  place  the 
famous  Bethel,  one  of  the  three  towns,  was,  the  mention  of  their  banotk, 
"  daughters,"  would  suffice  to  show  that  we  had  to  deal  with  important  cities 
with  the  characteristics  of  a  metropolis.  Josephus  has  no  hesitation  in 
rendering  thus  :  "  Bethel  and   Isana  with  their  toparchies,  koL  Tr]v  Tonapx^o-v 

The  three  towns  mentioned  together  in  the  Bible  narrative  must  be 
pretty  close  to  one  another  and  form  a  strategic  group  in  the  same  region. 
Their  capture  is  the  immediate  result  of  the  defeat  of  Jeroboam,  and  Abijah 
makes  himself  master  of  them  as  he  pursues  the  King  of  Israel. 

Moreover,  they  must  have  been  on  the  confines  of  the  two  kingdoms  ;  for 
Bethel  stood  almost  exactly  on  the  frontier  of  Israel  and  Judah,  and  it  is 
difficult  to  imagine  Abijah  annexing  anything  but  a  strip  of  territory  that 
bordered  on  his  own.  This  strip,  clearly  marked  out  by  three  points,  and 
seized  upon  in  a  moment  of  surprise,  must  have  been  strictly  limited.  As  a 
matter  of  fact  we  do  not  hear  of  Abijah  pushing  the  pursuit  any  further  and 
extending  his  conquests. 

This  granted,  we  must  look  for  Jeshanah  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Beitin, 
preferably  to  the  north  of  it.  It  should  therefore  occasion  us  no  surprise  if 
this  single  passage  is  the  only  place  in  the  Bible  where  we  come  across  the 
name  of  a  town  as  important  as  Jeshanah  appears  to  have  been.  It  must 
have  belonged,  from  its  presumed  position,  to  the  territory  of  Ephraim.  Now 
we  know  that  as  the  book  of  Joshua  omits  to  include  the  list  of  the  cities  of 
Ephraim  from  its  catalogue,  or  rather  systematically  excludes  them,  we  have 
but  little  information  about  anything  that  concerns  the  district  occupied  by 
this  tribe. 

These  various  considerations  induce  me  to  propose  as  the  desired  site 
our  village  of  'Ain  Sinia,  which  is  about  ^ve  kilometres  almost  due  north  of 

'Ain  Sinia    is  beyond  doubt  on  an  ancient  site.     Two  facts    sufiice  to 

*  Antiq.  Jud.,  xiv,  15,  12.  The  contrary  view  is  rather  favoured  by  the  fact  that  when  this 
narrative  is  repeated  in  Xhejewisk  Wars  (i,  17,  5),  the  name  of 'iTrirrc.-  is  replaced  by  Kava.  This 
variant  is  easy  to  account  for  palEeographically  in  the  uncial  characters  of  the  MSS.  :  IC^N^, 
KXN^(IC  =  K).    What  we  now  want  to  know  is,  which  of  the  two  forms  gave  rise  to  the  other 

292  Archarological  Researches  in  Palestine. 

prove  this  :  first,  the  existence  of  the  numerous  and  abundant  springs  already 
enumerated  by  me,  which  must  at  all  times  have  marked  out  the  place  as  a 
desirable  site  ;  and  secondly,  the  presence  of  the  rock-hewn  necropolis  of 
which  I  have  already  spoken. 

The  site  would  answer  perfectly  well  to  the  general  requirements  of  the 
problem,  only  we  must  consider  whether  the  Arabic  name  complies  with  the 
exigencies  of  onomastic  tradition,  which  is  an  essential  preliminary  to  right 
identification  in  Biblical  geography. 

The  village  of 'Ain  Sinia,  literally,  "the  spring  of  Sinia,"  lies  in  a  valley 
that  bears  like  itself  the  name  of  Sinia.  This  detail  has  an  importance  of  its 
own,  for  whenever  we  find  in  Palestine  the  same  name,  with  a  well-marked 
form,  attaching  simultaneously  to  a  village  and  to  a  Khiirbeli,  a  zuddy,  or  an 
'ain,  that  are  close  to  one  another,  we  should  bear  in  mind  that  this  tenacity 
implies  the  antiquity  of  the  name. 

In  the  present  instance  the  homonymity  of  'Ai7i  Sinia  and  It'ddy  Sinia 
also  justifies  us  in  confining  our  attention  to  the  word  Sfnid.  Now  this  name 
Sinia  Loj^;  offers  a  most  unmistakable  likeness  to  that  of  Jeshanah  'nl'^^- 

In  fact  there  was  every  likelihood  that  the  word.  JesJianah,  which  rightly 
or  wrongly  is  explained  by  the  root  ""m-^ yachan,  "to  be  old,"*  should  lose  its 
initial  yod  in  passing  to  the  Arabic,  whether  it  was  radical  or  not.  This 
aphceresis  is  normal,  so  to  speak,  for  most  geographical  names  of  this  type  : 
Ye7'icho  =  Rika,  Yezrael  =  Zei'in,  etc. 

In  conformity  wuth  another  rule  of  no  less  certainty,  the  Hebrew  shin 
becomes  an  Arabic  sin :  so  shanah  =  sanah.  As  for  the  modification  of  the 
a  towards  i,  this  phenomenon  need  excite  no  surprise  on  the  shifting  ground 
of  the  Semitic  vowels.  Besides,  it  is  notorious  that  the  Masoretic  punctuation 
has  to  be  received  with  considerable  caution.  I  would  remind  the  reader, 
though  without  desiring  to  attach  too  much  importance  to  the  fact,  that  the 
Septuagint  transliterates  the  name  of  our  town  :  'lecmi-a.  We  are  at  liberty 
to  regard  this  n  as  a  step  towards  the  i  (by  iotacism),  but  it  may  be  simply 
a  copyist's  error. 

As  for  the  origin  of  the  termination  id  U,  which  must  not  be  confused 
with  iyah,  iyeh,  ^,,  the  feminine  ending  of  the  adjective  or  relative,  this  is  met 
with  in  scores  of  Arabic  place-names  in  these  parts.  I  mention  at  haphazard  : 
Kebbid,    Deir   I  slid,    Beit    Unid,    'Ain    Kef  rid,    Sirisid,   Jiljilid,    Ferdisid, 

■  Jeshanah  would  thus  mean  "  the  Old,"  just  as  Hadasha  means  "  the  New." 

From  Jerusalem  to  Sebaste  (Samaria),  and  from  Scbaste  to  Gaza.       293 

Tarjidid,  Rashanid,  etc.*  In  several  of  these  names  the  termhiation  id  is 
seen  to  be  distinct  from  the  radical  theme  :  Kefr  .  .  .  ,  Jiljil .  .  ,  Ferdis  .  .  .  , 
etc.  We  are  therefore  within  our  rights  in  likewise  isolating  the  theme  Sm  in 
Stnid,  by  removing  the  adventitious  termination  id,  whatever  its  origin  may 
really  have  been. 

Sinid,  which  constitutes  a  successive  contraction  and  expansion  of  the 
Hebrew  -word  Jcshana/i,  itself  undergoes  in  Arabic  a  much  more  curious  and 
pronounced  contraction  when  it  appears  in  the  ethnic  form.  As  I  have 
already  stated,  a  man  of  'Ain  Stnid  is  called  'Ansdwy  ^^.1.,^^,  plural  'Andswek, 
iyJ\ls^.  It  is  certainly  less  difficult  to  admit  ilxAt  Jcshanah  has  become  Sinid, 
than  to  believe  that  the  constituent  parts  of  'Ansdivj  are  'Ain  Sinid,  which 
is  however  beyond  a  doubt. 

So  then  topographically  and  onomastically  'Ain  Sini^  may  with  perfect 
justice  be  accepted  as  the  ancient  Jeshanah. 

It  is  a  striking  fact  that  Beitin,  'Ain  Sinia  and  Taiyibeh,  that  is  to  say, 
Bethel,  Jeshanah  and  Ephron  (?)  happen  to  form  a  triangle  of  which  the 
southern  apex  is  represented  by  Beitin  (Bethel) ;  this  triangle  must  have  had 
a  real  strategic  value,  since  it  is  comprised  in  an  elevated  plateau  formed  by 
the  intersection  of  the  watersheds  of  the  Mediterranean  and  the  Dead  Sea, 
and  a  great  number  of  valleys  radiate  from  it.  On  this  territory,  reft  from 
Jeroboam,  stood  the  banotli,  "the  daughters,"  that  is  to  say,  the  villages 
depending  on  the  three  towns.  These  villages  are  represented  at  the  present 
day  by  a  number  of  ruins  and  hamlets  dotted  about  over  this  region. 

Schwarz  proposed  to  identify  Jeshanah  with  a  village  Al-sanim,  two  miles 
west  of  Bethel,  which  village  Sir  G.  Grove  rightly  declared  to  be  "undiscover- 
able  in  any  map  which  the  writer  has  consulted."!  In  any  case  it  does  not 
even  appear  on  the  map  accompanying  the  work  of  the  learned  rabbi.  Can  it 
be,  in  spite  of  the  marked  differences  between  the  names  and  positions  of  the 
two  villages,  that  'Ain  Sinid,  or  perhaps,  the  ruins  of  Sali^niya,  which  are 
actually  to  the  ivcst  of  Beitin,  was  the  place  that  Schwarz  had  in  view .'' 
It    is    hard    to    say.|      I    will    merely  observe    that    the  German    edition   of 

*  Compare  the  place-names  of  Palestine  in  the  Talmud  that  end  in  ^^i :  Kepher  Lekitia, 
Gozeria,  Talmia,  Touria,  Migdal  Notinia,  etc. 

t  Smith's  Dictionary  of  the  Bible,  s.  v.  Jeshanah. 

%  This  is  evidently  the  Khiirbet  Selemiyeh  of  the  P.E.  Fund  Map,  which  is  in  fact  two  miles 
7L<est  of  Bcltin.  Name,  distance,  and  position  agree.  Consequently  it  is  certainly  not  our 
"Ain  Sinia  that  Schwarz  had  in  mind. 

2  94  Archcrological  Researches  in  Palestine. 

Schwarz*  has  Al-Sania,  which  would  not  be  so  far  from  Ain  Sinid.  At 
all  events  Schwarz  seems  to  have  been  making-  in  this  instance  one  of  those 
random  shots  to  which  he  was  only  too  prone. 

There  exists  another  place  in  Palestine  bearing  exactly  the  same  name 
as  'Ain  Sinia,  namely,  the  ruin  called  Klnwbet  Si7iid,\  situated  a  little  to 
the  east  of  Tubas,  the  ancient  Thebez,  according  to  a  generally  received 
opinion.  This  northern  Sftiid  would,  from  its  position,  belong  to  the  territory 
of  Issachar,  near  the  boundary  of  Manasseh.  Possibly  in  this  case  Sinia, 
ljJuw>  may  be  the  onomastic  topographic  equivalent  of  Shion  pN''\t^,  a  town  of 
Issachar  mentioned  between  Haphraim  and  Anaharath  (Joshua  xix,  19). 
The  book  of  Joshua,  if  the  reader  remembers,  instead  of  enumerating  the 
towns  of  Issachar  by  groups,  mentions  them  in  order  as  they  lie  along  the 
boundary  of  the  tribe.  The  Onomasticou,  it  is  true,  suggests  the  identification 
of  this  Shion  with  a  locality  bearing  a  name  probably  analogous,  near  Mount 
Tabor,  which  is  utterly  removed  from  our  second  Sinia.  But  we  know  too 
well  on  what  slender  bases  the  identifications  of  Eusebius  and  St.  Jerome 
sometimes  rest.  In  geographical  matters  they  have  all  the  boldness  of  the 
most  adventurous  of  modern  commentators.  If  this  Khiirbet  Sinia  does  not 
represent  Chion  in  Issachar,  it  is  perhaps  a  Jeshanah  of  the  same  name  as  that 
in  Ephraim,  and  no  mention  of  it  has  survived  to  our  day.  The  name  is  one 
of  those  that  by  their  very  meaning  are  destined  to  have  duplicates  at  different 
places,  since  it  means  simply  "the  Old." 

In  the  Talmud  mention  is  made  of  a  magistrate  (or  archon  ?)  of  Jeshanah : 
TOIl^TJ  "'31^^.      Does  this  passage  really  refer  to  our  Jeshanah  in  Ephraim  ? 

From  'Ain  Sinia  to  Nablus. 

Yabrud. — From  'Ain  Sinia  we  ascended  again  to  Yabrud.  Near  the 
village  the  tomb  of  Neby  Yousef  is  pointed  out  by  the  inhabitants.  The 
ethnic  is  Yabroudy,  plural  Yabdr  deh. 

The  Arab  geographer  Yaktat  speaks  of  the  two  villages  Yabriid  and 
'Ain  Yabrud  (which  is  less  than  a  mile  and  a  half  to  the  south  of  the  former). 

*  Das  heilige  Land,  page  125.  Al-salimia,  for  as-salimia ;  in  his  Arabic  transliterations 
Schwarz  always  neglects  to  mark  the  insertion  of  the  article  before  the  "  solar  "  letters. 

t  Guerin,  Samarie,  I,  361.  It  does  not  appear  on  the  Map.  See  the  observation  on  this 
subject  in  the  Memoirs,  II,  page  240. 

Fi'oni  J  cm  sale  in  to  Scbaste  [Samaria),  and  front  Sebasfe  to  Gaza.        295 

He  mentions  some  notable  persons  as  coming  from  Yabrud,  and  says  that 
'Ain  Yabrud  was  formerly  distinguished  by  a  double  ivakf  (pious  foundation), 
which  was  bought  up  by  Sultan  el  Melek  el  Mo'addham,  and  set  apart  by  him 
for  the  support  of  the  Sebil.* 

He  adds  in  a  rather  ambiguous  jDassage,  which,  however,  can  only  be 
interpreted  in  one  way,  that  between  "'Ain  Yabrud  and  Yabrud"  there  is 
Kefcr  Ndthd.  This  reading  is  certainly  incorrect,  for  it  is  impossible  that 
Yakut  should  have  been  thinking  of  the  village  of  Kefer  Nata,  which  lies  far 
distant,  to  the  south  of  Deir  Dubwan,  and  besides  he  would  have  no  plausible 
reason  for  mentioning  it  here.  He  must  undoubtedly  be  alluding  to  the  now 
ruined  village  of  Kefcr  'And,  which  is  actually  between  Yabrud  and  Ain 
Yabrud,  and  which  some  have  wished  to  identify  with  the  Chephar 
Haammonai  of  the  tribe  of  Benjamin.t  We  should,  I  think,  be  justified  in 
correcting  in  the  Arabic  text,  UU  yi  to  UU^. 

Geba. — We  should  expect  to  find  in  these  parts  a  village  rr;/3a,  Geba, 
which  the  Onomasticon  locates  five  miles  from  Gouphnai  (Jufna),  on  the  way 
to  Neapolis,  and  ventures  to  identify  with  the  Gebini  of  Isaiah  x,  31.  The 
identification  is  worthless  of  course,  but  the  village  alluded  to  in  the 
Onomasticon  must  none  the  less  have  a  real  existence.  At  the  requisite 
distance,  and  in  the  requisite  direction,  there  is  a  certain  IVdd  d  Jib,  running 
alongside  the  Roman  way.  This,  it  appears  to  me,  has  preserved  the  name 
of  the  vanished  village.| 

TaiyibcJi ;  Roman  Milestones. — From  Yabrud  we  made  straight  for 
Taiyibeh.  I  particularly  busied  myself  with  examining  the  milestones  that 
Major  Conder  had  remarked  to  the  south-east  of  Taiyibeh,  on  the  ancient 
Roman  road  going  down  to  'Ain  Duk,  which  is  none  other  than  the  highway 
that  in  ancient  times  united  Neapolis  (Sichem)  with  Jericho. 

These  stones  are  divided  \\\\.o  three  groups  :  the  first  at  somewhere  about  two 
Roman  miles  from  Taiyibeh  ;  the  second  just  a  mile  further  south  (by  the  place 
called  Mimtdr  er  Rfeif)  ;  the  third  a  little  less  than  a  mile  from  the  preceding. 

*  Sebil  means  both  "  road  "  and  "public  fountain."  The  former  meaning  is,  I  think,  the  one 
here  assigned  to  it.  The  object  was,  as  YakCit  explains,  to  keep  up  the  north  road  from  Jerusalem, 
which  unites  that  town  with  Nablus  by  way  of  'Ain  YabrCid. 

t  Memoirs,  II,  page  299.— Cy  for  the  passage  of  Yakut  the  abridged  translation  of  it  given 
by  M.  le  Strange  {Palestine  under  the  Moslems,  page  550),  which  should  be  modified  in  the  way 

I  One  might  also  be  inclined  to  consider  the  claims  of  /ibia,  which  is  about  five  Roman 
miles  from  Jefneh  (Jufna),  but  this  village  is  to  the  north-west  of  Jefneh,  and  so  not  on  the 
road  to  Nablus. 


Arch(roiogical  Re  sc  air  lies  in  Palestine. 

Scale  4z 

The  first  group  consists  of  three  rectangular  bases,  with  fragments  of 
shafts  adhering,  two  of  which  at  least  look  as  if  they  had  been  meant  to  lean 
against  a  support.  I  had  them  turned  over,  and  discovered 
on  the  broken  shaft  of  one  of  them  some  traces  of  an  in- 
scription, but  unluckily  I  could  not  manage  to  make  it  out, 
as  the  shades  of  night  were  coming  on.  M.  Lecomte  made 
a  drawing  of  it,  showing  the  letters  ....  EG  .  .  .  .  FR 
(perhaps  Legio  X  Fretensis,  or  /egatns  Aug.  proprcetore  ?). 
On  the  base  itself  is  carved  a  kind  of  symbol,  but  I  could 
not  determine  the  nature  of  it.  There  are  also  six  small 
holes,  nearly  equidistant  from  each  other,  which  seem  to  point  further  to  the 
existence  of  some  object  affixed,  which  has'now  disappeared. 

As  for  the  rest,  my  notes  were  hastily  made  on  a  dark  night,  and  are 
in  a  state  of  great  confusion.  I  content  myself  with  reproducing  them,  and 
do  not  answer  for  their  exactness  : — 

—  Group  I  :  Five  bases  and  three  or  four  fragments  of  bases,  in  addition  to 
a  large  piece  of  a  shaft  with  a  fragment  of  base  adhering  ;  remains  of  an 
inscription  on  one  ;  a  fragment  of  a  shaft,  inscribed. 

—  Group  2  :  Three  or  four  bases  and  some  shafts ;  these  I  could  not  get 
turned  over. 

Group  3  :  Four  bases  ;  we  had  a  lot  of  trouble  in  finding  them  in  the 
darkness.  Here  follow  drawings  made  by  M.  Lecomte  of  three  other  columns, 
but  I  cannot  state  to  which  group  each  belongs  : — 



From  Jcntsalciii  to  Scbastc  [Samaria),  and  from  Sebaste  to  Gaza.       297 

It  is  highly  desirable  that  the  study  of  these  interesting  monuments 
should  be  resumed.  A  careful  examination  would  be  sure  to  lead  to  the 
discovery  of  inscriptions  which  would  be  extremely  interesting.  I  commend 
this  search  to  the  explorers  of  the  future.  This  extraordinary  accumulation 
of  milestones  at  one  spot  is  not  unique  in  Palestine.  I  have  noticed  the 
same  thing  near  Beit  Jibrin,*  and  other  places. 

Ophrah.- — ^I  shall  not  here  discuss  the  question  of  the  identity  of 
Taiyibeh  with  Ophrah,  much  as  there  is  to  be  said  on  the  matter,  but  will 
confine  myself  to  a  few  short  observations  on  points  of  detail.  One  of  the 
principal  arguments  that  have  been  relied  on  to  support  this  identification  is 
the  passage  in  the  Onomasticon,  s.v.  'A(f)pd,  which  speaks  of  a  village  called 
'A(f)p-qk,  Effrem,  five  miles  east  of  Bethel.  It  has  been  generally  concluded 
without  hesitation  that  the  spot  alluded  to  by  the  Onoviasticon  was  the  Ophrah 
of  Joshua  xviii,  23;  but  it  remains  to  be  shown  that  it  was  not  Happarah,  a 
place  mentioned  in  the  same  verse.  As  for  the  origin  and  real  meaning  of 
the  Arabic  name  Taiyibeh,  which  is  to  be  met  with  more  than  once  in  the 
toponymy  of  Palestine,  we  ought  perhaps  to  bear  in  mind  this  fact,  that  the 
surname  Taiyibeh  is  given  to  the  town  of  Medineh.  This  surname,  which 
means  properly  "the  perfumed,"  is  derived  from  the  presence  of  the  tomb  of 
the  Prophet,  who  is  buried  there,  and  the  very  old  idea  that  the  tombs  of 
the  saints  exhale  a  divine  perfume.  This  notion  is  also  contained  in  the 
familiar  expression,  "to  die  in  the  odour  of  sanctity."  It  may  be  that  in  the 
ancient  town,  whatever  it  may  be,  that  Taiyibeh  represents,  there  was  at  one 
period  some  celebrated  tomb  which  won  for  it  the  characteristic  surname  also 
borne  by  the  various  other  places  of  the  same  name.  It  has  been  supposed 
that  Taiyibeh  was  a  translation  of  Ophrah,  but  I  greatly  doubt  it  ;  first, 
because  of  the  want  of  distinction  about  the  name  Taiyibeh,  which,  according 
to  this  explanation,  would  fit  a  number  of  other  Ophrahs  of  the  same  name  ; 
and  next,  because  no  proof  has  ever  been  given  of  the  supposition  commonly 
made  to  suit  the  requirements  of  the  case,  that  HlSy  comes  from  a  root 
having  meanings  akin  to  those  of  the  Arabic  word  Taiyibeh,  "  the  good,"  or 
as  I  think  "the  perfumed."  The  play  on  words  in  Micah  i,  10,  on  the  name 
of  Ophrah,  Afrah,  seems  to  connect  it  with  afai-,  "  dust  "  [cf.  ^-^)-  The  Arab 
geographer  Yakut  speaks  of  a  place  as  existing  in  the  province  of  Palestine 
called  o^  'Ifrd.  This  name  would  represent  with  great  exactness  that 
of  the  Bible  town,  but  unfortunately  he  gives  no  clue  as  to  its  e.xact  position. 

*  See  further  on. 

298  Archceological  Researches  in  Palestine. 

There  is  a  place,  Khi'irbet  'Afriteh,  which  might  do,  only  it  is  up  near  Yetma, 
much  too  far  north  to  be  a  town  of  Benjamin.  The  name  of  it,  l~^_ls^i  which 
signifies,  to  all  appearance,  "the  female  demon,"  would  represent  very  closely 
the  name  of  Ophrah,  which  also  belongs  to  a  town  of  Manasseh,  and  perhaps 
belonged  to  other  towns  not  mentioned  in  the  Bible. 

—  We  passed  the  night  at  Taiyibeh,  and  departed  from  there  next  morning, 
directing  our  course  north-north-east.  As  we  left  the  village  I  noticed  an 
edifice  of  ancient  appearance,  with  sloping  walls  and  stones  with  bossages 
at  the  corners,  called  by  the  common-place  name  of  el  Boberiyeh. 

—  We  passed  successively  xkixow^  Deir*  Jerir ;  by  Kufiir  Malek,  the  ethnic 
of  which  is  JMaFchi,  plural  Jllawdrchc/i,  having  a  sanctuary  dedicated  to 
Neby  Shentdil ;  and  by  Khiirbet  Jaradeh.  Our  road  lay  through  a  regular 
forest  of  fig-trees  loaded  with  delicious  fruit.  I  had  been  told  of  an  inscription 
hereabouts,  but  it  turned  out  to  be  simply  a  capital  ornamented  with  a  cross 
and  rosettes. 

—  We  reached  Khiirbet  Si',  the  site  of  an  important  town  which  once 
extended  over  a  pair  of  hills.  Here  were  quantities  of  fragments  of  mouldings, 
and  at  the  top  cuttings  in  the  rock  for  presses.  Near  Kh.  Si'  is  Kh.  et 
Tardmeseh,  "the  ruin  of  the  inhabitants  of  Turmus  'Ayd,"  also  called  K/i. 
el Bdlid,  "the  ruin  of  the  presses. "t 

We  saw  in  the  distance,  to  the  east,  Mughayir ;  ethnic  M'ghetrdwy,  plural 
M'gheirdzviye/i.  Between  Mughayir  and  Domeh  they  pointed  out  to  me 
Khiirbet  Jeb'it  (ci^-a-ia,?-)  and  Kh.  el  Mardjein.  Jeb'it,  which  is  written  in  the 
Name  Lists  (p.  255),  wrongly  I  \ki\vik,  Jibeit,  k^jc?-  ("the  hollow  thing,  or 
the  idol"),  belongs  to  the  numerous  class  of  ancient  Hebrew  place-names 
connected  with  the  root  i^lJl. 
- — ■  Towards  noon  we  reached  the  ruins  of  Kefr  Istuna,  where  we  were  to 

*  I  am  sure  I  heard  it  called  De'ir,  not  Dar. 

t  Plural  of  hadd,  a  word  that  freiiuently  recurs  in  the  toponymy  of  Palestine,  and  has  been 
wrongly  rendered  '■idol"  {Name Lists,  passim).  Major  Conder  {Stalcinent,  1889,  p.  134)  recognized 
its  real  meaning,  which  is  familiar  enough  to  all  who  have  travelled  in  Palestine.  I  shou'd  add, 
that,  like  so  many  others  of  the  fellahin  speech,  it  is  an  old  Aramaic  word  :  "1^,  i^~Q,  Tli 
iadd,  badda,  baddad,  "press,  especially  for  olives;"  ^ilil^'  N~1"'"I"I2.  bedida,  bodida,  "small 
press;"  "Iin  T^l^  beith  hab-bad,  "the  building  where  the  press  is."  In  Syriac  bado  has  the 
same  meaning ;  the  Syriac  lexicographers,  among  others  Bar  Bahloul,  who  sets  down  expressly 
the  Arabic  equivalent,  ji.i ,  say  that  it  is  properly  "  ea  pars  torcularis  qua  descendit  in  id  quod 
pieinenduin  est."  The  word  is  probably  akin  to  the  Hebrew  badd,  "tree,  wooden  bar"  (the  vectes 
for  carrying  the  Ark),  and  must  originally  have  denoted  the  lever  by  the  aid  of  which  pressure 
is  applied. 

From  Jerusalem  to  Sebaste  [Samaria),  and  from  Sebaste  to  Gaza.       299 

lunch  ;  but  not  a  drop  of  water  was  to  be  found.  Our  guide  having  ventured 
into  the  wely,  which  was  full  of  chopped  straw  [tebai)  came  out  at  once  in  a 
fright,  his  legs  literally  encased  with  fleas.  The  ancient  remains  visible  at 
Kefr  Istuna  have  been  so  often  described  that  I  need  not  again  refer  to  them. 
Remarkable  as  they  are,  especially  from  the  size  of  the  component  materials, 
they  nevertheless  lose  somewhat  of  their  interest  since  it  has  been  definitely 
proved  that  Kefr  Istuna  cannot  be,  as  was  for  a  long  time  supposed,  the 
fortress  of  Alexandreion,  which  in  reality  is  far  distant,  at  K'rein  Sartaba 
(Kurn  Surtiibeh),  near  Karawa  (the  A'(?;r«/ of  Josephus,  where  Judaea  began). 
So  Kefr  Istuna,  which  was  beyond  doubt  an  ancient  town  of  some  importance, 
again  becomes  available  for  a  fresh  identification. 

Seilun. — From  here  we  proceeded  to  Seilun.  I  noticed  en  route  some 
more  peculiarities  of  the  fellahin  speech  :  the  frequent  use  of  the  verb  bahhar 
"u,  in  the  sense  of  "  to  look,  seek  ;"  the  use  of  zvdhi  and  viaiyeli  in  the  sense 
of  "much,"  etc.  The  seldrn  'aleiknm,  which  in  the  south  is  exclusively 
reserved  for  salutations  among  Mussulmans,  is  here  addressed  to  Mussulmans 
and  Christians  without  distinction. 

At  Seilun  we  found  the  ndtdr  of  Kuriyut  (Keriut),  who  was  there  to 
guard  the  fields  of  dura  [d'ra).  The  inhabitants  of  Keriut,  he  told  me,  were 
formerly  settled  at  Seilun,  and  left  that  place  in  the  time  of  Ibrahim  Pasha. 

T"  ' 

-  .\\m\\v 

j.\me'  el  arba'in. 

We  examined  the  strange  edifice  generally  called  Jdme'  cl  Arba'tn,  "the 
Mosque  of  the  Forty."  The  natur  called  \\.  Jdme  es  Si'ttin,  "  the  Mosque  of 
the  Sixty."     Inside  we  noticed    two  fine  capitals.      Here   is  a  view  of  the 

2  Q  2 


Archceological  Researches  in  Palestine. 

building-  made  by  M.  Lecomte.  It  has  been  too  often  described  by  travellers 
for  me  in  my  turn  to  describe  it.  In  common  with  most  archceoloqists,  I 
think  we  can  detect  in  it  the  remains  of  an  ancient  synagogue  which  has  been 
altered  at  various  periods. 

Here  is  a  detailed  drawing  of  the  carved  lintel  placed  over  the  door : 

CARVED  i.iNTEi,  AT  jame'  EI,  arba'in.     Scale  J^. 

The  vase'"  between  two  wreaths  and  two  altars,  recalls  an  exactly  similar 
motive  on  the  reliefs  of  the  large  vase  from  the  caverns  of  the  Via  Dolorosa, 
described  in  Volume  I. 

Opposite  the  Jame'  is  a  large  sarcophagus-lid  with  acroteria,  which 
M.  Lecomte  also  made  a  drawing  of: 

'  j!f'//]  '^^f^wp^^^ 

sarcophagus  lid  at  seilCn.     Scale  -V. 

Another  and  not  less  remarkable  building  goes  by  the  name  of  Jame  el 
Yetdim  (^^UjJ\).  The  first  probably  represents  the  Mesjed  es  Sekineh,  "  the 
Mosque  of  the  Ark,"t  and  the  second  perhaps  the  Hajar  el MdideJi,  "the 
Stone    of    the    Table,"    which    'Aly    el    Herewy    locates   at    Seilun.J      This 

*■  In  M.  Lecomte's  drawing  the  vase  appears  with  only  one  handle.  I  beheve,  though  I 
will  not  vouch  for  it,  that  this  detail  is  accurate. 

t  Or,  more  exactly  "  of  the  Divine  Presence  in  the  Ark." 

X  Archives  de  F Orient  Latin,  I,  p.  600;  cf.  Le  Strange,  Palestine  under  ttie  Mostems,  p.  527. 
As  has  long  been  known,  the  Selzhieli  of  Mussulman  tradition,  which  was  enclosed  in  the  Ark,  was 
directly  borrowed  from  the  S/iet;kina  of  Judaism,  where  it  is  properly  a  more  or  less  metaphysical 
conception  of  ilie  real  presence  of  God.  In  Arab  belief  the  seldneti  has  turned  into  a  quaint  con- 
crete notion,  recently  the  subject  of  an  interesting  study  by  Prof.  Goldziher  {Revue  de  rhistoire  des 
religions,  1893,  tome  ii,  p.  i,  etc.).  I  will  add  that  this  divine  emanation,  with  all  the  fantastic 
details  with  which  the  Koran  and  the  IiadWis  embellish  it,  appears  to  me  to  have  borrowed 
certain  features  both  from  \k\tt:erub  and  the /yi!'(7(/ of  the  Hebrews,  the  latter  (the  ci^a,  or  "glory," 
of  the  Septuagint)  seeming  to  have  originally  been  the  counterpart  of  the  Egyptian  winged  disc. 

From  Jerusalem  to  Sehaste  [Samaria),  and  from  Sebaste  to  Gaza.       301 

Mussulman  tradition,  which  is  connected  with  the  stay  of  the  Arlc  at  Shiloh, 
seems  to  have  disappeared.  It  was  still  in  existence  in  the  time  of  the  Jewish 
geographer  Esthori  Ha-Parchi,  who  says:  "This  place  still  contains  a  vault, 
called  n;"i3D  h^  nilp  ("the  cupola  of  the  Ark"),  and,  near  it,  a  place  called 
JMaida  (^Tlr^Q),*  i.e.,  "the  tables  of  the  Children  of  Israel."t 

We  explored  some  thirty  tombs  in  the  necropolis  of  ancient  Shiloh,  in 
hopes  of  finding  some  inscription,  but  without  result. 

—  From  Seiliin  we  went  up  to  the  spring  of  'Ain  Seilun.  Over  the  spring 
is  an  enormous  mass  of  rock  that  has  become  detached  from  the  mountain  and 
has  rolled  down  as  far  as  there.  It  appears  to  have  formed  the  back  wall 
of  a  large  sepulchral  chamber,  having  a  pair  of  arcosolia  covering  two  trough- 
shaped  tombs  separated  by  a  pilaster. 

^i^^^y^ii^TJjfff/M^^  "'" " 

Elevation.  Transverse  Section. 

ANCIENT   ROCK   TOMB   AT  "aIN    SEII.Cn.       Scale  -jL. 

The  two  troughs  are  furnished  with  head-rests  formed  by  leaving  a 
portion  of  the  rock  uncut,  each  placed  the  same  way.  In  the  upper  part  is 
what  appears  to  be  the  remains  of  a  third  trough  hewn  out  in  the  roof: 


/  -o 

(- ' 


^       ( 

■  ^1  I 


View  from  above.     Scale  -r'n 

I  can  only  make  passing  allusion  to  these  curious  relations,  and  will  content  m5-self  with  remarking 
that  one  of  the  gates  of  the  Haram  at  Jerusalem  even  at  the  present  day  goes  by  the  name  of 
"  Gate  of  the  Sekineh  {Bab  es  SeMne/i)."  This  name  was  not  given  it  yesterday  either,  for  it  is  men- 
tioned not  only  by  Mujir  ed  Din,  but  by  the  pilgrim  Naser  ed  Din  Khosrau  previous  to  the  arrival 
of  the  Crusaders.     This  gate  is  the  one  adjoining  the  gate  Bab  es  Selseleh,  on  the  western  front. 

*  These  words  are  exact  transcriptions  of  the  Arabic  iAjiLull  LJ  and  i'joU. 

t  Zunz,  On  tJie  GcograpJiy  of  Palestine,  forming  an  appendix  to  the  Itinerary  of  Benjamin  of 
Tudela  (Asher's  edition)  II,  p.  435. 

302  Archceological  Researches  in  Palestine. 

This  third  trough  seems  to  have  been  transformed  later  on  into  a  sort 
of  small  reservoir,  with  a  short  conduit  for  letting  off  the  water.  There  are 
further  noticeable  some  fifteen  holes,*  several  of  which  go  right  through  the 
ceiling.  This  is  perhaps  the  place  where  Jewish  mediaeval  tradition  was 
inclined  to  locate  the  tomb  of  Eli  the  high-priest  and  of  his  two  sons. 

A  considerable  number  of  the  inhabitants  of  Keriut  were  round  about 
the  spring.  In  my  conversation  with  them  I  was  struck  with  the  way  in 
which  they  pronounce  the  long  «'s,  which  in  their  mouths  become  regular  o's.. 
They  say,  for  instance,  'ajjan/,  or  'ajjol,  for  'ajjd/,  "cattle-drover."  This 
Aramaising  vocalization  is  an  interesting  archaism,  and  explains  why  in  the 
Greek  inscriptions  of  Syria  the  alpha  is  often  replaced  by  the  oniicron. 

Jdltld. — We  arrived  at  Jalud  at  five  o'clock.  The  inhabitants  received 
us  well,  especially  an  aged  fellah,  Sabbah  en  Naser  by  name,  who  was 
neatly  dressed  in  the  style  of  an  Effendi.  He  had  served  as  a  soldier 
under  Ibrahim  Pasha  ;  he  spoke  Turkish  quite  fluently  ;  and  was  delighted 
to  be  able  to  converse  with  me  in  that  language.  The  town,  he  told  me, 
was  a  fortified  place,  and  was  once  surrounded  by  a  wall  of  circumvallation. 
It  was  tJie  town  of  Jdliit,  zvho  zvas  killed  by  David.  It  once  belonged  to 
Abraham,  who  has  a  makam  there.  Right  on  the  edge  of  the  plateau  on 
which  the  village  is  situated  we  were  shown  the  entrance  to  a  tomb  that  had 
been  opened  a  few  years  before.  There  was  a  stone  door  accurately  hung, 
and  inside  a  chamber  with  three  arches  covering  over  some  ran  ("  burial 
troughs ")  closed  with  stone  lids.  The  entrance  to  this  curious  tomb  being 
quite  stopped  up,  I  arranged  with  the  courteous  old  fellow  to  have  it 
re-opened.  It  was  agreed  that  we  should  come  by  Jalud  again  next  day,  and 
that — iti  slid  Allah  ! — we  should  find  the  clearance  effected. 

'Akrabd  i^Akrabeli). — From  here  we  set  off  to  'Akraba,  which  I  had 
selected  as  our  abode  for  the  night.  The  pronunciation  is  'Akrabd  L,  Jix ,  not 
'Akrabeh  hjis.-     The  ethnic  is  'Akrabdny,  plural  'Akdrbeh.     (See  p.  304.) 

Next  morning  we  visited  the  mosque.  The  inside  of  it  was  transformed 
for  the  time  being  into  a  workroom  for  plaiting  mats.  According  to  local 
tradition  the  place  was  originally  a  church  ;  the  correctness  of  this  is  shown 
by  the  presence  of  various  ancient  remains.  I  noticed  built  into  the  enclosure 
some  fine  carved  capitals  and  a  small  square   moulded  cippus,  like  those  at 

*  Carmoly,  Itineraires,  pp.  186,  250.     The  holes  perhaps  served  for  the  illuminations  spoken 
of  by  Isaac  Chelo. 

From  Jerusalem  to  Sebasie  {Samaria),  and  from  Sebaste  to  Gaza.       303 

Palmyra.  At  the  entrance  an  ancient  lintel,  used  as  the  left  upright  of  the 
present  door,  bears  a  Greek  inscription,  much  mutilated  unfortunately.  I 
append  a  copy  : 

\i     !■     "■':'.,. 

"  .111  --  ■\--::.> -■  y 

I'-  ,  •    •.".;'■,■'  ill,  -■    -I  I,''  '■.'i'..-   i|'-.rt|V-'  ;' 

■:'■'•■"     ■  '.'■'■'■"'    '  •!:;!  -■:'■>  -.  ..''iitui,;  ,^ 

GREEK    INSCRIl'TKlN     A  I      AKRAH     A. 

The  average  space  between  the  letters  is  a  centimetre.  The  lintel  and 
the  inscription  have  been  cut  almost  exactly  in  half.  Above  the  line  there  is 
a  carved  ornamentation  of  a  geometrical  nature.  The  cross  at  the  end  of  the 
line  marks  the  termination  of  the  inscription,  a  Christian  one  of  course.  The 
whole  of  the  left  portion,  bearing  the  beginning  of  the  inscription,  is  wanting. 
I  found  a  fragment  of  it  built  in  upside  down  over  a  small  square  niche  inside 
the  building  facing  the  door. 

This  fragment,  as  is  shown  by  the  similarity  of  the  ornamentation  and 
the  shape  of  the  letters,  evidently  forms  part  of  the  beginning  of  the  inscrip- 
tion. On  placing  the  two  fragments  end  to  end,  and  comparing  my  copy 
with  the  transcription  given  in  the  Memoirs  (II,  p.  389),  I  am  tempted  to 
read  as  follows  : 

.  .  v^a.  .  .  Iv  Tfo  dyi'w iTToi7]cra  vnep  crv/xySiov  Koi  \_Tje[_KV^O}V.  >J< 

in  the  holy  ....  I  have  made,  for  my  husband  and  my  children." 

Just   near  'Akraba   is  e/  Heusen  {el  Hosn),  which,  as  its   name  and  the 
appearance  of  the  ruins  indicate,  is  an  ancient  fortress. 

The  fellahin  of  'Akraba  have  kept  alive  the  memory  of  a  famous  governor 
who  resided  at  'Akraba  and  was  called  el  Kdciery.  He  lived  in  the  times  of 
Jezzar  Pasha,  say  some,  in  the  times  of  the  Kuffdr,  say  others.  He  erected 
some  considerable  buildings.  His  authority  extended  as  far  as  Turmus 
'Aia,  from  the  Jordan  to  the  Nablus  road,  and  in  the  north  to  Wad  el  Bidan, 
in  the  direction  of  Telluza.  There  may  perhaps  be  in  this  tradition  a  more  or 
less  accurate  reminiscence  of  the  ancient  toparchy  of  Acrabatena  and  its 
boundaries,  which  were  Samaria  on  the  north  and  the  toparchy  of  Gophna  on 
the  south. 

Jdlud. — Ne.xt   morning  we  started    back    to    Jalud.     On  the  hill  facing 


Archceological  Researches  in  Palestine. 

'Akraba  on  the  south-south-west  I    noticed  several  rock-hewn  tombs,  with  a 
small  arched  porch  over  a  square  door. 

We  found  our  friend  Sabbah  en  Naser,  who  was  engaged  in  clearing  out 
the  entrance  to  the  tomb  at  Jalud,  as  he  had  undertaken  to  do  the  night 
before.  The  operation  was  carried  out  under  our  inspection,  and  we  were 
soon  enabled  to  penetrate  into  the  tomb.  It  consists  of  a  rectangular  chamber 
with  three  arcosolia  on  three  of  the  walls,  placed  over  funerary  troughs,  which 
are  covered  with  slabs  laid  crosswise.      In  these  we  found  a  few  bones  still 


_r— )■/  ^-': 




Section  on  A  B. 

ROCK  TOMB  AT  jai.i)d.     Scale  -1  J-p. 

In  the  right-hand  corner  as  you  go  in  is  a  small  rectangular  ditch, 
admitting  to  a  lower  chamber.  This  I  was  unable  to  explore,  as  it  would  have 
taken  much  work  to  clear  it.  I  am  sorry  for  this,  as  I 
might  perhaps  have  made  a  good  find  there.  I  picked 
up  there  a  small  bronze  object,  but  cannot  now  identify 
it,  owing  to  a  lacuna  in  my  notes. 

The  most  interesting  peculiarity  about  this  tomb 
is  the  existence  of  the  stone  door  that  shuts  it  in. 
This  is  a  regular  shutter  of  stone,  which  turns  easily 
even  now  on  its  upper  and  lower  hinges.  Here 
are  two  more  detailed  drawings,  which  will  give  an 
accurate  idea  of  the  shape  of  this  door  and  the  way 
it  works. 

Various  Notes. — Here  are  the  various  bits  of  information  that   I    took 
down  from  the  mouth  of  Sabbah  en  Naser  : 

ill  silu  AT  JAI.UD. 

Sc.ile  ^. 


From  Jerusalem  to  Sebaste  [SainaiHa),  and  from  Sebaste  to  Gaza.       305 

—  There  is  at  Nablus  a  stone  with  writing  on  it,  which  was  brought  from 
Balka  three  years  ago  for  the  governor.  It  is  deposited  with  the  bakkdl 
Ahmed  'Othman  Hamameh,  near  Bab  el  Jame'  el  K'bir  esh  Sharky." 

—  There  is  at  Hareth  the  tomb  of  Neby  Kefil,  which  is  the  genuine  one, 
the  other  shown  in  the  direction  of  'Akrabat  being  unauthentic.  From  him 
the  village  is  called  Kefil  Hareth,  which  is  its  proper  name. 

— ■  Seilun.j  Between  the  two  mosques  is  a  dried-up  birkeh,  where,  according 
to  the  ahddith  or  "canonical  traditions"  of  the  Mussulmans,  the  maidak, 
"table,"  of  Jesus  came  down  from  heaven  to  his  apostles. 

—  The  mosque  at  Seilun  is  properly  calledy«;;//  es  Sittrn  and  not  el  Arbdin. 
This  queer  name,  "the  Mosque  of  the  Sixty,"  instead  of  "the  Forty," — a 
name  established  by  usage  (the  Forty  Martyrs) — might  very  well,  1  think,  be 
a  mere  corruption  of  sekineh^  "the  Ark."  This  name,  as  I  have  shown, 
belonged  to  the  sanctuary  of  Shiloh  in  the  ancient  Jewish  and  Mussulman 

—  The  ancient  King  of  Jalud  was  called yrt/??(ycz  ,■  he  it  was  that  was  slain  by 
David.      He  also  built  the  fortress  there  and  gave  his  name  to  the  town. 

—  Some  of  the  places  in  the  neighbourhood  : 

—  KImrbet  el  Chirieh  {^J^\)- 

—  Kh.  Sard  (not  "Sarra"). 

—  Near  this  latter,  in  the  direction  of  [ebel  el  Leii/if  [}),  towards  the  east: 
K/i.  EkJineifis  (y^J^jJ^),  "the  little  Scarabseus ;" 

—  A7/.  'Ar/it,  a  vulgar  pronunciation  of  'Afrit  (for  Kh.  'Afriteli). 
Boundaries  of  the   Territories  of  Ndbliis  and  Jerusalem. — This,  says  my 

informant,  is  where  the  boundary  passes  that  separates  the  territory  of 
Jerusalem  from  that  of  Nablus,  from  east  to  west : 

The  Jordan,  el  'Audja,  M'ghayir,  Seilun,  el  Lubban,  'Ammuriyeh,  Khiirbet 
Keis,  Farkha,  Deir  Balluta,  Mejdel  es  Sadek  (another  name  of  Mejdel  Yaba), 
Jeljulieh,  Kufur  Saba,  J'lil  and  the  Haram  of 'Aly  ben  'Euleil. 

All  these  boundary  marks  belong  to  the  territory  of  Nablus.  This  line, 
which  at  several  points  fails  to  coincide  with  the  present  official  boundary-line, 
doubtless  has  a  traditional  value,  and  corresponds  to  a  more  or  less  ancient 
state  of   things.      It   should    be    taken   into    account    in  studying    the    vexed 

*  See  later  on  (p.  317)  for  this  inscription,  which  I  actually  found  in  the  house  indicated. 

t  Sabbah  en  Naser  was  certainly  thinking  of  the  sanctuary  of  cl  Kifil  Aim  'Ainiinir,  between 
'Akraba  and  JCirish,  and  in  the  immediate  vicinity  of  the  latter  village. 

X   See  supra,  p.  299.  §  See  supra,  p.  300.     /■  and  /  arc  easily 

interchangeable  in  the  dialect  of  the  fellahin. 

2     K 

3o6  Archcrological  Researches  in  Palestine. 

problem  of  the  boundaries  of  Samaria  and  Judaea,  which  in  certain  parts  at 
any  rate  can  hardly  have  varied.  It  agrees  tolerably  well  with  the  boundary 
between  the  province  of  Nablus  and  the  province  of  Jerusalem  as  given  by 
Mujir  ed  Din  :* 

"Sinjil,  'Arzen,  both  belonging  to  the  territory  of  Jerusalem,  and  the 
head  of  the  Wady  Beni  Zeid,  belonging  to  the  territory  of  Ramleh."  Sinjil 
and  the  territory  of  Beni  Zeid  (to  the  north  of  Neby  Saleh)  are  perfectly  well 
known.  This  is  not  the  case  with  'Arzen,  which  is  certainly  a  mutilated 
name  ;  one  MS.  has  'Arun.  My  opinion  is  that  the  two  readings,  ^^y^  and 
^si_f-->  are  equally  faulty  and  should  be  corrected  to  ij^y^  or  '^y^j^i  Antra, 
a  village  to  the  south  of  K/mrbet  Kets.\  This  'Ariira  appears  to  me  to 
be  none  other  than  the  'Apovep,  Amir,  alluded  to  in  the  Onomasticon  as  being 
twenty  Roman  miles  north  of  Jerusalem.  It  is  also  perhaps  the  problematical 
'Apovpd  which  Josephus  has  in  view  in  his  Ant.  Jitd.  (p.  344  of  Haverkampf's 
edition),  where  he  follows  the  Septuagint  version  of  i  Sam.,  x.\ii,  6. 

—  According  to  a  saying  that  I  heard  a  little  further  on,  the  inhabitants 
of  Jalud  never  live  to  be  more  than  fifty. 

—  From  here  we  went  to  Keriiit  (Kuriyut),  which  is  divided  into  two 
quarters,  one  called  the  Deir.  I  was  not  able  to  make  any  observations  there, 
as  the  Government  aq-ents  were  eno;aofed  in  extracting  the  tenth,  or  rather 
eighth,  from  the  fellahin 

Vdstif. — We  passed  hurriedly  through  Yasiif.  According  to  an  ancient 
tradition  related  by  the  Arab  geographers  of  the  Middle  Ages, J  Seilun  was 
the  dwelling-place  of  Jacob,  and  the  pit  is  not  far  distant  where  Joseph  was 
thrown  by  his  brothers  "  between  Sinjil  and  Nablus,  on  the  right  of  the  road." 
What  can  the  place  be  that  the  legend  points  to  .-*  It  is  quite  at  variance  with 
the  one  current  at  the  present  day,  which  attaches  to  Jubb  Ytisef  to  the 
north  of  the  Sea  of  Tiberias.  I  am  inclined  to  believe  that  it  is  Ydsuf,  which 
is  on  the  right  of  the  road  as  you  go,  not  from  Sinjil  to  Nablus,  but  from 

*  Bulak,  Arabic  text,  p.  340. 

t  I  should,  however,  state  that  I  find  mention  in  my  note-book  of  a  Merj  'Eurzcul, 
"meadow  of  'Eurzeul,"  extending  to  the  west  of  Sinjil,  to  the  north  of  El  Burj,  to  the  south  of 
el  Lubban,  as  far  as  abreast  of  'Abwein.  Can  I  have  heard  the  name  aright  ?  The  Map  inserts 
it  under  the  form  'Erzy.  If  the  form  'Eurzeul  J;^  really  exists,  one  would  be  inclined  to 
see  in  it  the  name  of  'Arzen. 

X  Clermont-Ganneau,  Recueil  d' Arclieologie  orientate,  1888,  I,  p.  332.  Cf.  Le  Strange, 
Palestine  tinder  tlie  Moslems,  pp.  465,  477,  527. 

From  Jerusalem  to  Scbaste  [Samaria),  and  from  Scbaste  to  Gaza.       307 

Nablus  to  Sinjil.  The  name  of  this  village,  which  is  also  borne  by  a  neigh- 
bouring wady,*  is  written  i_i^~lj.>  and  it  appears  in  Samaritan  documents  in  the 
form  nOD'^  Yusepheh.  It  is  probably  the  mere  name  of  this  locality  that  has 
attracted  and  fixed  there  the  legend  of  Joseph,  and  it  may  be  that  when  the 
Mussulman  pilgrim  'Aly  el  Herewy  says  :  "  I  was  assured,  &c.,"  he  alluded 
to  some  more  or  less  fanciful  tradition  that  he  got  from  the  Samaritans. 

JMerdd. — At  Merda  I  noted  in  passing  a  sanctuary  consecrated  to  a 
certain  Neby  Ithiria  (UyU  or  Uy)  ;  I  cannot  account  for  the  origin  of  this 
strange  name.  According  to  the  fellahtn,  Merda  was  formerly,  in  the  time  of 
the   Romans,   a  bcled  (town)    as    large    as    Nablus.      There  was    a   butcher 

[tah/idm)   who  gave  his  name  to  a  large  kh ;t    he  used  to  kill  forty 

sheep  every  Friday  before  noonday  prayer.  The  place  is  spoken  of  in  the 
old  Arab  geographers.  Mujir  ed  Din  mentions  \t\  a  propos  of  another 
neighbouring  village  ed  Deir,  which  is  probably  Deir  Istia.  The  name  seems 
to  me  to  be  of  Aramaic  origin,  and  to  be  connected  with  the  Syriac  merdo, 
"  fortress. "§ 

Kefer  Hares. — We  stopped  the  night  at  Kefer  Hares.  The  Sheikh, 
under  a  pretence  of  protecting  us  against  thieves,  insisted  on  thrusting  the 
company  of  two  fellahin  upon  us. 

In  order  to  keep  themselves  awake,  our  moukres  spent  the  whole  of  the 
night  in  intoning  their  interminable  but  not  unpleasing  ya  left,  accompanied 
by  the  agreeable  piping  of  a  flute  played  by  a  young  virtuoso  of  the  village. 
In  addition  to  this,  a  blindlngly  bright  moon  made  our  tent  as  light  as  day, 
so,  taking  it  altogether,  it  was  not  a  restful  night. 

The  mosque  of  the  village,  which  is  graced  with  the  name  of  Jame',  has 
in  its  walls  a  few  large  blocks  apparently  ancient.  I  remarked  among  them 
a  wide  arched  bay  with  its  archivolt  ornamented  with  those  kind  of  canaliculi 
or  tablets  which  are  met  with  on  the  mediaeval  archivolts  of  Yebna  (see 
pp.  171,  180)  and  various  other  buildings  in  Palestine.  There  are  besides  this 
three  other  sanctuaries  : 

*  I }j.^b    jL  in  the  Name  Lists,  p.  249,  must  be  an  error  for  (_Jj--l.;  J\j  {<■'/■  P-  250). 

t  The  word  is  illegible  in  my  note-book;  I  think  it  is  Khallcf,  "valley." 

%  Bulak,  Arabic  text,  p.  560,  i_>J_<:. 

§  The  word  merdo  is  used,  for  instance,  to  denote  the  fortress  of  Acra,  at  Jerusalem. 
Compare  the  names  of  towns  Marde,  Mard'in,  &c.,  and  other  places  with  similar  names  near 
Aleppo,  in  Mesopotamia,  and  in  Adiabene.  There  is  a  locality  exactly  homonymous,  TiU 
Merda,  in  Galilee,  to  the  north-west  of  Teirshiha,  and  quite  near  il. 

2    R   2 

3o8  Archcrolooical  Researches  'in  Palestine. 

(i)  That  of  Neby  LSslid,  consisting  of  a  Kubbeh  sheltered  by  a  great 
terebinth  and  fronted  by  a  small  courtyard.  In  one  of  the  corners  of  the 
inner  room,  the  walls  of  which  are  bare,  there  is  an  antique  marble  capital. 
In  the  courtyard,  facing  you  as  you  go  in,  there  is  an  Arabic  inscription  in 
Neskhy  character,  built  into  the  wall.  It  is  cut  on  a  stone  with  a  rough 
surface,  but  finely  grained,  looking  something  like  a  page  of  manuscript  with 
an  ornamented  border.  There  is  said  to  be  a  cave  underneath  the  chamber, 
and,  in  fact,  when  you  strike  the  ground  in  the  south-east  corner  it  sounds 

(2)  The  Kubbeh  of  Neby  Kefil,  with  a  large  cenotaph  of  masonry. 

(3)  The  Sanctuary  of  Neby  Nun,  consisting  of  a  cenotaph  like  the 
preceding,  but  lying  open  to  the  sky,  the  holy  man  having  never  consented, 
in  spite  of  all  temptations,  to  let  a  building  be  erected  over  his  tomb. 

These  three  nebys,  say  the  fellahin,  belong  to  the  same  family  :  Kefil 
is  the  father  of  Nun,  who  himself  is  the  father  of  Losha'.  It  has  been  long 
recognized  that  Losha'  (V  Usha'),  son  of  Nun,  was  none  other  than  Joshua,  the 
son  of  Nun,  whose  tomb  is  in  fact  located  in  the  village  by  Samaritan  and 
Jewish  mediaeval  tradition.  As  for  Kefil,  whom  the  legend  manages  to  connect 
genealogically  with  Joshua  and  Nun,  he,  according  to  the  Samaritans,  is 
Caleb,  the  companion  in  arms  of  Joshua.  Kefil,  it  would  seem,  is  an  alteration 
from  Caleb,  pronounced  Calev,  Calef.  This  name,  thus  transformed,  has 
reacted  in  turn  on  the  name  of  the  village,  which  is  often  called  Keftl  Hares, 
instead  of  Kefer  Hares.  It  is  possible  that  the  word  Refer  itself  may  have 
had  a  disturbing  influence  on  the  form  Caleb. 

Mujir  ed  Din*  says  that  among  the  sons  of  Job  there  was  one  called 
Bashar,  and  surnamed  Zu  7  Kefil  {Klfl,  Kef  el),  whose  makam  is  at  Damascus, 
and  whose  tomb  is  in  the  village  of  Kefil  Hares,  in  the  territory  of  Nablus. 
I  found  no  traces  existing  on  the  spot  of  this  fabulous  personage.  Elsewhere 
he  says  (p.  94)  that  Joshua  was  buried  in  the  village  of  Kefil  Hareth  (the 
name  is  written  this  time  ^ij  U.  instead  of  j_^,l:>.).t 

Tell  Hareth — In  the  distance,  to  the  south-west,  is  seen  Tell  Hareth, 
which  was  formerly  a  town  of  the  Jews  [medinet  el  YaJmd).  Here  are  still 
visible  some  remains  of  ancient  structures  called  Karat  Hd^-eth,  "  the  fortress 
of  Hareth."     A  hidden  treasure  exists  there,  and  an  enchanted  spring. 

*  P.  68  of  the  Bulak  Arabic  text. 

t  The  same    discrepancy  is    existing  to-day  in   the  pronunciation    of  the  name   I/dres  or 

From  Jerusalem  to  Scbastc  {Samaria),  and  from  Sebaste  to  Gaza.       309 

—  At  Deir  Istia  is  a  Neby  Istia. 

—  To  the  south-east  of  Karawa  is   the  Ddr  edh-dharb*  which  was  once  an 
old  mint  worked  by  the  Rums. 

—  The  tobacco  of  Kefr  Hares  is  in  great  repute. 

Jemmdin. — Next  morning  we  set  out  in  the  direction  of  Nablus.  At 
Jemma'in  we  met  an  old  bitdr,  "veterinary  surgeon,"  who  had  come  to  attend 
to  some  cows,  and  was  going  back  to  Nablus  in  company  with  his  son.  They 
proposed  to  travel  along  with  us,  and  I  accepted  with  alacrity,  being  only  too 
glad  to  find  some  one  to  talk  to  by  the  way. 

—  To  the  north  of  Zita  is  a  place  in  ruins,  called  Khiirbet  Tafsa. 

Fardis. — We  left  to  the  right  of  our  route  the  small  wely  of  Fardis 
{^j^:iji),  to  the  south  of  which  is  R'weisiin  (^^*^;j  ,),t  and  we  halted  for  lunch 
at  'Ain  'Abus. 

'Aiverta. — At  'Awerta,  or  'Awertah,  we  visited  the  three  sanctuaries 
where  Mussulman  tradition  perpetuated  the  Jewish  and  Samaritan  legends. 
The  first  is  sacred  to  Sheikh  eTOzeir,  called  also  by  some  Abu  '1  'Ozeir.  In 
the  middle  of  a  large  courtyard,  with  a  sort  of  vestibule  open  to  the  sky  in 
front  of  it,  stands  an  enormous  cenotaph,  with  a  triangular  lid  with  acroteria  ; 
it  appears  to  have  been  originally  constructed  of  hewn  stones,  now  disfigured 
by  a  thick  coating  of  white  plaster. 

— — rp-nf     --TTTi^i^^i 

Side  elevation. 

Elevation  of  tlie  sliort  side  C. 
CENOTAPH    AT  " AWERTA.      Scale  jljj. 

The  base  must  be  more  than  half  sunk  below  the  present  level  of  the 
o-round.  Close  to  it,  on  the  south  side,  a  small  rectangular  opening  let  into 
the  pavement  of  the  court  admits  of  a  small  recess  constructed  of  masonrj-, 
with   a  slighdy  arched   ceiling.      This   belonged   likely  enough   to  an  ancient 

*  Literally  "the  house  of  the  coining;"  the  name  is  written  Deir  ed Dab  on  the  Map,  and 
is  explained  as  "  the  Monastery  of  the  Road  "  in  the  Name  Lists. 
t  Sh.  Ahmed  el  Fiirddis,  and  (?)  Kh.  'Azzihi  in  the  Map. 


Archcsological  Researches  in  Palestine. 


Scale  T77- 

sepulchral  chamber.  There  are  built  into  the  walls  four  Samaritan  inscrip- 
tions, or  fragments  of  such,  on  marble  slabs.  One  bears,  in  Arabic,  the  date 
Ramadan,  1185,  and  is  carefully  cut.     The  characters  are  in  relief,  as  also  are 

those  of  the  other  two  inscriptions.  There  is 
one  quite  small  fragment,  with  sunken  characters, 
that  looked  to  me  of  somewhat  older  date. 

In  the  enclosure  I  noticed  a  fine  bit  of 
moulding,  undoubtedly  antique. 

In  the  village  itself  is  the  mosque  [Jdaie') 
of  c/  Mans/tr,  with  a  Samaritan  inscription  in 
relief  and  a  large  cenotaph  of  masonry-work, 
after  the  manner  of  the  preceding. 

Lower  down  is  the  wely  of  e/  Mofadhcihal, 
"  the  Jew." 

Lastly,  to  the  north  of  the  village,  is  the  sanctuary  of  El  'Oseirdl,  the 
burial-place  of  seventy-seven  yJi^V/(75)',  "champions." 

According  to  the  fellahin,  el  'Ozeir  is  the  son  of  Hariin  and  the  father  of 
el  Mansur ;  el  Mofadhdhal  is  brother  to  el  'Ozeir.  They  are  in  harmony  with 
the  ancient  Mussulman  tradition,  for  Mujir  ed  Din  locates  at  'Awerta  the 
tomb  of  el  'Eizar,  son  of  Harun,  and  Yakut  that  of  el  'Ozeir,  that  of 
Mofadhdhal,  son  of  the  uncle  of  Harun  {sic),  and  those  of  the  seventy 
prophets,  who  correspond  to  the  seventy-seven  M'ghazy  of  el  'Ozeirat.  The 
seventy  prophets  represent  the  seventy  old  men,  or  elders  of  Israel,*  in  Jewish 
mediaeval  tradition  ;  el  'Ozeir  or  el  'Eizar,  son  of  Harun,  is  Eleazar  (third  son 
of  Aaron)  ;  his  brother  el  Mofadhdhal  is  Ithamar,  brother  of  Aaron,  whose 
tomb  was  actually  pointed  out  by  Jewish  tradition  at  'Awerta,  in  the  lower 
part  of  the  village  ;  while  el  Mansur,  son  of  el  'Ozeir,  is  Phinehas,  son  of 


We  reached  Nablus  a  little  before  sundown,  and  stayed  there  four  days, 
from  the  Monday  evening  to  the  Saturday  morning.  My  investigations  were 
limited  to  certain  matters  of  detail,  and  I  will  give  a  succinct  account  of  these, 
omitting   other    most    important    matters    which    I    could    only    superficially 

*   Cf-  Numbers  xi,  16,  24. 

From  Jeritsalevi  to  Sebasfc  {Samaria),  and  from  Sebaste  to  Gaza.       3 1 1 

examine.  The  reader  must  therefore  excuse  the  fragmentary  and  imperfect 
nature  of  these  notes.  It  would  have  been  easy  to  swell  them  to  a  great 
bulk,  by  following  my  numerous  predecessors  in  the  fruitless  discussion  of  the 
various  problems  connected  with  the  history  or  topography  of  this  ancient  city 
and  its  immediate  vicinity. 

Inside  NAblus. 

Jdme  el  Kebir. — We  did  not  make  a  plan  of  the  great  mosque,  which 
is  an  ancient  church  built  or  adapted  by  the  Crusaders.  On  examining 
the  great  mediaeval  doorway  of  the  east  front,  and  noticing  how  the  order  of 
the  stones  was  disarranged,  we  wondered  whether  it  had  at  some  later  period 
been  taken  down  and  put  up  again  on  the  east  side.  This  was  merely  a 
casual  notion,  and  I  give  it  with  due  reserve.  The  church  is  altogether 
disfigured,  and  the  inside  is  covered  over  with  whitewash,  and  adorned  with 
various  coloured  paints  in  the  worst  possible  taste.  I  am  sorry  we  had  no 
time  left  to  make  a  plan  of  the  building.  We  could  have  managed  it  in  spite 
of  the  proverbial  fanaticism  of  the  Mussulmans  of  Nablus,  having  won  them 
over  by  correcting  with  the  aid  of  a  compass  the  orientation  of  their  mihrabs. 
I  discovered  a  small  Greek  inscription  cut  on  a  Corinthian  capital  surmounting 
the  second  column  in  the  north  row.     The  capital  has  been  painted  afresh, 


Aou/ctou    \6.Kyov, 
"of  Lucius  lacchus." 


and  the  letters  are  picked  out  in  black.  Below,  on  the  volute  of  the  left  hand, 
is  carved  a  B,  which  I  look  upon  as  a  numeral  with  the  value  "two."  It 
must  be  an  ordinal  number  indicating  the  place  of  the  capital  and  the  column 
belonging,  in  the  architectural  scheme  of  which  they  formed  part.  This 
inscription  is  probably  a  dedication,  to  the  effect  that  Lucius  lacchus  paid  the 
cost  of  the  column  and  its  capital,  which  are  destined  for  some  religious  edifice. 
There  are  examples  of  these  partial  anathemata.  The  shape  of  the  capital 
and  of  the  characters  of  the  inscription  point  to  the  Grteco-Roman  period.* 

*  In  an  inscription  cut  on  the  shaft  of  a  column  at  Rakhleh  (Waddington,  I/iscr.  gr.  et  lat. 
de  la  Syrie,  No.  2557d),  and  dating  from  the  year  404  of  the  Seleucids  (82  a.d.),  there  appears 
the  name  of  one  BrixxL'"^]  -^ovkiov,  who  seems  also  to  have  dedicated  this  column. 


ArcJicrological  Researches  in  Palestine. 

Possibly  an  attentive  search  would  bring  to  light  similar  inscriptions  on 
the  other  capitals  that  have  been  utilised  in  building  the  great  mosque  of 

Below  the  minaret,  in  the  inside  of  the  courtyard,  a  long  Kufic  inscription 
is  cut.  I  took  a  squeeze  of  this.  All  the  outer  walls  of  the  great  mosque  are 
full  of  stones  with  mediaeval  tool  marks  and  with  masons'  marks,  which  we 
made  a  note  of     {See  Special  Table,  Vol.  I.) 

A  little  further  on,  on  the  side  that  does  not  look  over  the  bazaar,  are 
remains  of  an  edifice  with  stones  bearing  mediseval  tool  marks  with  extremely 
fine  strokes.      I  took  a  squeeze  of  a  specimen. 

Jdnie'  en  Nascr. — This  mosque  is  an  ancient  church  with  three  aisles, 
regularly  orientated  and  in  a  good  state  of  preservation.  Unfortunately 
the  whole  of  the  interior  is  covered  with  a  thick  coating  of  mortar,  which 
prevents  the  dressing  of  the  stones  from  being  seen,  and  fills  up  all  the 
architectural  details.  The  present  entrance  is  by  the  central  apse,  where  the 
Arabs  have  made  a  new  door  which  opens  on  to  the  street,  and  from  which 
you  go  down  into  the  mosque  by  a  flight  of  six  steps.  The  arches  are 
pointed.  The  walls  of  the  aisles  are  each  pierced  with  five  narrow  windows 
with  wide  reveals.  I  made  a  note  of  some  projecting  buttresses  between 
these  windows,  but  they  do  not  appear  on  the  following  plan,  which  was  made 
by  M.  Lecomte  on  the  basis  of  our  observations  : — 

I'LAN    OK   JaMe'    en    NASER,    NABLUS.      Scale  j^^ 

Front  Jerusalem  to  Scbastc  {Samaria),  and  from  Sebaste  to  Gaza. 

LONGITUDINAL   SECTION   OF  JAME'   EN    NASER.      Scale  -jig. 

The  middle  aisle,  which  is  higher  than  the  side  aisles,  is  separated  from 
them  by  two  rows  of  square  pillars  and  of  columns  surmounted  by  capitals  of 
the  Doric  style.  The  columns  C,  D,  E,  F  are  of  red  granite,  and  are  in  two 
pieces.  Under  the  columns  E,  F  are  circular  discs,  one  of  ordinary  stone,  the 
other  of  marble.  A  moulded  string-course  runs  completely  round  the  inside 
of  the  building  on  a  level  with  the  spring  of  the  higher  arches.  The  primitive 
door  was  on  the  west  side.  On  the  flags  that  cover  the  ground  1  noticed  in 
several  places  the  mediaeval  tool  marks,  as  also  on  the  steps  of  a  staircase 
leading  to  a  high  gallery  set  up  to  meet  the  requirements  of  Mussulman 
worship  in  the  north  aisle.  The  church  in  its  final  form  must  have  been  built 
by  the  Crusaders,  but  the  depth  of  the  central  apse,  as  well  as  the  character  of 
certain  architectural  features,  would  incline  me  to  the  belief  that  they  erected 
it  on  the  ruins  of  an  ancient  Byzantine  church,  and  were  guided  by  its  previous 

Jdme'  {Jdmia')  el  JMasdkin. — "  The  Lepers'  Mosque,"  is  in  an  ancient 
structure  with  large  arches  seemingly  mediaeval.  The  leprosy  of  Nablus  in 
no  way  falls  short  of  that  of  Jerusalem  in  the  hideous  aspect  of  the  sufferers 
and  the  interest  aroused  by  their  frightful  sores.  The  lepers  of  Nablus  are 
under  the  command  of  a  sheikh,  who  is  himself  not  afflicted  with  the 
disease.  A  native  Christian  who  accompanied  us  on  this  repulsive  visit, 
assured  me  seriously  that  the  horrible  disease  was  exclusively  confined  to 
the  Mussulmans  ;  but  1  have  my  doubts  as  to  the  correctness  of  this 
observation.  In  a  stable  was  a  horse  said  to  be  likewise  afflicted  with 
leprosy  ! 

Habs  ed  Dam.'* — -Two   pointed    arches  arranged   at    right    angles,    one 

*  Literally  "the  prison  or  cell  of  blood."  In  consequence  of  my  notes  being  disarranged,  I 
am  not  absolutely  sure  that  this  one  applies  to  the  drawings  that  accompany  it,  but  in  any  case 
the  latter  are  representations  of  an  edifice  we  saw  at  Nablus. 


ArcJuroloi^ical  Researches  in  Pales  due. 

open,    the    other    blocked    up.       The    arch    stones    of    the    arches    and     the 
blocks    on  the  facade   ha\'e    tlat    bossages,  and   are    pock-marked,   with  small 

delicate  tool  marks,  not  diagonal,  round 
the  edees.  Above  the  two  arcades  is  a 
twin  ogive  bay,  the  two  archivolts  of 
which  rest  on  a  small  column  with  capital 
and  base,  and  on  a  cornice  which  is 
extended  right  and  left  along  the  fa^ide. 
In  one  of  the  angles  is  a  small  spring 
of  water. 

Ma/iall  Uldd  Neby  YdMb.—K 
modern  mosque,  opposite  Bmvdb  cl  Unbid 
("  the  gate  of  the  Prophets  "),  marking  the 
spot,  according  to  Mussulman  legend, 
where  the  ten  sons  of  Jacob  are  buried. 

Opposite,  on  the  other  side  of  the 
street,  is  the  Khdn  ez  Z'bib,  with  a  lofty 
ogive  arch  in  the  middle  of  a  wall  of 
bossed  stones,  and  e.xactly  resembling  in 
style  that  at  Habs  ed  Dam. 

Hizn  Sidnd  Ya'kitb  (called  also  el 
KhadJird). — At  the  entrance,  stones  with 
the  mediaeval  tool  marks.  Three  large 
ogive  bays  with  moulded  archivolts.  The  arch  of  the  mihrab  is  adorned 
with  handsome  carvings.  There  is  an  Arabic  inscription  in  so-called  Car- 
mathic  characters.  To  the  right  of  the  great  chamber  where  the  mihrab 
is  they  show  a  small  room  where  Jacob  wept  for  the  loss  of  Joseph, 
whence  the  name  of  the  sanctuary,  "the  sadness  of  our  lord  Jacob." 
In  this  place  the  soil  sounds  hollow  to  the  tread.  At  the  base  of  the 
minaret  a  long  Samaritan  inscription  is  built  in.  I  took  a  squeeze  of 
this,  as  also  of  two  other  small  and  imperfect  ones  (one  in  the  door  frame 
of  an  Arab  room  at  the  foot  of  the  minaret,  unfortunately  plastered  up  with 
lime ;  the  other  in  the  opposite  wall,  low  down,  and  defaced  by  hammering). 

I  likewise  squeezed  a  Samaritan  inscription  consisting  of  eleven  lines  in 
relief,  and  mutilated  on  the  right  hand  side,  from  the  lintel  of  a  door  of  a 
house  adjacent  to  the  Hizn  Ya'kub ;  and  another  of  two  lines  in  relief,  in  the 
house  of  Sheikh  Yusef  Zeid,  in  the  street  called  Hdrt  el  Ydsininch. 

Not  far  from  the  Hizn  Ya'kub  is  a  spring,  ''Ain  el'Asel,  with  excellent 


Scale  TTm- 

From  Jc7-nsa/c)n  to  Scbastc  {Saii/an'a),  and jrom  Sehastc  to  Gaza.       31 


water  that  well  deserves  its  name,  "  the  spring  of  honey."     Near  there  is  built 
in  an  ovolo-moulded  fragment.     M.  Lecomte  made  a  sketch  of  it. 

'Aiii  Kariihi. — This  spring  is  situated  inside  the  town.  It  seemed  to  me 
that  the  name  was  pronounced  Karioii  rather  \\vA.n  Kariun.  It  is  covered  over 
with  a  large  and  curious  structure  which,  according  to  local  tradition,  was  an 
ancient  Kutidb,  "  school."  It  consists  of  a  high  semi-circular  arch  openino- 
over  a  semi-circular  apse.  The  archivolt,  which  is  ornamented  with  a 
moulding,  rests  on  a  cornice,  also  moulded,  which  runs  round  the  apse.  In 
the  latter  a  niche  has  been  subsequently  made,  to  serve  as  a  mihrab.  The 
cornice  is  continued  to  right  and  left  along  the  facade. 



A  Plan.       E  Elevation.       C  Section.       D  Profile  of  the  moulding  of  the  archivolt.       E  Profile  of  the  cornice. 

Scale  irn-a- 

The  stones  are  fine  large  blocks,  presenting  neither  the  medixn-al  nor  the 
Arab  tool  marks.  The  axis  of  the  apse  is  orientated  to  the  south-west.  The 
edifice  seems  not  to  be  of  Christian  origin,  or  at  any  rate  not  to  partake  of  the 
nature  of  a  chapel.  Perhaps  it  was  a  kind  of  nymphsum  intended  to  protect 
the  spring.     The  latter  is  copious,  and  we  noticed  that  there  were  fish  in  it. 

Sarcophagus.— Ox\  Fridays,  at  the  hour  of  prayer,  while  the  men  are 
at  the  mosque,  all  the  women  and  girls  go  out  into  the  streets  with  faces 
uncovered  to  fill  their  water  jars  at  the  fountains.  They  gather  together  and 
converse  freely  in  the  absence  of  the  men.  During  this  time  the  shops  are 
minded  by  the  children,  who  constitute  the  police  of  the  public  highways,  and 
chevy  without  mercy  any  men  they  see  out  of  doors.  We  were  indebted  to 
our  being  foreigners  for  being  able  to  cross  one  of  the  quarters  thus  given 
over  to  feminine  occupation,  the  Har't  Karion,  where  I  wished  to  e.xamme  an 

s   2 


Archceological  Researches  in  Palestine. 

ancient  sarcophagus  that  served  as  a  ran,  or  trough,  to  a  fountain.  The 
women  rather  looked  askance  at  us  ;  but,  however,  we  were  suffered  to  pass. 
We  owed  it  to  this  curious  custom  that  we  were  able  to  get  a  glimpse  of  some 
very  pretty  female  types,  under  conditions  that  are  rare  in  Mussulman 
countries.  The  sarcophagus  came,  I  was  assured,  from  near  the  tomb  of 
Joseph.  Its  front  side  is  ornamented  with  three  discs  in  relief,  two  of 
which  display  a  rather  curious  decorative  idea ;  the  central  disc  contains 
a  rectangular  cartouche  with  triangular  ears,  where  there  was  perhaps 
originally  an  inscription  cut.  It  is  very  possible  that  this  inscription  may 
have  been  obliterated  at  the  time  of  the  find,  and  I  noticed  in  fact  that  the 
tool-marks  inside  the  cartouche  were  rather  fresher  than  those  of  the  other 
parts  of  the  sarcophagus,  as  if  the  surface  had  been  subsequently  worked 

Masbanet  el  Ghazzdivy. — An  ancient  building  of  mediaeval  origin  turned 
into  a  soap-works,  as  is  shown  by  the  name  ("the  soap-works  of  the  man  of 
Gaza").     The  mediaeval  tool-marks  appear  on  the  whole  of  the  lower  part  of 

..  0.16 

MEDI/EVAI.   SCUl.rTURED   STONES   AT    NABLUS.      Scale  yL. 

the  door  and  a  part  of  the  arch  that  surmounts  it,  which  has  a  moulded  torus 
and  rabbeted  edges.  The  threshold  is  formed  of  two  stones  of  the  same 
period.  Inside  are  large  pillars  of  hewn  stone,  with  moulded  cornices.  At 
the  back  is  an  orientated  apse.  All  the  stones  display  mediaeval  tool-marks. 
Here  (p.  316)  are  two  fragments  of  the  same  period  built  into  the  outer  wall. 

One  is  an  engaged  dwarf-column  from  a  corner,  forming  the  upright  of  a 
gateway  ;  the  other  presents  a  sort  of  cross  with  two  cross-pieces,  recalling 
the  type  of  the  so  called  patriarchal  cross. 

Ancient  JMasbaneh. — Another  soap-works,  now  the  oven  of  Selim  Bek, 
with  a  door  like  that  of  Khan  ez  Z'bib.      In  the  (modern)  wall  opposite,  on 

From  Jerusalem  lo  Scbastc  [Samaria),  and  from  Scbasfc  to  Gaza.       3  1  7 

the  other  side  of  the  street,  there  is  a  fragment  of  mediaeval  cornice  built 
in,  which  extends  over  several  yards.      Here  is  a  profile  of  it. 

Nabatcean  Inscription  from  the  Land  of  Moab. — I 
managed  to  find  the  owner  of  the  inscription  from  the 
Balka,  which  an  inhabitant  of  Jalud  had  previously  mentioned 
to  me  as  existing  at  Nablus.* 

After  makins  some  difficulties,  the  bakkal  who  had   it   in  Scale  j^. 

his  possession  consented  to  show  me  into  his  back-parlour,  where  he  had 
hidden  it  beneath  a  heap  of  flour.  It  was  the  former  governor  Mohammed 
Said  Pasha  who  had  had  the  stone  fetched,  and  Sheikh  R'meih  el  Faez  of 
the  Beni  Sakher  that  brought  it.  F"ive  hundred  mejidiehs  was  the  price 
asked.  As  they  could  not  come  to  terms,  the  Sheikh  deposited  it  with 
the  bakkal. 

I  recognized  at  first  glance  the  Nabatsean  inscription  of  Umm  er  Resas. 
of  which  my  Bedouin  had  brought  me  a  poor  squeeze  at  the  time  of 
the  negotiations  about  the  Moabite  stone.  Delighted  to  meet  this  old 
acquaintance,  I  hastened  to  make  a  good  squeeze. 

The  stone  is  a  hard  basalt,  analogous  to  that  of  the  Moabite  stone.  It 
measures  o™-40  high  by  o"'-38  broad  and  o"-20  thick.  The  inscription  consists 
of  five  lines,  the  last  of  which  is  mutilated,  as  are  the  ends  of  the  four  others. 
Nevertheless,  taking  it  as  a  whole,  it  reads  well  enough.  It  is  the  epitaph 
of  Abdmalku,  son  of  Obaisu,  the  strategos,  made  by  his  brother  Yaamru, 
the  strategos.  I  have  since  shown,  in  a  monograph  t  to  which  I  can  only 
refer  the  reader,  that  this  inscription,  which  came  from  the  district  about 
Madeba,  was  of  the  greatest  value  for  Jewish  history,  inasmuch  as  the 
strategos  Yaamru  must  be  considered  to  belong  to  the  family  of  the  Sons  of 

*  See  supra,  p.  305. 

t  Journal  Asiatiqui\  May,  June,  1S91,  p.  538,  et  seqq.  Thanks  to  the  fresh  squeezes  that  I 
took  of  this  inscription  at  Nablus,  I  have  managed  to  decipher  completely  the  fifth  line,  which 
until  lately  had  resisted  all  attempts.  It  furnishes  us  with  the  exact  date  of  the  inscription. 
Here  is  the  transcription  : — 

ion:  n'pD  Nb'pD]  \:hrh 

The  translation  is  as  follows :  '•  This  is  the  sepulchre  of  .\bdmalku,  son  of  Obaisu,  the 
strategos,  which  was  made  for  him  by  Yaamru,  the  strategos,  his  brother,  in  the  ist  (or  2nd)  year 
of  King  Malku,  King  of  Nabatene."  King  Malku  is  Malchus  III.  The  monument  therefore 
belongs  to  the  year  9  or  10  a.d.  {Sec  the  Corpus  Jnscriptionuin  Seinilicaruin,  part  II,  torn.  I, 
No.  195.) 


1 8  Arch(rolooical  Researches  in  Palesfiiic. 

Jaiubri  (=:  Bene  Yaamru),  established  at  Madeba,""  which  plays  an  important 
part  in  the  tragic  episode  which  is  narrated  at  length  in  the  first  book  of 
Maccabees  (ix,  32-42). 

Greek  Inscription. — In  the  wall  of  a  house  in  the  quarter  called  Hart  es 
Samara.  I  noticed  a  Greek  inscription  in  five  lines  which  had  been  built  in 
after  the  wall  was  originally  erected.  I  took  a  copy  and  a  good  squeeze,  I 
afterwards  found  that  it  had  already  been  noticed  by  M.  Renan,t  who 
published  it,  with  learned  observations  by  M.  Leon  Renier.  It  relates 
to  the  construction  of  a  building,  perhaps  of  a  military  nature,  here  called 
lLecroxb)pLov\  ("central  fortress"?),  under  the  direction  of  two  officers  of  the 
Roman  army,  the  tribune  Flavins  Julianus§  and  the  primipilus  Marcellinus, 
and  under  the  superior  command  of  a  consularis  of  Palestine  whose  name 
was  contained  in  the  first  line,  which  unluckily  is  missing. 

The  characters,  M.  Renan  says,  appear  to  be  of  the  fourth  century. 

_  ^40TAT0YAieTi 




M.  Renan  reads  it  thus  : — 

[StacrrjJ/xoTaToii  ||  SteVo[t'ro?]  Ty]v  vTrariav,  to  /xecro^wpt[oi'j  ^  ck  dey-eKeioiv 

iKTicrdrj,  ipyohiui\_K\TovvTO)V      <I>X.    'louXtai'ou  ■y^iki.dp^ov\  /cat  Map/ceXXeiVov  tttt. 

*  Another  very  important  Nabatffian  inscription  has  since  been  discovered  at  Madeba  itself. 
(^See  Corpus  Inscripiiontim  Seiidticarum,  loc.  cif.,  No.  196). 

t  Mission  en  Phenicie,  p.  808. 

\  My  squeeze  confirms  the  reading  of  the  first  three  letters  ^ica,  about  which  M.  Renan  was 
still  doubtful ;    on  the  other  hand  it  indicates  an  o  rather  than  i  after  the  /). 

§  I  find  a  tribune  of  the  same  name  as  ours,  Julianus,  and  belonging  to  the  legion  XIV 
Gemina,  mentioned  in  a  Greek  inscription  at  Soueida  (in  Batansea),  which  is  only  known  from  a 
bad  copy  in  Burckhardt  (cf.  Waddington,  Inscr.  gr.  et  lat.  de  Syrie,  No.  2316(7).  This  legion 
moreover  does  not  appear  to  have  even  been  garrisoned  in  Syria.  I  find  yet  another  Julianus  in 
a  Greek  inscription  from  Auranitis  (Waddington,  op.  at.,  No.  2407),  centurion  of  the  IV  Scythian 
Legion,  which,  on  the  contrary,  actually  was  quartered  in  this  province. 

II   Aino-zy/ioTnTov  corresponds  to  the  official  title  in  the  Roman  protocol :  prefcctissimus. 

IT  See  remarks  in  the  note  above. 

From  /cntsa/ciii  to  Scbastc  {Samaria),  and  from  Scbaslc  to  Gaza.       319 

"  .  .  .  .  the  most  perfect  such-a-one  exercising  the  consular  functions, 
the  Mesochorion  (?)  was  built  from  top  to  bottom,  the  operations  being 
directed  by  Flavins  Julianus,  tribune,  and  (Flavins?)  Marcellinus,  primipilus."'" 

What  was  the  building  called  RIesochoron  or  MesocJiorioii  ?  Perhaps,  as 
is  shown  by  its  name  and  the  military  functions  of  the  persons  entrusted  with 
building  it,  a  "  central  fort,"  designed 
to  hold  in  check  the  Samaritan  popu- 
lation of  Neapolis,  which  was  always 
inclined  to  insurrection.  If  we  could 
bring  the  inscription  down  to  the  5th 
century,  which  is  perhaps  not  pala;o- 
graphically  impossible,  we  might  be 
inclined  to  think  of  the  fortress  erected 
on  Mount  Gerizim  in  consequence  of 
the  terrible  Samaritan  revolt  which 
broke  out  under  the  Emperor  Zeno.t 

Another  Greek  Inscription. — 
Nablus  must  contain  another  Greek 
inscription  of  great  interest,  which  was 
noticed  there  at  the  end  of  the  six- 
teenth century  by  J.  van  Kootwyck.| 
I  have  made  a  fruitless  search  for  it  on 
the  spot.  As  it  has  been  completely 
lost  to  sight  by  savants  for  three 
centuries  past,§  I  think  it  may  be  as 
well  to  draw  attention  to  it,  by  pointing 
out  to  future  explorers,  who  will  perhaps 
be  more  fortunate  than  I  have  been,  how  it  may  be  found  again.  It  is  a  large 
marble  base,  moulded  at  top  and  bottom,  which  was  built  into  the  wall  of  an 
old  tower  on  the  left  or  south  side  of  the  street,  in  the  new  bazaar  (in  Bazarro 
novo),  in  the  western  part  of  the  town.  The  Flemish  traveller  gives  a  drawing 
of  it,  which  is  doubtless  correct,  but  only  contains  unfortunately  the  beginning 


ixscRirriON  sekn  in  ihe  bixteemii  century 

AT   NAIil.US. 

*  Or  prctpositus,  as  M.  Egger  preferred.     The  two  -  tt  do  in  fact  lend  themselves  to  this 

t  Procopius,  V,  7.     Malala,  xv,  567. 

X  Itinerariuiii  Hierosotymitaniim  ;  Antwerp,  1619,  p.  431. 

§  It  does  not  appear  in  the  Corpus  Inscr.  Gncc,  nor  in  the  Recucil  oi  M.  Waddington. 

320  A^'chcrological  Researches  in  Palestine. 

of  the  inscription,  the  remaining  characters  being  too  much  worn,  he  says,  for 
him  to  decipher  them.      Here  (p.  319)  is  -a  fac-siniile  of  the  cut  he  gives. 

The  proper  reading  is,  correcting  a  few  sHght  faults  made  in  copying  : — 

AvTOKparopi  'XSpLav^w)  'AvTOJveivw  Kaia-api  Se/SacrTai  Evcre/Sl .... 
"To  the  Emperor  Hadrian  Antoninus  Caesar  Augustus,  the  Pious,  .  .  .  ." 

I  will  not  venture  to  transcribe  the  words  following,  which  have  evidently 
been  wrongly  read,  on  account  of  the  worn  state  of  the  inscription,  and,  what 
is  worse,  read  by  someone  who  thought  he  understood  them.  A  naively 
faithful  copy  of  the  strokes  that  were  visible  would  have  been  better.  Several 
possible  restitutions  present  themselves,  in  conformity  with  the  known 
formulae,*  but  in  such  a  doubtful  case  I  prefer  to  refrain. 

It  was  evidently  a  dedication  to  the  Emperor  Antoninus  Pius,  in  whose 
name  also  those  splendid  coins  were  struck  at  Neapolis,  bearing  a  representa- 
tion of  the  temple  built  a  few  years  before  by  Hadrian  on  Mount  Gerizim. 
It  is  well  known  what  clemency  Antoninus  showed  the  Jews,  and  the 
Samaritans  were  doubtless  no  less  well  treated.  It  was  natural  enough  that 
they  should  have  testified  their  gratitude  by  an  official  dedication  ;  the  object 
dedicated  is  more  likely  to  have  been  an  altar  than  a  statue,  in  the  latter 
case  the  accusative  would  have  been  used  instead  of  the  dative. 

Sundry  Antiquities, — While  walking  about  the  bazaar,  I  saw  a  few 
interesting  small  antiquities  in  the  possession  of  the  goldsmiths,  notably 
several  intaglios,  of  which  I  took  impressions.  One  of  these  appeared  to  me 
to  be  of  exceptional  worth.  Some  years  later  I  managed  to  acquire  the 
original,  an  exorbitant  price  being  then  asked  for  it.t  Here  is 
■A  facsimile  enlarged  from  the  impression.  It  is  a  flat  carnelian, 
ellipsoidal  in  shape,  the  larger  diameter  being  o™'  008.  It  has  a 
design  cut  on  it  with  some  rudeness  but  much  character,  repre- 
senting a  personage  of  Egyptian  appearance  standing,  seen  in 
profile,  and  walking  to  the  left,  dressed  in  a  tunic  descending  to 
the  middle  of  the  legs,  bare-headed,  his  hair  long,  plaited,  and 
hano-ing  behind.  The  two  arms  are  stretched  out  in  front  ;  the  right  hand 
appears  to  be  holding  a  sort  of  short  stick  (a  commander's  baton?);  a  fracture 


*  For  example  :  Kvplic  fiov,  0(\/«s  [  .  .  .  .  /ixica  .  ?  .  . 

t   I  gave  up   the  gem  to   M.  Loytved   of  Beyrouth,  and  it  afterwards  went  to  the  Berlin 

From  Jcrusalan  to  Schaste  {Samaria),  and  from  Sebaste  to  Gaza. 


in  the  stone  prevents  this  detail  from  being  clearly  recognized.  In  front 
of  him  is  a  symbol  placed  upright,  in  the  shape  of  a  Y  with  a  very  long 
stem.  Behind  are  three  Phoenician  letters,  cut  backwards,  so  as  to  give  an 
impression  the  right  way,  which  thoroughly  proves  that  this  gem  was  used  as 
a  seal.  The  first  letter  has  an  acute  angle  like  a  s^imel,  but  a  gimel  does  not 
lend  itself  to  any  possible  combination  with  the  two  letters  following,  which, 
for  their  part,  are  certain  ;  this  cannot  therefore  be  anything  but  a  phe. 
This  gives  HpD  PckaJi.  This  proper  name,  signifying  "  vigilance,"  is  quite 
Israelite.  It  occurs  in  the  Bible  assigned  to  a  celebrated  personage,  the 
Captain  of  Pekahyah,  King  of  Israel,  who  bore  almost  the  same  name  as  his 
master.  He  was  a  soldier  of  fortune,  who  usurped  the  throne  after  having 
slain  Pekahyah  at  Samaria.  If  the  son  of  Remalyah*  ever  had  a  seal,  it  must 
have  been  remarkably  like  this,  and  if  it  is  rash  to  regard  it  as  his,  it  is 
allowable  at  any  rate  to  look  upon  it  as  that  of  some  contemporary  of  his  who 
bore  the  same  name. 
—  The  same  goldsmith  had  a  small  objectt  of  quite  another  character  and 


period,  a  genuine  relic  of  the  Crusades,  and  very  interesting  in  its  way.     This 

*  The  name  Renialyahu  occurs  on  two  other  archaic  Israelite  seals  that  I  have  already 
mentioned  in  a  special  memoir  :  one  of  a  woman,  Neehabaf,  daughter  of  Reiiialyahii,  and  the 
other  of  a  man,  probably  of  the  same  family  as  the  latter,  Rcmalyahu,  son  of  Ncryahu.  I  give  this 
reading  Remalyahu,  so  as  to  conform  with  the  reading  of  the  Bible  text,  which  has  Remalyah, 
with  a  resh,  but  I  have  shown  by  the  aid  of  these  very  seals,  \vhich  are  much  earlier  than  the 
period  when  we  find  the  Septuagint  using  the  form  "Po/teX/nv,  that  the  primitive  reading  of 
the  text  was  probably  Demalyahu,  with  a  daleth,  and  that  the  name  ought  to  be  thus  transcribed 
from  our  seals,  and  the  Bible  form  Remalyah  corrected  into  Demalyah. 

t  I  afterwards  managed  to  acquire  it. 

2    T 

Air/ueoloncal  Researches  in  Palesthie. 


was  a  small  disk  of  great  thickness  (about  i™),  o"" '038  in  diameter,  made  of 
enamelled  bronze,  having  its  edge  milled  with  twelve  rounded  notches. 

On  one  side  is  seen  a  shield,  havin"-   in   it  a  clidtcl  of  blue  enamel  or 
azure   turreted,   with  a  draw-bridge,  or   rather  a   double    gate.      The    shield 
is  inscribed  in  a  circular  border  of  crosslets  and   fleurons  occurring  alternately 
on    the    notches  of  the  edge.     On  the  other  side,  within  a  similar  border, 
is  another  shield,  cotticed    with    enamel    of   no    particular   colour   and    with 
azure.     The   edges  are  of  red  enamel  or  gules,   to   speak   the  language   of 
heraldry,  for  the  character  of  these  ornaments  is  indubitably  heraldic.     The 
clidtel  is  also  iiiafonitd  gules.      I   suppose  that  the  field,  which  has  been  worn 
down  till  the  brass  shows  beneath,  may  originally  have  been  of  gold  or  silver, 
more  probably  of  gold.     The  design  is  certainly  formed  of  armorial  bearings, 
arranged  in  a  way  strongly  reminiscent  of  those  on  certain  seals  of  Crusaders 
that  have  come  down  to  us.      I  would  instance  a  comparison  with  a  seal  of 
Gerard,  Viscount  of  Tripoli,*  on  which  there  appears  on  one  side  a  shield  of 
the  same  form  as  those  under  discussion,  charged  with  fasces,  surrounded  by 
the  legend  S{igi//H}n)  Gjra{r)di  vicecomitis,  and  on  the  other  a  turreted  clidtcl 
with  the  legend  Civitas  Tripolis ;  that  is  to  say,  the  individual  emblem  side  by 
side  with  the  attributive  emblem  of  the  functionary,  his  name  and  quality,  or 
rather    his    condition,    symbolically    expressed  ;    to  put   it    shortly,  his    arms 
accompanied  by  the  representation  of  the  city  of  which  he  was  Viscount.     The 
heraldic  field  not  being  there,  it  is  difficult  to  read  with  accuracy  the  shield 
represented  on   the   object   in   question,  which  must   have  belonged   to  some 
Prankish  seigneur  who  died  in  Palestine.     There  suggest  themselves,  among 
others,  the  arms  of  Crillon  (Balbis-Berton),  which  are  cotticed  with  gold  and 
azure.     Several  members  of  this  family  repeatedly  took  part  in  the  Crusades. 
However,  I  do  not  lay  any  stress  on  this  identification. 

This  object  is  not  without  elegance  of  workmanship  ;  what  can  have  been 
its  use  ?  1  he  answer  is  not  doubtful  ;  it  was  the  pommel  of  a  dagger.  There 
is  still  visible  in  one  of  the  notches  the  hole  for  inserting  silk.  I  have  marked 
by  dotted  lines  the  way  in  which  the  pommel  may  be  supposed  to  have  been 
joined  to  the  handle  of  the  weapon.  In  1881  I  found  the  pommel  of  a  dagger 
exactly  similar,  at  Jerusalem,  only  it  had  eight  notches  instead  of  twelve,  and 
had  not  any  real  armorial  bearings  on  it,  but  simply  an  emblematical  flower, 
though  this  perhaps  was  of  an  heraldic  nature.t 

*  Drawn  in  Paoli    Codice  Diplomatico,  I,  pi.  IV,  No.  40. 

t  Clermont-Ganneau,  Rapports  sur  line  mission  en  Palestine  et  en  F/icnicie,  p.  65,  No.  22.     A 
third  pommel  of  a  dagger,  of  the  same  kind,  also  from  Palestine  (from  Saida,  it  is  said),  has  been 

From  Jerusalem  to  Sebaste  [Samaria),  and  from  Scbaste  to  Gaza. 

Environs  ok  NAblus. 

E'mdd  ed  Din. — We  went  first  of  all  to  visit  the  sanctuary  of  E'mad  ed 
Din,  on  the  mountain  rising  to  the  north  of  Nablus,  and  representing  the 
Mount  Ebal  of  tradition.  The  interior  is  daubed  all  over  with  votive  henna. 
In  a  second  chamber  is  a  large  cenotaph  covered  with  white  plaster;  at  the 
foot  of  it  was  a  broken  pot  with  cinders  and  incense,  bearing  witness  to  the 
veneration  in  which  the  holy  man  is  held.  It  is  said  that  there  is  a  ruin 
above  the  sanctuary.  When  any  good  man  has  met  with  a  misfortune,  he 
comes  and  spends  the  night  in  the  wely,  and  lies  down  to  sleep  by  the  tomb. 
The  saint — he  is  still  living — then  appears  to  him  and  brings  him  gold  from 
his  treasure,  which  the  worshipper  finds  under  his  head  when  he  wakes. 
E'mad  ed  Din,  or,  as  he  was  often  called,  Sultan  E'mad  ed  Din,  was  the  brother 
of  Mujir  ed  Din,  whose  tomb  is  below  his  own,  at  the  foot  of  the  mountain,  in 
the  valley.  Both  were  kings,  and  had  a  sister,  Sitt  S'leimiyeh  (cLx^--).  whose 
sanctuary  is  not  far  distant,  to  the  south-east,  and  has  given  its  name  to  the 

Sitt  Slcimiyeh. — To  get  here,  we  had  a  very  tough  climb  over  rocks, 
prickly  cactus,  dry  stone  walls,  and  so  on.  At  the  foot  of  a  rocky  scarp  is 
seen  an  irregular-shaped  cavern,  and  above,  a  hole,  whence  a  piece  of  wood 
projects  :  this,  it  is  said,  is  the  end  of  the  coffin  [tabbCtt)  of  the  holy  woman. 
All  round  the  tomb  are  quantities  of  holes  for  putting  lamps  in.  Silt 
S'leimiyeh,  according  to  the  Mussulmans,  was  a  prophetess,  who  died  at 
Damascus  or  Cairo.  When  she  was  placed  in  her  coffin  and  they  were  going 
to  bury  her,  she  flew  away,  coffin  and  all,  and  came  and  alighted  in  a  hole 
in  the  rock  on  the  top  of  the  mountain  at  Nablus,  to  which  mountain  she 
o-ave  her  name.  This  is  the  coffin,  of  which  one  end  is  seen  protuding  out 
of  the  rock.  At  a  late  time,  a  man  who  attempted  to  go  up  there  and  e.xamine 
it  closely,  was  struck  with  blindness  for  the  sacrilege.  This  curious  legend 
belongs  to  the  fabulous  cycle  of  the  flying  nebys,  which  I  have  several  times 
had  occasion  to  refer  to,  and  which  is  a  relic  of  ancient  Semitic  myths.  It 
is  possible   that   the  story  of  Sitt   S'leimiyeh  contains  some   reminiscence   of 

described  by  M.  Schlumberger  {Bulletin  de  la  SociHe  ties  Antiquaires  de  France,  1878,  p.  78).  It 
has  only  ten  notches ;  on  one  side  it  displays  a  chAtel  with  three  towers,  not  unlike  the  one  on 
the  pommel  from  Nablus,  on  the  other  side  a  griffin.  I  have  likewise  seen  another,  which  came, 
it  is  said,  from  Aleppo,  in  the  collection  of  M.  (lay  at  Paris. 

2     T    2 


Archcrological  Researches  in  Palestine. 

the  dove  which  the  Jews,  rightly  or  wrongly,  accused  the  Samaritans  of 
worshipping  on  Mount  Gerizim. 

El-"ncis. — At  the  top  of  the  mountain,  just  above  'Askar,  is  a  ruin  called 
KImrbet  cl-"neis ;*  others  pronounce  it  Kuneiseh,  '' i\\&  little  church."  The 
first  pronunciation,  as  I  took  it  down,  involves  the  existence  of  an  original 
form  j^>-^*)  which  may  be  for  ,^/-.>i-*)  coming  directly  from  the  Greek  iKKXyjcria, 
while  ^^jJo  is  an  old  Semitic  word. 

Rijdl  el  \4niuc/. — The  sanctuary  is  held  in  extreme  veneration  by  the 
Mussulmans.  We  found  there  a  box  for  the  offerings  of  the  faithful.  A 
tomb  of  a  "son  of  Mahomet"  is  shown  there.  It  was  at  this  place  that 
Adam  prayed  for  the  first  time.  A  green  column  sjarung  up  there.  At  a 
later  time  forty  nebys  were  buried  there,  whence  the  name  of  Rijdl  el  "Anmd, 
"  the  men  of  the  column." 

Baldta.  —  Between  the  barracks  and  the  little  village  of  Balata,  at  the 
foot  (^f  Mount  Gerizim,  I  noticed  in  passing  an  ancient  tomb,  consisting  of  a 
deep  rectangular  trough  hewn  out  in  the  rock,  open  to  the  sky,  and  without 
any  trace  of  grooving  on  the  edges.  Length  i'"-85,  breadth  o"  70,  depth 
o""  '95.      It  must  originally  have  been  covered  with  a  large  block. 

At  Balata  I  saw,  in  the  house  of  a  fellah,  a  cover  of  a  small  sarcophagus, 
which,  considering  the  scantiness  of  its  dimensions,  must  have  been  really 
more  like  an  ossuary.  It  has  a  roof-shaped  top,  adorned  at  the  four 
corners  with  acroteria,  and  one  of  its  ends  is  furnished  with  a  projecting 
appendage  which  is  exactly  reproduced  in  the  drawing  below  : 

I.IU   or   SARCOniAGUS   AT    BAI.ATA. 

The  name  Balata  at  first  sight  looks  as  if  it  might  be  quite  naturally 
explained  by  the  Arabic  word  balata,  ''paving-stone."  It  has,  however,  been 
thought  that  it  might  correspond  to  the  Arabic  word  Ballut,  "oak,"  which  is 
of  Aramaic  origin,  and  so  represent  the  sacred  oak  of  the  Shechemites  (Judges 
ix,  6),  which  even  in  Eu.sebius'  time  was  shown  in  the  suburbs  of  Neapolis, 
by  the  tomb  of  Joseph.      It  should  be  noticed  that  Yakut  vocalises  this  name 

*  The  sign  "  represents  the  /!'i?/(J)  as  dropped  in  the  Syrian  pronunciation. 

From  Jcnisalcm  to  Schastc  [Samaria),  and  from  Scbasfc  to  Gaza.       325 

Biildta,  a  fact  that  would  tend  to  supptjrt  this  conjecture.  On  the  other  hand, 
he  certainly  mentions  the  traditional  tree  distinctly,  when  he  says  that  the 
tomb  of  Joseph,  who  was  buried  at  Bulata,  is  under  "the  tree"  {esh 
Shadjara) ;  this  is  evidently  the  S/iajar  cl  Kheir  of  the  Arabic  version  of 
the  Samaritan  chronicle,  which  is  a  translation  of  ilanah  tabaJi  ("the  good 
oak ").  Yakut  further  locates  here  a  spring  of  Khidr,  which  is  the  name, 
though  it  has  now  died  out  in  local  tradition,  of  the  fine  spring  of  Balata  with 
its  ancient  structures.  I  wonder  whether  by  chance  the  name  Balata  could 
be  connected  with  that  of  the  famous  Sanba/Iaf,  the  satrap  of  the  king  of 
Persia  who  ruled  over  the  Samaritans  of  Shechem,  and  who  is  credited,  in  a 
legend  that  Josephus  gives  a  confused  account  of,  with  founding  the  temple 
on  Mount  Gerizim,  the  rival  of  the  one  at  Jerusalem. 

Well  of  Jacob. — The  natives  declare  that  there  is  a  subterranean  conduit 
uniting  the  Well  of  Jacob  with  the  Sanctuary  of  Sheikh  Ghanem  on  Mount 

'Askar. — At  'Ain  'Askar  there  is  a  long  tunnel,  partly  of  masonry,  with 
water  running  along  it.  We  got  into  this,  but  were  not  able  to  follow  it  out 
to  the  end. 

It  was  proposed  long  since  to  identify  'Askar  with  the  Sycliar  oi  the 
Gospel,  which  itself  appears  to  be  a  corruption  of  Sichcm.  The  prothesis  of 
the  \iin  in  front  of  the  sibilant  initial,  is  quite  in  conformity  with  the  phonetic 
processes  of  Syrian  Arabic.  The  name  in  this  form  is  an  ancient  one  :  Yakut 
speaks  of  the  village  of  "Askar  ez  Zcitiin  ("'Askar  the  olive-tree")  near 
Nablus.  In  this  state  it  greatly  resembles  the  well-known  Arabic  word 
'askar,  "  army,  soldiers,"  which,  I  think,  has  a  similar  origin,  and  helps  to 
confirm  the  onomastic  identification  of  Sychar  and  'Askar,  for  I  regard  the 
word  'askar  as  being  derived,  if  not  directly,  at  least  through  Aramaic  or 
other  intermedials,  from  the  Hebrew  sakar,  "  to  hire,"  saklr,  "  mercenary 
soldier,"*  etc.,  with  prosthesis  of  the  'ain  which  has  occurred  under  the  same 
conditions  as  in  the  case  of  the  place-name.  These  two  parallel  cases  seem 
to  me  to  explain  each  other. 

Mount  Gerizim. — We  paid  the  regulation  visit  to  Mount  Gerizim,  and 
examined  the  various  ruins  there,  which  have  been  often  described.  The 
few  observations  I  made  there  in  the  course  of  this  rapid  survey  are  no  great 
addition  to  those  of  my  predecessors.      I  made  a  note  in  my  memorandum-book 

*   Cf.  esJAar,  akin  to  sliatiar,  in  which   form  the  prosthesis  starts  with  atef'ti,  whence  to  -ain 
is  a  natural  transition  {Aslilielon  =  '.Istrntd/i). 

326  Archcroiogical  Researches  vi  Palestine. 

that  the  great  apse  of  the  octagonal  churcli,  and  even  the  side  chapels,  might 
have  been  a  subsequent  addition  to  an  older  building.  This  impression  of 
mine  would  perhaps  have  been  removed  by  a  more  attentive  examination,  but 
I  think  I  had  better  mention  it,  of  course  with  all  due  reserve,  if  only  to 
provoke  some  one  into  setting  me  right.  In  front  of  the  birkeh  is  a  well 
called  Bir  or  Resds,  which,  so  legend  declares,  is  in  communication  with  the 
Well  of  Jacob  in  the  valley. 

I  must  say  that  I  was  particularly  struck  by  the  appearance  of  the  conical 
mound  situated  to  the  north  of  the  traditional  site  of  the  Samaritan  temple. 
People  concern  themselves  too  exclusively  perhaps  about  this  latter  site. 
This  mound,  which  bears  the  rather  insignificant  name  of  Tdhunet  el  Hawd, 
"  the  windmill,"  seems  to  me  to  have  been  wonderfull)-  well  adapted  for  the 
site  of  one  at  least  of  the  temples  that  succeeded  each  other  on  the  summit 
of  Mount  Gerizim. 

Here  are  two  sketches  of  this  double  peak  which  I  took  from  two 
standpoints  and  from  different  levels  :  I.  From  the  Sanctuary  of  E'mad  ed  din. 
II.  From  the  Mussulman  cemetery  lying  at  the  foot  of  the  mountain  of  Sitt 
S'leimiyeh  ;  a.  Sheikh  Ghanem,  b.  Tahunet  el  Hawa. 

No.  II. 

iioui;iE  it.ak:  on  mount  i;eri/.im. 

I  believe,  moreover,  that  this  mound  is  expressly  represented  on  the 
coins  struck  at  Neapolis  in  the  name  of  the  Roman  emperors.  These  show 
the  Holy  Hill  with  its  two  summits,  one  surmounted  by  the  temple  built  by 
Hadrian,  the  other  by  an  ill-defined  building.  The  first  was  approached  by  a 
staircase,  represented  on  the  coins  as  perpendicular,  the  other  by  a  winding 
path.  The  Pilgrim  of  Bordeaux  actually  saw,  and  probabl)'  climbed  this 
staircase,  which,  says  he,  had  300  steps  in  it.  If  the  figures  are  correct,  and 
if  he  means  real  steps,  the  length  of  a  man's  stride,  we  might  manage  by 
calculation  to  arrive  at  the  height  and  distance  of  the  portico,  or  colonnade, 
which,  on  the  coins,  seems  to  enclose  a  portion  of  the  mountain-side,  and  from 
which  the  staircase  leading  to  the  temple  doubtless  started.  This  staircase 
may  have  led  straight  down  from  Tahunet  el  Hawa  towards  Rijal  el  'Amud  ; 
If  this  notion  be  accepted,  the  general  view  represented  on  the  coins  must 

From  [crusalcin  to  Schastc  {Samaria),  and  from  Scbash:  to  Gaza.       327 

have  been  taken  from  a  point  lying  north-north-west.  It  is  even  perfectly 
conceivable  that  the  characteristic  name  Rijal  el  'Amud,  "  the  men  of  the 
columns,"  may  contain  some  trace  of  allusion  to  the  colonnade  of  the  portico 
that  must  have  stood  not  far  away,  on  the  lowest  slopes  of  Mount  Gerizim. 

'Ayfin  Sarin. — Local  tradition  at  Nablus  often  speaks  of  a  place  in  the 
neighbourhood  called  'Ayfni  Sarin,  or  'Ayihi  es  Sarin,  "  the  springs  of  Sarin." 
It  is  situated,  I  was  told,  above  Dawaimeh,  and  must  be  the  place  marked  on 
the  Map  'Aiu  Sarin,  on  the  eastern  side  of  Jebel  et  Tor,  above  Dawerta. 
According  to  the  Samaritans,  this  is  where  judgments  were  held  and  where 
the  Last  Judgment  will  take  place.  The  story  goes  that  a  Samaritan  girl,  a 
great  beauty,  having  been  accused  of  fornication  by  two  Samaritan  priests, 
whose  lustful  desires  she  had  refused  to  gratify,  was  about  to  be  condemned 
to  be  burned  alive.  The  judge  having  happened  to  hear  some  children  who 
were  amusing  themselves  with  playing  at  this  canse  cdlcbre,  was  struck  by  the 
ingenious  method  which  the  one  who  played  the  cadi  adopted  to  ascertain  the 
truth — he  put  a  question  to  the  accusers  on  a  material  point  which  produced 
contradictory  answers.  The  judge,  inspired  by  this  childish  wisdom, 
succeeded  in  breaking  down  the  evidence  of  the  slanderers.  The  innocence 
of  the  young  girl  was  clearly  established,  and  the  two  priests  were  burned 
instead  of  her  at  'Ayun  Sarin.  This,  it  will  be  recognized,  is  the  story  of 
Susannah,  with  a  variant  that  is  also  found  in  one  of  the  Arabian  Nights. 

Miscellaneous   Observations. 

—  There  are  at  Nablus  a  great  number  of  baths,  several  of  them  of  ancient 
construction,  which  would  repay  an  attentive  inspection,  as  the  explorer  might 
perhaps  discover  in  them  old  materials  utilized  afresh.      In  one  of  these  baths, 
belonging  to  the  Tokan   family,  I   was  told  there  was  an   inscription  hidden 
beneath  a  layer  of  mortar.      I  tried  to  find  it,  but  without  success. 
The  following  is  a  list  of  these  baths  : — 
Hammam  es  Sumard  (old). 
,,  el  Kddhy  (new). 

,,  cl  Jcdidch  (new). 

,,  el  Beidara  (ancient). 

,,  ed  Dcrejeh  (the  most  ancient  of  all). 

,,  et   Temimy  (new). 

,,  el  Khalil  (old,  now  in  ruins). 

328  Aych(coh\i^ical  Researches  in  Palestine. 

—  Many  of  the  Mussulman  houses  in  Nablus  have  over  their  doors  long 
inscriptions  painted  in  red,  nearly  all  containing  the  same  formula,  and 
designed  to  inform  the  passer-by  that  the  owner  has  performed  the  pilgrimage 
to  Mecca.      Here  is  one  taken  at  hazard,  which  I  will  translate  as  a  specimen: 

"  In  the  name  of  the  gracious  and  merciful  God.  Victory  comes  from 
God,  and  the  triumph  is  near  ;  and  he  has  announced  to  the  Mussulmans 
that  Paradise  is  theirs.  Has  made  the  pilgrimage  to  the  House  of  God,  to 
the  Haram,  and  has  visited  the  tomb  of  Mohammed  (to  whom  be  blessings 
and  salvation)  the  Hajj  Mustapha,  son  of  the  deceased  Ahmed  Karakush. 
Consecration  made  the  blessed  day  Monday,  in  the  year  1288." 

—  Here  are  a  few  notes,  corrections  and  additions  to  Rosen's  plan  of 
Nablus,  from  information  acquired  on  the  spot  : — 

Jebel  Sitt  S leimiyeh,  with  makam  not  of  masonry ; 

^Ain  'Askar  (not  el  'Askar) ; 

'Ain  Da/nek  (not  dc/na)  ; 

The  tell  formed  of  ashes  is  called  Malaton  ; 

A  fishpond  called  Birkct  et  Tatvireh  (iojLll) ; 

Habs  cd  Dam  ; 

K/idn  ez  Z'bib  ; 

el  Karion  (not  Kariihi)  ; 

Ukdl  et  Tujjdr  ; 

Mosques  : — Jdnie'  el  Kebir ; 

,,     en  Nascr ; 

,,     el  HandUleh  [oS.  the  Hanbalites) ; 

, ,     es  Sdtiir  {,^\A\ )  ; 

,,     el  Khadhrd'; 

, ,     et  Tineh  ; 

,,     el  Anbid ; 

,,     el  Masdkin ; 

„     el  Bek. 
ed  Derimshiyeh  (tombs  of  Mussulman  Santons). 

—  A  fellah  at  Sebustieh  had  in  his  possession  the  head  of  a  statue  of  black 
stone,  that  might  be  got  for  a  mejidieh. 

—  Sem'an  Ishak,  the  present  Latin  curate  at  Ramallah,  has  in  his  possession 
an  ancient  censer  found  in  the  course  of  the  excavations  made  in  building  the 
barracks  at  Nablus. 

—  The  Samaritan  Yakub  Sheleby  assured  me  that  the  true  tomb  of  Joshua 
is  at  Kifir  Nininuh'a  (I  give  his  pronunciation  of  the  name).      I  have  not 

From  Jcmtsalein  to  Scbastc  iySaniaria),  and  from  Scbasfc  to  Gaza.       329 

been  able  to  determine  the  position  of  this  place.  I  found  it  mentioned  in  the 
Samaritan  Chronicle  in  the  form  Kefr  N^cmarch.  and  perhaps  also  as  Tirath 
Nemarch.  According-  to  others  the  tomb  of  Joshua  is  at  'Awerta.*  At  Kefil 
Hares  is  the  tomb  of  Kifil,  who  is  Caleb,  son  of  Yefenni  {Jeplmnncit). 

—  To  the  west  of  the  town,  at  the  place  called  Siteitcrch  or  Skucifrch^' 
where  there  was  formerly  a  convent  called  Dcir  clJSondok,  two  large  columns, 
one  of  them  adorned  with  a  cross,  are  said  to  have  been  discovered  some  time 
ago  during  an  excavation. 

—  Near  'Ain  Dafneh  arc  remains  of  ancient  masonry  and  dekdkin. 

—  Martin  Bulos,  a  mason  by  trade,  while  working  at  the  rc^pairs  of  th<i 
Nablus  barracks,  saw  in  the  foundation  a  column  or  pillar  i^amud),  with  an 
inscription,  thirty  inches  long,  in  large  characters,  which,  as  he  said  to  me, 
resembled  those  on  the  Moabite  stone,  specimens  of  which  I  showed  him. 
Unfortunately  the  column  was  left  where  it  was,  and  a  wall  has  been  erected 
upon  it.  I 

—  A  Mussulman  living  in  Jerusalem,  by  name  Abu  s-S"ud,  told  me  that  a 
cave  had  been  recently  discovered  near  Nablus  with  several  large  sarcophagi 
and  that  one  of  them  had  been  taken  to  the  town  and  used  as  a  trough  {j-dn) 
for  a  fountain,  the  others  being  left  in  the  cave.§ 

*  The  old  Arab  geographers  also  mention  Joshua's  tomb  as  being  at  'Awerta. 

t  I  noticed  that  at  Nabkis  the  s  and  the  s/i  are  frequently  interchanged.  Thus  shajara, 
"  tree,"  is  often  pronounced  sajara. 

\  Note  made  in  1871  (Carnet  IV,  p.  29). — It  was  the  same  Martin  wlio  was  once  sent  with 
some  other  workmen  to  cut  out  the  has-rcUcf  of  FigiV  (discovered  in  the  land  of  Moab  by 
M.  de  Saulcy,  and  presented  to  the  Louvre  by  the  Due  de  Luynes).  He  assured  me  that  the 
block  was  square,  and  the  rear  face  iicrfectly  smooth,  without  any  trace  of  characters  on  it. 

lie  saw  at  Karak,  in  the  drystone  wall  (jednr)  of  one  of  the  gardens  round  about  the  town, 
a  magnificent  block  of  black  basalt,  representing  an  eagle  in  high  relief,  the  workmanship  being 
of  the  same  kind  as  that  of  the  FigiV  bas-relief,  but  of  a  superior  kind.  Irby  and  Mangles 
(Travels,  etc.,  184},  p.  iii)  say  that  they  saw  at  Karak,  "close  to  a  well,  a  great  wing  sculptured 
in  basso-relievo,  bearing  much  resemblance  to  those  which  we  had  seen  attached  to  the  gloi)e  in 
Egyptian  buildings."  They  did  not  notice  in  it  any  trace  of  a  globe,  and  could  form  no  idea  of 
its  intended  use.  This  fragment,  7  ft.  long  and  4  ft.  broad,  belongs  perhaps  to  the  monument 
described  by  Martin,  whose  account  is  sufliciently  in  agreement  with  that  of  the  two  explorers  to 
give  it  credibility 

S  November,  1870,  Carnet  IV,  j).  9/'.  The  same  Mussulman  told  me  also  that  he  had 
seen  at  'Amman,  on  the  north-eastern  side  of  the  town,  the  ruir.s  of  a  building  called  by  the 
Bcdawin  El  Masbagha  ("  the  dyeing-house  "),  and  that  (here  were  outside  the  ruins  five  or  six  large 
carved  s.arcophagi  placed  on  benches  {tnaslaba).  This  must  be  the  remarkable  tomb  described  in 
the  Survey  of  Eastei-n  Palestine,  pp.  47,  48.  The  verification  of  this  i)iece  of  information  is  a 
ceneral  witness  to  the  veracity  of  Abou  s-S"iid,  whose  testimony  I  quote  in  Part  I  with  regard  to 
the  ancient  Arab  archives  of  Jerusalem. 

2    U 


ArchcEological  Researches  in  Palestine. 

From  Nablus  to  Sebustieh  (Sebaste). 

We  left  Nablus  on  the  Saturday  morning  for  Sebaste. 

Zaimta. — We  followed  the  water-course  of  Wad  esh  Sh"ir  as  far  as  the 
little  village  of  Zawata,  where  we  halted  for  lunch  on  the  banks  of  a  pretty 
little  stream  flowing  northwards,  with  delicious  watercress  growing  in  it,  quite 
a  treat  for  our  horses  and  ourselves.  The  inhabitants  of  the  village  brought 
me  two  antique  objects,  which  I  lost  no  time  in  acquiring. 

The  first  was  a  kind  of  small  vase  of  very  curious  shape,  made  of  marble, 
or  rather  hard  white  limestone,  polished  and  carefully  cut.  It  is  a  nearly 
hemispherical  block,  the  lower  part,  from  which  a  .segment  has  been  cut  off, 
formino-  a  wide  base  with  a  rim.  On  the  sides  two  handles  are  carved  in 
relief  lying  very  close  to  the  rounded  sides.  On  the  flat  side  is  a  small 
cup-like  depression,  so  that  the  whole  looks  like  a  kind  of  basin  with  an 
extremely  thick  edge.  The  cupule  is  surrounded  by  concentric  incised  circles, 
one  ornamented  with  notches,  that  make  it  look  as  if  it  were,  so  to  speak, 
graduated,  the  other  with  fifteen  squares,  each  subdivided  into  twelve  parts. 

.Side  view. 

FROM  NABLUS  (diameter  o"i '86). 

Section  (diameter  of  the  central  aipide  o'n'04). 

What  can  this  strange  object  have  been  used  for?  Was  it  meant  for 
libations  of  a  religious  character?  It  seems  very  small  for  such  a  purpose, 
and  the  capacity  of  the  cupule  is  quite  insignificant.*  I  wonder  whether  by 
chance  it  was  a  sekonia,  that  is  to  say,  a  standard  of  measure  of  capacity. 

*  2i  fluid  drachms 

From  Jerusalem  to  Schastc  {Sa?iiaria),  and  from  Sebastc  to  Gaza. 



A  little  later  I  iuund  in  the  possession  of  a  fellah  at